On the Way to Magadan Prisoner’S Diary
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SOVIET YOUTH FILMS UNDER BREZHNEV: WATCHING BETWEEN the LINES by Olga Klimova Specialist Degree, Belarusian State University
SOVIET YOUTH FILMS UNDER BREZHNEV: WATCHING BETWEEN THE LINES by Olga Klimova Specialist degree, Belarusian State University, 2001 Master of Arts, Brock University, 2005 Master of Arts, University of Pittsburgh, 2007 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of The Kenneth P. Dietrich School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2013 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH THE KENNETH P. DIETRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Olga Klimova It was defended on May 06, 2013 and approved by David J. Birnbaum, Professor, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh Lucy Fischer, Distinguished Professor, Department of English, University of Pittsburgh Vladimir Padunov, Associate Professor, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh Aleksandr Prokhorov, Associate Professor, Department of Modern Languages and Literatures, College of William and Mary, Virginia Dissertation Advisor: Nancy Condee, Professor, Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures, University of Pittsburgh ii Copyright © by Olga Klimova 2013 iii SOVIET YOUTH FILMS UNDER BREZHNEV: WATCHING BETWEEN THE LINES Olga Klimova, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2013 The central argument of my dissertation emerges from the idea that genre cinema, exemplified by youth films, became a safe outlet for Soviet filmmakers’ creative energy during the period of so-called “developed socialism.” A growing interest in youth culture and cinema at the time was ignited by a need to express dissatisfaction with the political and social order in the country under the condition of intensified censorship. I analyze different visual and narrative strategies developed by the directors of youth cinema during the Brezhnev period as mechanisms for circumventing ideological control over cultural production. -
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election
BELARUS Restrictions on the Political and Civil Rights of Citizens Following the 2010 Presidential Election of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. Article 6: Everyone has the right to recognition spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, everywhere as a person before the law. Article 7: All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimi- without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, nation to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination. Article 8: Everyone has the right to an effective rem- basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person edy by the competent national tribunals for acts violating the fundamental rights granted him by the constitution or belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. by law. Article 9: No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security June 2011 564a Uladz Hrydzin © This report has been produced with the support of the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). -
Forced Labor and Pervasive Violations of Workers’ Rights in Belarus
FORCED LABOR AND PERVASIVE VIOLATIONS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS IN BELARUS Article 1: All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood. Article 2: Everyone is entitled to all the rights and freedoms set forth in this Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. Furthermore, no distinction shall be made on the basis of the political, jurisdictional or international status of the country or territory to which a person belongs, whether it be independent, trust, non-self-governing or under any other limitation of sovereignty. Article 3: Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person. Article 4: No one shall be held in slavery or servitude; slavery and the slave trade shall be prohibited in all their forms. Article 5: No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, December 2013 / N°623a The FIDH and Human Rights Center Viasna Mission The gross, systematic, and widespread violations of political and civil rights in Belarus have been the subject of numerous reports prepared by both international and Belarusian observers. I. INTRODUCTION ------------------------------------------------------------------------------- 4 0HDQZKLOH3UHVLGHQW/XNDVKHQNRDQGJRYHUQPHQWRIÀFLDOVLQJHQHUDODUHXVLQJDQ\IRUXPWKH\FDQ to stress that Belarus is a model of social and economic rights by contrasting the robust guarantees its residents receive with the situation of residents in neighboring countries who suffered a number of II. LABOR AS A CORE VALUE… AND AN UNLIMITED OBLIGATION ------------- 11 economic upheavals folowing the fall of the Soviet Union. -
Sur La Route De Magadan (Cahier)
