CEPS Policy Brief Policy Studies No

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

CEPS Policy Brief Policy Studies No Centre for European CEPS Policy Brief Policy Studies No. 81/August 2005 Parties of Power as Roadblocks to Democracy The cases of Ukraine and Egypt Madalena Resende & Hendrik Kraetzschmar* Introduction Both Ukraine and Egypt are going through critical political transformations. Whilst in post-Orange Political parties are the backbone of any revolution Ukraine, the pro-Yushchenko coalition is now functioning representative democracy. They are attempting to reproduce its victory over Kuchma’s the agents that compete in the political arena for oligarchs in the 2006 parliamentary election, there are public office by offering programmatic signs in Egypt that rising domestic and international alternatives to voters. It is not surprising pressures for change are finally being met by government therefore that an analysis of countries that have efforts to reform the political system. To be sure, serious failed to democratise shows political parties differences exist between these two countries in the depth suffering from a severe pathology that renders and pace of political change. In the aftermath of the them weak institutions. In both the eastern and Orange revolution, Ukraine is taking its first tentative the southern neighbourhood of the EU, a type steps towards democratic consolidation with crucial of party has emerged, the ‘party of power’ constitutional issues being discussed. During the Orange characterised by its dependence on the state, revolution, profound changes were introduced to the the absence of ideology and the linkage with institutional environment, affecting the electoral system specific sectoral groups. Examples of such and the balance between presidential and parliamentary parties can be found in Ukraine during the powers. Because these changes were imposed by the reign of President Kuchma and in present-day outgoing elite, the current government questions their Egypt. legitimacy and is presently discussing how to settle these The ideological weakness of parties of power crucial questions (see Yushchenko, 2005). The ruling and their dependence on the state is both a elite’s constitutional choices will be of paramount symptom and a cause of the failure of importance for the development of political parties and, democratic consolidation. Because they ultimately for the democratisation of Ukraine. prevent the emergence of a multi-party system In Egypt, by contrast, mounting pressures for change on based on competing ideological-programmatic the eve of crucial presidential and parliamentary election Thinking ahead for Europe currents, these parties and their legacies should this year have so far failed to produce real changes to the be seen as an important stumbling block in the political status quo. Nevertheless, it is clear that domestic transition towards and consolidation of demands for reform, which have gained momentum in democracy. This paper attempts a summary recent months, probably pose the most serious political analysis of the phenomena, suggesting that an challenge to the legitimacy of the Mubarak regime since alternative model of party development is the early 1990s (see Shahin, 2005). It is interesting to note required in order for democracy to take hold in in this regard that these pressures for reform do not the eastern and southern neighbourhood of the primarily emanate from the legalised political opposition EU. which, being co-opted into the regime, carries little pressure potential to challenge the established order. Instead – and this is a new phenomena in Egyptian Madalena Resende is a Gulbenkian Research Fellow politics – they emanate from a rising number of grass- at CEPS, who has recently obtained a Ph.D. in roots reform movements and a more assertive and politics from the London School of Economics. emboldened Muslim Brotherhood. Being united in their Hendrik Kraetzschmar is Assistant Professor in the demands for immediate political reforms, these Department of Political Science at the American movements have in fact managed to challenge the University in Cairo. His main area of expertise is the authorities by mobilising a seemingly apolitical public government and politics of the Middle East and North and by organising a vast number of rallies and Africa. demonstrations across the entire country. Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (http://www.ceps.be) © CEPS 2005 2 | RESENDE & KRAETZSCHMAR Despite these differences between the two countries in the parliament is no longer guaranteed. Facilitating the pace of reform, there is little doubt that the success or formation of crushing majorities in parliament, ruling failure of democratic change in Egypt and Ukraine will parties hence serve to sustain the political hegemony of largely hinge on the capacity of the political elites to shed the ruling elite in parliament and government. the legacy of parties of power. In Ukraine this implies that Despite their instrumental value within the political the pro-Yushchenko coalition must go beyond creating a system, and possibly even because of that, there is little vote-winning coalition by laying the foundations of a interest on the part of the ruling elites to develop these centre-right party. In fact, if the current elite in power parties of power into fully institutionalised organisations takes seriously the task of building an independent, with a clear ideological profile. The dependency of the centre-right party before the next election, Ukrainian party on the state would be broken by the formation of a democracy seems to have a chance. Otherwise, the ruling party with a will and a power base of its