Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin's United Russia
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The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: the Role of Contingency in Party-System Development
The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: The Role of Contingency in Party-System Development HENRY E. HALE ocial science has generated an enormous amount of literature on the origins S of political party systems. In explaining the particular constellation of parties present in a given country, almost all theoretical work stresses the importance of systemic, structural, or deeply-rooted historical factors.1 While the development of social science theory certainly benefits from the focus on such enduring influ- ences, a smaller set of literature indicates that we must not lose sight of the crit- ical role that chance plays in politics.2 The same is true for the origins of politi- cal party systems. This claim is illustrated by the case of the United Russia Party, which burst onto the political scene with a strong second-place showing in the late 1999 elec- tions to Russia’s parliament (Duma), and then won a stunning majority in the 2003 elections. Most accounts have treated United Russia as simply the next in a succession of Kremlin-based “parties of power,” including Russia’s Choice (1993) and Our Home is Russia (1995), both groomed from the start primarily to win large delegations that provide support for the president to pass legislation.3 The present analysis, focusing on United Russia’s origin as the Unity Bloc in 1999, casts the party in a somewhat different light. When we train our attention on the party’s beginnings rather than on what it wound up becoming, we find that Unity was a profoundly different animal from Our Home and Russia’s Choice. -
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me. -
CEPS Policy Brief Policy Studies No
Centre for European CEPS Policy Brief Policy Studies No. 81/August 2005 Parties of Power as Roadblocks to Democracy The cases of Ukraine and Egypt Madalena Resende & Hendrik Kraetzschmar* Introduction Both Ukraine and Egypt are going through critical political transformations. Whilst in post-Orange Political parties are the backbone of any revolution Ukraine, the pro-Yushchenko coalition is now functioning representative democracy. They are attempting to reproduce its victory over Kuchma’s the agents that compete in the political arena for oligarchs in the 2006 parliamentary election, there are public office by offering programmatic signs in Egypt that rising domestic and international alternatives to voters. It is not surprising pressures for change are finally being met by government therefore that an analysis of countries that have efforts to reform the political system. To be sure, serious failed to democratise shows political parties differences exist between these two countries in the depth suffering from a severe pathology that renders and pace of political change. In the aftermath of the them weak institutions. In both the eastern and Orange revolution, Ukraine is taking its first tentative the southern neighbourhood of the EU, a type steps towards democratic consolidation with crucial of party has emerged, the ‘party of power’ constitutional issues being discussed. During the Orange characterised by its dependence on the state, revolution, profound changes were introduced to the the absence of ideology and the linkage with institutional environment, affecting the electoral system specific sectoral groups. Examples of such and the balance between presidential and parliamentary parties can be found in Ukraine during the powers. -
The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections
Russia and Eurasia Programme Paper REP 2011/01 The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Andrew Monaghan Nato Defence College June 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication. REP Programme Paper. The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Introduction From among many important potential questions about developments in Russian politics and in Russia more broadly, one has emerged to dominate public policy and media discussion: who will be Russian president in 2012? This is the central point from which a series of other questions and debates cascade – the extent of differences between President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and how long their ‘Tandem’ can last, whether the presidential election campaign has already begun and whether they will run against each other being only the most prominent. Such questions are typically debated against a wider conceptual canvas – the prospects for change in Russia. Some believe that 2012 offers a potential turning point for Russia and its relations with the international community: leading to either the return of a more ‘reactionary’ Putin to the Kremlin, and the maintenance of ‘stability’, or another term for the more ‘modernizing’ and ‘liberal’ Medvedev. -
The Brookings Institution
UNHCR-2011/05/05 1 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION UNHCR AT 60: A DISCUSSION WITH ANTONIO GUTERRES, THE UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR REFUGEES Washington, D.C. Thursday, May 5, 2011 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction and Moderator: TED PICCONE Senior Fellow and Deputy Director, Foreign Policy The Brookings Institution Featured Speaker: ANTONIO GUTERRES United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 UNHCR-2011/05/05 2 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. PICCONE: Good morning and thanks for your patience. I'm Ted Piccone. I'm a Senior Fellow and Deputy Director of the Foreign Policy Program here at Brookings. It is a real honor for us to be able to welcome Antonio Guterres, the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees, here to the Brookings Institution. I don't think he needs much of an introduction, but let me just say a couple of brief words. I first had the opportunity to meet him in the context of another activity that he's been involved in particularly before he took on this job which was the Club of Madrid, which is a group of former presidents and prime ministers and Antonio is one of the leading voices in that esteemed group who had a vision and a mission and a mandate and I think he's brought to everything he's done in politics and now at the U.N. in one of the most important jobs on the frontlines of helping people who are in really the most dire circumstances cope and resettle their lives. -