derrière les barreaux n’étaitNotre pas inutile. lutte prouvera encorepression une en fois continu quequ’on sur la ne le peut lutte système abandonner departie doit à ceux des se mi-chemin qui détenus ce faire sont que, politiques qui sans sous en a interruption. la été Biélorussiebesoin pression commencé a d’oxygène : de été que la l’opinion libérée deefforts publique soutien, témoigne inhumains et autant et moral une de totale queavec l’UE, mobilisation matériel. leur une des Le liberté forces. grande ; fait Ils la ont autant lutte contre lemettre système sur par la l’intérieur voie exigeleurs de des la convictions. correction. Parleur conséquent, faute ils mais, ne quiaux peuvent plus « inaptes pas, est, ». n’ont àan. Les aucune Il priori, anarchistes suffit intention n’ont, se d’un de nonen ordre renoncer août seulement, d’en à pas 2012 haut Dmitriy reconnu pourprévoit Dashkevitch jusque prolonger 1 s’est infiniment an vu la deexigences prolonger détention peine en sa de plus. peine Il l’administration y d’un Pénal de a de déjà l’institution eu la correctionnelle un république précédent ») biélorusse : qui (« Refus obstiné d’obéissance aux II ne faut pas penser que la lutte de nos camarades s’est terminée ABC- Biélorussie 159 2014 Ihar Alinevich Editions Belles comme une prison qui brûle Sur la route de Magadan La pratique de pression communément employée sur les détenus Il nous semble important d’apporter une attention particulière Il faut comprendre que la prison biélorusse est appelée à « cor- 158 anarchistes ont déjàchambre au d’isolation. -
2021 ESCTD Report
ECONOMICS AND SECURITY COMMITTEE (ESC) Sub-Committee on Transition and Development (ESCTD) BELARUS: POLITICAL, ECONOMIC, AND DIPLOMATIC CHALLENGES Preliminary Draft Report Michal SZCZERBA (Poland) Rapporteur 019 ESCTD 21 E | Original: English | 16 April 2020 Founded in 1955, the NATO Parliamentary Assembly acts as a consultative interparliamentary organisation which is institutionally separate from NATO. This working document only represents the views of the Rapporteur until it has been adopted by the Economics and Security Committee. It is based on information from publicly available sources or NATO PA meetings – which are all unclassified. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: THE EMERGENCE OF A BELARUSIAN STATE .................................. 1 II. A HYBRID AND HIGHLY POLITICISED ECONOMIC MODEL .......................................... 2 III. BELARUSIAN IDENTITY ................................................................................................... 3 IV. THE 2020 ELECTIONS ..................................................................................................... 4 V. THE BELARUSIAN POLITICAL OPPOSITION, MASS DEMONSTRATIONS AND THE LEADING ROLE PLAYED BY WOMEN ..................................................................... 5 VI. GEOPOLITICS, THE BELARUSIAN DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT AND RUSSIA .............. 8 VII. THE ENERGY CARD AND THE UNION STATE ............................................................... 9 VIII. RUSSIA AND THE 2020 BELARUSIAN PROTESTS ...................................................... -
Telegram As a Tool for Dissent: the Case of Mobilizing Mass Protest
1 Telegram as a Tool for Dissent: The Case of Mobilizing Mass Protest in Belarus Thesis By Kathrin Yaromich Submitted in Partial fulfillment Of the Requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts In Mass Media and Communication State University of New York Empire State College 2020 2 Statutory Declaration / Čestné prohlášení I, Kathrin Yaromich, declare that the paper entitled: Telegram as a Tool for Dissent: The Case of Mobilizing Mass Protest in Belarus was written by myself independently, using the sources and information listed in the list of references. I am aware that my work will be published in accordance with § 47b of Act No. 111/1998 Coll., On Higher Education Institutions, as amended, and in accordance with the valid publication guidelines for university graduate theses. Prohlašuji, že jsem tuto práci vypracoval/a samostatně s použitím uvedené literatury a zdrojů informací. Jsem vědom/a, že moje práce bude zveřejněna v souladu s § 47b zákona č. 111/1998 Sb., o vysokých školách ve znění pozdějších předpisů, a v souladu s platnou Směrnicí o zveřejňování vysokoškolských závěrečných prací. In Prague, 27.04.2020 Kathrin Yaromich 3 Acknowledgements It is with genuine pleasure that I express my gratitude to all the people who have inspired and accompanied me throughout my journey towards the completion of this project. My Bachelor thesis would not be possible without the ever-present guidance of my mentor Todd Nesbitt, whose supportive attitude, timely advice, and enthusiastic remarks led me towards the accomplishments of the task, and Professor Iveta Hlouchova, whose dedication, kindness, and keen interest in the world affairs helped me to become a more curious, critical, and perceptive person. -
Sur La Route De Magadan
