Elections, Parties, and Democratization in Postcommunist States
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Report 1, Ijc, May 1-14, 2015
Media Monitoring during the Campaign for Local General Elections on 14 June 2015 Report no.1 1–14 May 2015 This report has been produced by the Independent Journalism Center with support of the East Europe Foundation from resources provided by the Government of Sweden through the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (Sida) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. The opinions herein are those of authors and may not reflect the opinions of the East Europe Foundation, the Government of Sweden, Sida or the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Denmark/DANIDA. 1. General information 1.1 Project goal: To monitoring and to provide information to the public about mass media behavior during the election campaign, including candidates’ access to mass media and pluralism of opinions presented. The monitoring aims to analyze reporting trends that might affect mass media performance and compromise their ability to provide correct, unbiased, and pluralistic information to the public. 1.2 Monitoring period: 1 May–14 June 2015 1.3 Criteria for selecting media outlets to monitor: • Audience-impact: national, quasi-national • Type of mass media: broadcasting, online • Ownership: public, private • Language: Romanian, Russian 1.4 List of mass media outlets monitored: Broadcasting media Moldova 1 “Mesager (Messenger)” newscast at 21:00: public television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Prime TV “Primele Ştiri (First news)” newscast at 21:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Canal 2 “Reporter” newscast at 19:00: private television station, national coverage, broadcasts in Romanian TV 7 “Ştiri (News)” newscast at 20:30: private television station, regional coverage, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian Accent TV “Accent info” newscast at 20:00: private television station, broadcasts in Romanian and Russian. -
Rising Sinophobia in Kyrgyzstan: the Role of Political Corruption
RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY DOĞUKAN BAŞ IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF EURASIAN STUDIES SEPTEMBER 2020 Approval of the thesis: RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION submitted by DOĞUKAN BAŞ in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Eurasian Studies, the Graduate School of Social Sciences of Middle East Technical University by, Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Dean Graduate School of Social Sciences Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU BONNENFANT Head of Department Eurasian Studies Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL Supervisor Political Science and Public Administration Examining Committee Members: Assoc. Prof. Dr. Işık KUŞÇU BONNENFANT (Head of the Examining Committee) Middle East Technical University International Relations Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL (Supervisor) Middle East Technical University Political Science and Public Administration Assist. Prof. Dr. Yuliya BILETSKA Karabük University International Relations I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name : Doğukan Baş Signature : iii ABSTRACT RISING SINOPHOBIA IN KYRGYZSTAN: THE ROLE OF POLITICAL CORRUPTION BAŞ, Doğukan M.Sc., Eurasian Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. Pınar KÖKSAL September 2020, 131 pages In recent years, one of the major problems that Kyrgyzstan witnesses is rising Sinophobia among the local people due to problems related with increasing Chinese economic presence in the country. -
Rspounsul Mass Media
Monitoring media in the post-election period: TV coverage of the protests of 6–7 April 2009 in the Republic of Moldova 6–10 April 2009 This study is funded by the Eurasia Foundation through the Swedish Agency for Development and International Cooperation (Sida/Asdi) and the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The opinions expressed herein are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the donors. This study is made possible by the support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of the Independent Journalism Center and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. Introduction Information and communication are crucial when reporting on political processes or for building public opinion and guiding society towards democracy. The role of media is to inform society about major events so that people can make rational decisions. This role is crucial during conflicts as media can then be a major contributor to solving them. First and foremost among the dangers to media during conflicts is losing neutrality and reporting in an unbalanced, biased manner. Another danger is to sensationalize coverage instead of presenting reality.1 Media outlets can also report on conflicts by saying virtually nothing about their substance or the positions of the initiators of events. By presenting reports without substance and by focusing on unsubstantiated details, media outlets can neutralize the truth, amplify a conflict and be used by politicians to achieve certain objectives, including disinformation and manipulation. -
The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: the Role of Contingency in Party-System Development