Höfði House Report 2020
HÖFÐI HOUSE REPORT 2020 HÖFÐI HOUSE REPORT 2020 4 Women Political Leaders | www.womenpoliticalleaders.org TABLE OF CONTENTS Conference Overview 6 Höfði House: Continuing a Legacy 8 Foreword 9 Session Topics & Guiding Questions 10 Conference Narrative 13 Outcome Declaration 14 Conclusion 16 Addendum 17 Bios 24 Women Political Leaders | www.womenpoliticalleaders.org 5 CONFERENCE OVERVIEW Twenty years have passed since the UN Security Council adopted its landmark resolution 1325 on women, peace and security. While meaningful milestones have been achieved for women’s leadership and participation at all levels of peacebuilding and conflict resolution processes, overall improvement remains stagnant and inequalities have worsened due to the onslaught of COVID-19. The 2020 Power Together: Reykjavík Summit first convened in November of 2018 to provide a platform for esteemed women leaders to exchange knowledge and ideas, creating collective action steps that can be implemented to advance the Women, Peace, and Security Agenda. This high-level discussion is held annually in tandem with the Reykjavík Global Forum - Women Leaders. 6 Women Political Leaders | www.womenpoliticalleaders.org Women Political Leaders | www.womenpoliticalleaders.org 7 HÖFÐI HOUSE: CONTINUING A LEGACY The choice of Höfði House as the venue for the Power Together: Reykjavík Summit, held since its inception in 2018, is one of great significance. No stranger to high-level discussions, Höfði House embodies the power of conversation and the opportunities bringing people together presents. Höfði House will forever hold a place in history as the location of the 1986 Reykjavík Summit talks held between the leaders of the two hegemonic powers and Cold War adversaries, the U.S. -
Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
Briefing June 2016 Russia's 2016 elections More of the same? SUMMARY On 18 September, 2016 Russians will elect representatives at federal, regional and municipal level, including most importantly to the State Duma (lower house of parliament). President Vladimir Putin remains popular, with over 80% of Russians approving of his presidency. However, the country is undergoing a prolonged economic recession and a growing number of Russians feel it is going in the wrong direction. Support for Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and ruling party United Russia has declined in recent months. Nevertheless, United Russia is likely to hold onto, and even increase its parliamentary majority, given the lack of credible alternatives. Of the tame opposition parties currently represented in the State Duma, polls suggest the far-right Liberal Democrats will do well, overtaking the Communists to become the largest opposition party. Outside the State Duma, opposition to Putin's regime is led by liberal opposition parties Yabloko and PARNAS. Deeply unpopular and disunited, these parties have little chance of breaking through the 5% electoral threshold. To avoid a repeat of the 2011–2012 post-election protests, authorities may try to prevent the blatant vote-rigging which triggered them. Nevertheless, favourable media coverage, United Russia's deep pockets and changes to electoral legislation (for example, the re-introduction of single-member districts) will give the ruling party a strong head-start. In this briefing: What elections will be held in Russia? Which parties will take part? Will elections be transparent and credible? The State Duma – the lower house of Russia's parliament. -
General Club Information (Data Gathered in 2014-15)
General Club Information (Data gathered in 2014-15) Clubs Responding to Survey Website Type Region Count % Club Website Type Count % Asia-Pacific 10 13% Full Site 56 71% Europe 12 15% Autosite 14 18% Latin America 3 4% Own Website 8 10% Middle East + Africa 4 5% No Website 1 1% North America 38 48% n=79 SIGs 12 15% n=79 Non-Profit Status Status Count % 501(c) 2 3% 501(c)(3) 20 26% 501(c)(4) 2 3% 501(c)(6) 2 3% 501(c)(7) 4 5% Liability Insurance US State Non-Profit 5 6% Insurance Count % Int'l Non-Profit 13 17% None 26 33% Yes 15 19% n=74 No 51 65% Unsure 12 15% n=78 Election Frequency Frequency Count % Annual 32 47% Biennial 20 29% As Needed 9 13% Every 3 Years 6 9% Every 4 Years 1 1% n=68 1 General Club Information by Club Region (Data gathered in 2014-15) Year Liability Club Region Club Name Website Type Election Frequency Non-Profit Status Founded Insurance Asia-Pacific HBS Association of Beijing 2008 Full site Biennially None No Asia-Pacific HBS Association of Taipei Autosite N/A None No Asia-Pacific HBS Association of Thailand 2013 Full site Annually None No Asia-Pacific HBS Club of India 1995 Full site Every 3 Years US State Non-Profit No Asia-Pacific HBS Club of Japan 1975 Full site Biennially None No Asia-Pacific HBS Club of Malaysia 1977 Own website Annually Int'l Non-Profit No Asia-Pacific HBS Club of Pakistan 1983 Full site Annually None Unsure Asia-Pacific HBS Club of Shanghai 2002 Full site Biennially None No Asia-Pacific HBS Club of Singapore Own website Annually Int'l Non-Profit No Asia-Pacific HBS Club of the Philippines -
Russia: Political Parties in a 'Managed Democracy'