Ihar Alinevich Sur la route de Magadan Editions Belles comme une prison qui brûle 2014 Dessins : Vassiliy Pero, Danila Dougoum Traduction : ABC francophone L’originial du livre édité sous licence « Creative Commons » Attribution non-commercial share alike (by-nc-sa) Livre non commercial suivant la volonté de l’auteur Traduit collaborativement à l’aide de Etherpad et mis en page avec LATEX Contact : [email protected] 6 Note des traductrices et traducteurs L’ABC (Anarchist Black Cross) francophone est un groupe infor- mel, composé de personnes géographiquement éparpillées, qui s’orga- nise essentiellement sur Internet. Il a originellement été formé pour coordonner la tournée d’information de l’ABC Belarus (biélorusse) en Europe francophone au printemps 2011. L’objectif de l’ABC est de s’organiser pour soutenir les prison- nier.es anarchistes (courrier, information, soutien financier, liens in- ternationaux). Il est donc essentiel pour nous de faire sortir des pri- sons les paroles des détenu.es, pour briser l’isolement et faire tomber ces murs qui nous enferment. Des personnes isolées avaient déjà traduit des communiqués, des interviews, et même des films sur la situation des anarchistes Biélo- russes, mais jamais un groupe constitué n’avait pris en main une tra- duction de plus grande ampleur. Aussi, quand au mois de décembre 2013, on nous a proposé de traduire vers le français le livre qu’Ihar Alinevitch avait écrit en prison pour le distribuer lors de la tour- née d’information de l’ABC Belarus au printemps 2014, nous avons décidé de nous y mettre à plusieurs. À notre disposition, nous avions la version originale en russe, la traduction anglaise et des connexions Internet. -
NEE 3-4 2017 Final
NEW EASTERN EUROPE IS A COLLABORATIVE PROJECT BETWEEN THREE POLISH PARTNERS The City of Gdańsk www.gdansk.pl A city with over a thousand years of history, Gdańsk has been a melting pot of cultures and ethnic groups. The air of tolerance and wealth built on trade has enabled culture, science, and the arts to fl ourish in the city for centuries. Today, Gdańsk remains a key meeting place and major tourist attraction in Poland. While the city boasts historic sites of enchanting beauty, it also has a major historic and social importance. In addition to its 1000-year history, the city is the place where the Second World War broke out as well as the birthplace of Solidarność, the Solidarity movement, which led to the fall of Communism in Central and Eastern Europe. The European Solidarity Centre www.ecs.gda.pl The European Solidarity Centre is a multifunctional institution combining scientifi c, cultural and educational activities with a modern museum and archive, which documents freedom movements in the modern history of Poland and Europe. The Centre was established in Gdańsk on November 8th 2007. Its new building was opened in 2014 on the anniversary of the August Accords signed in Gdańsk between the workers’ union “Solidarność” and communist authorities in 1980. The Centre is meant to be an agora, a space for people and ideas that build and develop a civic society, a meeting place for people who hold the world’s future dear. The mission of the Centre is to commemorate, maintain and popularise the heritage and message of the Solidarity movement and the anti-communist democratic op- position in Poland and throughout the world. -
Belarus Page 1 of 28
Country Report on Human Rights Practices in Belarus Page 1 of 28 Belarus Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2007 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 11, 2008 Under its constitution, the Republic of Belarus, with a population of 9.7 million, has a directly elected president and a bicameral National Assembly. Since his election in 1994 as president, Alexander Lukashenko has systematically undermined the country's democratic institutions and concentrated power in the executive branch through authoritarian means, flawed referenda, manipulated elections, and arbitrary decrees that undermine the rule of law. Presidential elections in March 2006 that declared Lukashenko president for a third consecutive term again failed to meet international standards for democratic elections. The government continued to ignore recommendations by major international organizations to improve election processes and human rights. Civilian authorities generally maintained effective control of the security forces; however, members of the security forces committed numerous human rights abuses. The government's human rights record remained very poor and worsened in some areas as government authorities continued to commit frequent serious abuses. The government failed to account for past disappearances of opposition political figures and journalists. Prison conditions were extremely poor, and there were numerous reports of abuse of prisoners and detainees. Arbitrary arrests, detentions, and imprisonment of citizens for political reasons, criticizing officials, or for participating in demonstrations were common. Court trials occasionally were conducted behind closed doors without the benefit of independent observers. The judiciary branch lacked independence and trial outcomes were usually predetermined. The government further restricted civil liberties, including freedoms of press, speech, assembly, association, and religion. -
CAN RUSSIA REALLY CHANGE? Kasparov, Stanovaya, Korejba, Lukyanov, Golubovsky, Preobrazhensky