The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: The Role of Contingency in Party-System Development HENRY E. HALE ocial science has generated an enormous amount of literature on the origins S of political party systems. In explaining the particular constellation of parties present in a given country, almost all theoretical work stresses the importance of systemic, structural, or deeply-rooted historical factors.1 While the development of social science theory certainly benefits from the focus on such enduring influ- ences, a smaller set of literature indicates that we must not lose sight of the crit- ical role that chance plays in politics.2 The same is true for the origins of politi- cal party systems. This claim is illustrated by the case of the United Russia Party, which burst onto the political scene with a strong second-place showing in the late 1999 elec- tions to Russia’s parliament (Duma), and then won a stunning majority in the 2003 elections. Most accounts have treated United Russia as simply the next in a succession of Kremlin-based “parties of power,” including Russia’s Choice (1993) and Our Home is Russia (1995), both groomed from the start primarily to win large delegations that provide support for the president to pass legislation.3 The present analysis, focusing on United Russia’s origin as the Unity Bloc in 1999, casts the party in a somewhat different light. When we train our attention on the party’s beginnings rather than on what it wound up becoming, we find that Unity was a profoundly different animal from Our Home and Russia’s Choice. -
(CUWS) Outreach Journal #1162
USAF Center for Unconventional Weapons Studies (CUWS) Outreach Journal Issue No. 1162, 24 April 2015 Welcome to the CUWS Outreach Journal! As part of the CUWS’ mission to develop Air Force, DoD, and other USG leaders to advance the state of knowledge, policy, and practices within strategic defense issues involving nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons, we offer the government and civilian community a source of contemporary discussions on unconventional weapons. These discussions include news articles, papers, and other information sources that address issues pertinent to the U.S. national security community. It is our hope that this information resource will help enhance the overall awareness of these important national security issues and lead to the further discussion of options for dealing with the potential use of unconventional weapons. All of our past journals are now available at http://cpc.au.af.mil/au_outreach.aspx.” The following news articles, papers, and other information sources do not necessarily reflect official endorsement of the Air University, U.S. Air Force, or Department of Defense. Reproduction for private use or commercial gain is subject to original copyright restrictions. All rights are reserved. FEATURE ITEM: “Russian Nuclear Forces, 2015”. Authored by Hans M. Kristensen and Robert S. Norris; published by the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists; 14 April 2015; 14 pages. http://bos.sagepub.com/content/early/2015/04/13/0096340215581363.full.pdf+html Russia is modernizing its strategic and nonstrategic nuclear warheads. It currently has 4,500 nuclear warheads, of which roughly 1,780 strategic warheads are deployed on missiles and at bomber bases. -
A Canadian Model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A
Proportional-first-past-the-post: A Canadian model of Proportional Representation by Robert S. Ring A thesis submitted to the School of Graduate Studies in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Department of Political Science Memorial University St. John’s, Newfoundland and Labrador May 2014 ii Abstract For more than a decade a majority of Canadians have consistently supported the idea of proportional representation when asked, yet all attempts at electoral reform thus far have failed. Even though a majority of Canadians support proportional representation, a majority also report they are satisfied with the current electoral system (even indicating support for both in the same survey). The author seeks to reconcile these potentially conflicting desires by designing a uniquely Canadian electoral system that keeps the positive and familiar features of first-past-the- post while creating a proportional election result. The author touches on the theory of representative democracy and its relationship with proportional representation before delving into the mechanics of electoral systems. He surveys some of the major electoral system proposals and options for Canada before finally presenting his made-in-Canada solution that he believes stands a better chance at gaining approval from Canadians than past proposals. iii Acknowledgements First of foremost, I would like to express my sincerest gratitude to my brilliant supervisor, Dr. Amanda Bittner, whose continuous guidance, support, and advice over the past few years has been invaluable. I am especially grateful to you for encouraging me to pursue my Master’s and write about my electoral system idea. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
Appendix A: Electoral Rules
Appendix A: Electoral Rules Table A.1 Electoral Rules for Italy’s Lower House, 1948–present Time Period 1948–1993 1993–2005 2005–present Plurality PR with seat Valle d’Aosta “Overseas” Tier PR Tier bonus national tier SMD Constituencies No. of seats / 6301 / 32 475/475 155/26 617/1 1/1 12/4 districts Election rule PR2 Plurality PR3 PR with seat Plurality PR (FPTP) bonus4 (FPTP) District Size 1–54 1 1–11 617 1 1–6 (mean = 20) (mean = 6) (mean = 4) Note that the acronym FPTP refers to First Past the Post plurality electoral system. 1The number of seats became 630 after the 1962 constitutional reform. Note the period of office is always 5 years or less if the parliament is dissolved. 2Imperiali quota and LR; preferential vote; threshold: one quota and 300,000 votes at national level. 3Hare Quota and LR; closed list; threshold: 4% of valid votes at national level. 4Hare Quota and LR; closed list; thresholds: 4% for lists running independently; 10% for coalitions; 2% for lists joining a pre-electoral coalition, except for the best loser. Ballot structure • Under the PR system (1948–1993), each voter cast one vote for a party list and could express a variable number of preferential votes among candidates of that list. • Under the MMM system (1993–2005), each voter received two separate ballots (the plurality ballot and the PR one) and cast two votes: one for an individual candidate in a single-member district; one for a party in a multi-member PR district. • Under the PR-with-seat-bonus system (2005–present), each voter cast one vote for a party list. -
Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime
Edinburgh Research Explorer Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime Citation for published version: March, L 2009, 'Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition', Slavic Review, vol. 68, no. 3, pp. 504-527. <http://www.jstor.org/stable/25621653> Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Published In: Slavic Review Publisher Rights Statement: © March, L. (2009). Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition. Slavic Review, 68(3), 504-527. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 03. Oct. 2021 Managing Opposition in a Hybrid Regime: Just Russia and Parastatal Opposition Author(s): Luke March Source: Slavic Review, Vol. 68, No. 3 (Fall, 2009), pp. 504-527 Published by: Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25621653 . Accessed: 03/02/2014 06:03 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . -
Crisiswatch, Nr. 73
1 September 2009, No73 Board of Trustees Co-Chairs CrisisWatch: Christopher Patten summarises briefly developments during the previous month in some 70 situations of current or potential Thomas Pickering conflict, listed alphabetically by region, providing references and links to more detailed information sources (all references mentioned are hyperlinked in the electronic version of this bulletin); President and CEO assesses whether the overall situation in each case has, during the previous month, significantly deteriorated, Louise Arbour significantly improved, or on balance remained more or less unchanged; alerts readers to situations where, in the coming month, there is a particular risk of new or significantly Executive Committee escalated conflict, or a particular conflict resolution opportunity (noting that in some instances there may in Morton Abramowitz Emma Bonino* fact be both); and Cheryl Carolus summarises Crisis Group’s reports and briefing papers that have been published in the last month. Maria Livanos Cattaui Yoichi Funabashi CrisisWatch is compiled by Crisis Group’s Brussels Research Unit, drawing on multiple sources including Frank Giustra the resources of our some 130 staff members across five continents, who already report on some 60 of the Stephen Solarz situations listed here. Comments and suggestions can be sent to [email protected]. George Soros Pär Stenbäck To search past issues of CrisisWatch visit our databases and resources page at www.crisisgroup.org. *Vice-Chair Adnan Abu-Odeh August 2009 Trends Kenneth Adelman Turki al-Faisal Deteriorated Situations Improved Situations Kofi Annan Louise Arbour Chechnya (Russia) (p. 8) Armenia/Turkey (p. 8) Richard Armitage Niger (p. 4) Mali (p. 4) Paddy Ashdown North Caucasus (non-Chechnya) (p. -
The Russian Connections of Far-Right and Paramilitary Organizations in the Czech Republic
Petra Vejvodová Jakub Janda Veronika Víchová The Russian connections of far-right and paramilitary organizations in the Czech Republic Edited by Edit Zgut and Lóránt Győri April, 2017 A study by Political Capital The Russian connections of far-right and paramilitary organizations in the Czech Republic Commissioned by Political Capital Budapest 2017 Authors: Petra Vejvodová (Masaryk University), Jakub Janda (European Values Think Tank), Veronika Víchová (European Values Think Tank) Editor: Lóránt Győri (Political Capital), Edit Zgut (Political Capital) Publisher: Political Capital Copy editing: Zea Szebeni, Veszna Wessenauer (Political Capital) Proofreading: Patrik Szicherle (Political Capital), Joseph Foss Facebook data scraping and quantitative analysis: Csaba Molnár (Political Capital) This publication and research was supported by the National Endowment for Democracy. 2 Content Content ............................................................................................................................................................. 3 Foreword .......................................................................................................................................................... 5 Methodology .................................................................................................................................................... 7 Main findings .................................................................................................................................................. 8 Policy -
E-Journal, Year IX, Issues 166, April 2-15, 2011
Governance and Democracy in Moldova E-journal, year IX, issue 166, April 2-15, 2011 "Governance and Democracy in Moldova" is a bi-weekly journal produced by the Association for Participatory Democracy ADEPT, which tackles the quality of governance and reflects the evolution of political and democratic processes in the Republic of Moldova. The publication is issued with financial support from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, in framework of the project "Promoting Good Governance through Monitoring". Opinions expressed in the published articles do not necessarily represent also the point of view of the sponsor. The responsibility for the veracity of statements rests solely with the articles' authors. CONTENTS I. ACTIVITY OF PUBLIC INSTITUTIONS ..................................................................................... 3 PARLIAMENT ........................................................................................................................... 3 1. Events of major importance............................................................................................... 3 Parliamentary Hearings on the elucidation of the events after April 5, 2009..................... 3 2. Dismissals ......................................................................................................................... 3 3. Legislative acts.................................................................................................................. 4 4. Parliamentary control. Hearings .......................................................................................