At a glance December 2014 Russia: political parties in a 'managed democracy' From the October 1917 Bolshevik Revolution until 1989, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the country's only legal party. Since then, the number has grown, with a record 69 parties participating in the September 2014 regional elections. However, this apparent diversity does not mean that Russian voters have a real choice, as Vladimir Putin's grip on power is increasingly unchallenged, gradually reversing the gains made in the post-1989 democratisation process. United Russia – the 'party of power' (UR) In an inversion of the usual democratic procedure whereby political parties choose their leaders, the party was set up in 1999 to mobilise support for Vladimir Putin, at the time serving as prime minister under Boris Yeltsin. (Initially it went by the name of Unity, but was renamed United Russia after a merger in 2001). Thanks to the popularity of Putin's strong action on Chechnya, UR quickly became the dominant party in both national and most regional parliaments. It has held onto its majority in the lower house of the national parliament (State Duma) ever since 2003, despite a large drop in its share of the vote in 2011 (from 64% to 49%). Regional elections held in September 2014, in which UR-nominated candidates won in 28 out of 30 provinces, suggest that UR's grip on power is likely to remain as firm as ever for the foreseeable future. Ideology: in its manifestos, UR advocates centrist policies which will appeal to the largest possible number of voters while remaining consistent with the government's general approach – economic liberalism but with state regulation and social protection, alongside an emphasis on conservative values and patriotism. -
Political Parties
RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 102, 26 September 2011 2 Analysis United Russia and the 2011 Elections By Ora John Reuter, Miami, Ohio Abstract The December 2011 elections will be the third time that Russia’s current party of power, United Russia, has competed in a national election. United Russia has dominated elections over the past decade by ensuring cohesion among the regional elite, crafting an effective catch-all ideology, and capitalizing on Putin’s popu- larity. This election will be no different. The only remaining questions are 1) whether the Kremlin’s potent PR machine can revive United Russia’s popularity, which has lagged slightly over the past several months and 2) whether the inclusion of outsiders from the All-Russian People’s Front on United Russia’s party list will frustrate party loyalists enough to cause them to defect. All signs indicate that the party is prepared to manage these issues and that United Russia will win the December polls by a large margin. putin, Medvedev, and the party of power dev’s role has been more akin to that of Yeltsin in the United Russia’s most significant resource has always 1990s: a non-partisan president who, while implicitly been its association with Vladimir Putin. Putin identi- aligned with the party of power, fancies himself in the fied much more closely with the party than Yeltsin had role of an impartial arbiter. with any party of power in the 1990s. Prior to the 2007 Several scenarios exist for Medvedev’s future rela- Duma elections Putin announced that, while he would tions with the party. -
Uncorrected Transcript
1 SOCIETIES-2014/02/07 THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION FALK AUDITORIUM PROMOTING SHARED SOCIETIES: INCLUSION IN THE POST-2015 DEVELOPMENT AGENDA Washington, D.C. Friday, February 7, 2014 Moderator: HOMI KHARAS Senior Fellow and Deputy Director, Global Economy and Development The Brookings Institution Panel: THE HONORABLE KIM CAMPBELL Former Prime Minister Canada THE HONORABLE WIM KOK Former Prime Minister Kingdom of the Netherlands THE HONORABLE CASSAM UTEEM Former President Republic of Mauritius SANTIAGO LEVY Vice President for Sectors and Knowledge Inter-American Development Bank JOHN PODESTA Former Member High-Level Panel on the Post-2015 Development Agenda * * * * * ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 2 SOCIETIES-2014/02/07 P R O C E E D I N G S MR. KHARAS: Well, good morning everybody. I'd like to get started. My name is Homi Kharas; I'm a Senior Fellow and the Deputy Director of the Global Economy and Development program here at Brookings and it's a wonderful honor and privilege for me to moderate this panel on I think a really important topic which is promoting shared societies and to take that vision and think about exactly what it means for a very broad discussion on the Post-2015 Agenda which is continuing to go on. So let me first introduce our panel. It's a star studded panel. You will have the bios in the sheet that was distributed. I'll just go in order. The Honorable Wim Kok is a two term former Prime Minister of the Kingdom of the Netherlands but he has also been the Chairman of the European Trade Union Confederation, Deputy Chairman of the Socioeconomic Council, so somebody who I think has spent a large part of his life thinking and implementing hopefully these issues. -
Hegemonic, Dominant Or Party of Power?
Els Heimerikx Student Number: s0927708 Course: Master Thesis, Comparative Politics: Regime Change and Stability Supervisors: Dr. D. Stockman and Dr J. Oversloot Date: June 24th 2013 Words: 19981 Hegemonic, Dominant or Party of Power? Parties in semi-authoritarian regimes Categorizing United Russia Table of Content: Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3 United Russia’s rise and decline ................................................................................................ 8 Political Parties in semi-authoritarian regimes......................................................................... 15 Party Types............................................................................................................................... 17 The hegemonic party............................................................................................................. 18 The party of power................................................................................................................ 23 The dominant party ............................................................................................................... 28 The cartel party ..................................................................................................................... 36 Comparing the different types:................................................................................................. 39 Comparing the hegemonic party and