No 1(VI)/2013 Price 19 PLN (w tym 5% VAT) 10 EUR 12 USD 7 GBP ISSN: 2083-7372 quarterly January-March www.neweasterneurope.eu CAN RUSSIA REALLY CHANGE? Kasparov, Stanovaya, Korejba, Lukyanov, Golubovsky, Preobrazhensky INTERVIEW: ANNE APPLEBAUM The European Union’s Missed Opportunity Re ections on Dominik Jankowski & Paweï ¥wieĝak Eastern Europe Who won in Ukraine? Volodymyr Horbach Books & Reviews: Anne Applebaum, Halik Kochanski, Emil Brix and Vesna PešiÊ CHINA The Tale of Jewish INVADES Lviv Jakub Nowakowski BELARUS ISSN 2083-7372 1(VI) / 13 1(VI) Katerina EDWARD LUCAS Barushka RESPONDS ADVERTISEMENT ADVERTISEMENT Dear Reader, It is almost a cliché to say that change is not easy; just as you might say that change is what politics is all about. However, while these two ideas are probably true for free and democratic societies, they don’t apply in the same way to the less free or authoritarian regimes. That is why in this issue we ask the question: Is change really possible in Russia? The special block of texts in this issue feature the different perspectives of Russian public figures and experts such as Garry Kasparov, Fyodor Lukyanov, Anatoly Golubovsky and Tatiana Stanovaya. They provide us with their interpretation on how the recent civil awakening has (if at all) changed Russia during 2012. Beyond Russia, we also look at change, or a lack thereof, in Ukraine after the parliamentary elections, as well as take a glimpse at the European Union’s Neighbourhood Policy and what real impact it has had on the countries in the East. In our interview section, we publish a conversation with Pulitzer-Prize winning author, Anne Applebaum, in which she discusses the history and present situation in the countries that were once – as we commonly say – behind the Iron Curtain. -
OSCE Report on VAW
The situation with human rights of women in Belarus following the presidential elections in 2020 Prepared by: Centre for promotion of women’s rights ‘Her Rights’ and Anti- Discrimination Centre‘Memorial’ Contents 1. Persecution of women, actively involved in politics and civil society organizations 1.1. Ms Svetlana Tikhanovskaya 1.2. Other women in opposition leadership 1.3. Women – human rights defenders and NGOs activists 2. Violation of the human rights of women taking part in the demonstrations and other public events 2.1 Disproportionate use of force and arbitrary detentions 2.2. Pressure on women-activists through threats of removal children from their families 3. Violation of the human rights of women in detention 3.1. Sexual violence 3.2. Conditions of detention 3.3. Gender-sensitive aspects and discrimination 4. Situation of women-relatives of the detainees Recommendations 1 Summary The information presented below signifies that despite the wide-spread patriarchal values and stereotypes in the society, explaining indulgent approach to women and subsequent indetermination of police to detain women during first wave of protests, later on women became deliberately targeted by the police and have been subjected to inhuman and degrading treatment, consistent and routine gender discrimination in the detention centres. The consistent use of abusive language, torture and discriminatory and humilative practices in the detention proves to be an internal policy as women are clearly punished for their active citizenship – even if they were not protesting but were detained arbitrarily. Their physiological condition makes them more vulnerable and an easy target for abuse and humiliation and further prosecution. -
Assessing the Role of Transnational Networks of Support in Color Revolutions : Successes and Failures in Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia
University of Louisville ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository College of Arts & Sciences Senior Honors Theses College of Arts & Sciences 5-2013 Assessing the role of transnational networks of support in color revolutions : successes and failures in Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia. Michael C. Zeller University of Louisville Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.library.louisville.edu/honors Part of the Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Zeller, Michael C., "Assessing the role of transnational networks of support in color revolutions : successes and failures in Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia." (2013). College of Arts & Sciences Senior Honors Theses. Paper 27. http://doi.org/10.18297/honors/27 This Senior Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the College of Arts & Sciences at ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in College of Arts & Sciences Senior Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of ThinkIR: The University of Louisville's Institutional Repository. This title appears here courtesy of the author, who has retained all other copyrights. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Zeller 1 Assessing the Role of Transnational Networks of Support in Color Revolutions: Successes and Failures in Georgia, Ukraine, Belarus, and Russia Michael C. Zeller, University of Louisville It is not important who votes or how, but it is extraordinarily important who counts the votes. - Josef Stalin (attributed by his secretary, Boris Bazhanov)1 In the second decade after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, a sociopolitical phenomenon developed in several post-Soviet states: color revolution movements.