own. The patronage system set up by Kuchma could be reproduced oxygen of these parties of power is hence their again. relationship with the state. In fact, being an exceptionally For Egypt, this means that the authorities ought to do two weak institution, such parties will most likely disintegrate things. First, they need to abolish all legal restrictions that once deprived of their connection with the state. have hitherto stifled the autonomy of political parties and And herein lies the paradox. A truly competitive multi- their development into programmatic mass-based party system cannot emerge within a system of parties of organisations. Second, and setting an example for other power, which unbalances the electoral game in favour of parties in the country, the Egyptian authorities must also single party or a set of political parties that thrive on the cut the lifeline with the National Democratic Party spoils of the state. For democracy to take hold, these (NDP), enabling the party to mutate into a truly parties must be de-linked from the state and put on equal autonomous and programmatic political force that can par with the other political forces in the country. In survive under competitive conditions. concrete terms, this means that political leaders have to Surely, from the regime’s perspective, both of these yield to a different logic of party-building that undercuts measures are highly problematic, as they shake the very dependency on the state and creates links with civil foundations on which the authoritarian system has been society through programmatic choices (see Randall & built. With rising domestic and international pressures for Svasand, 2002). At the same time they ought to facilitate reform, however, it is all too clear that the logic of the development of parties based on distinct ideological repression and patronage, so successfully employed by profiles to undercut existing patronage patterns and to the Egyptian authorities during the 1980s and 1990s, will facilitate electoral competition around clear programmatic in the end have to give way to a logic of pluralism and alternatives. Only once these preconditions are met will competition. Consequentially, there are two ways forward parties make the transition to a different model and for the NDP: it can either strive for greater autonomy contribute to a further democratisation of the political from the state and stand a chance of survival, or, on system. failing to do so, crumble with the authoritarian regime that it has sustained over the past 20 years. Yushchenko’s Ukraine The failure to consolidate democracy in Ukraine during The Concept of ‘Parties of Power’ Kuchma’s period in office owed much to the system of Parties of power develop from a ruling elite’s drive to parties of power, characterised by a strong alliance of the maintain control over the state by means other than political elites with common economic interests, who programmatic competition, normally in situations of increasingly took control of political power in Ukraine unconsolidated democracy or of limited pluralism. Being during the 1990s (see Kubicek, 2001). With few created from above, these parties are not meant to become exceptions, political parties in Ukraine represented autonomous political forces in their own right, but are networks of economic client-patron relations rather than utilised by the ruling elites as instruments of co-optation, expressing wider social and economic options for ruling sometimes even coercion and political hegemony. To the country. begin with, they simply serve the regime to sustain a After the election of Kuchma to the presidency in 1994, network of patronage relationships with the major socio- the strengthening of the grip of several economic groups political, economic and administrative actors of the over the legislative, executive and judicial branches country. By using the patronage networks, in fact, the accelerated. Kuchma’s ruling Party of the Regions was regime seeks to ensure its very survival by granting these little else than an assembly of clans and oligarchs who actors access to the spoils system of the state in return for used state structures to further their vested interests. In their complacency concerning the existing order. What is parallel, the 1996 Constitutional Amendments pursued by more, such ruling parties also serve to provide regime- Kuchma strengthened the presidency by transferring supportive majorities in the major elected institutions of political powers to the office from the parliament. The the state.
Recommended publications
  • The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: the Role of Contingency in Party-System Development
    The Origins of United Russia and the Putin Presidency: The Role of Contingency in Party-System Development HENRY E. HALE ocial science has generated an enormous amount of literature on the origins S of political party systems. In explaining the particular constellation of parties present in a given country, almost all theoretical work stresses the importance of systemic, structural, or deeply-rooted historical factors.1 While the development of social science theory certainly benefits from the focus on such enduring influ- ences, a smaller set of literature indicates that we must not lose sight of the crit- ical role that chance plays in politics.2 The same is true for the origins of politi- cal party systems. This claim is illustrated by the case of the United Russia Party, which burst onto the political scene with a strong second-place showing in the late 1999 elec- tions to Russia’s parliament (Duma), and then won a stunning majority in the 2003 elections. Most accounts have treated United Russia as simply the next in a succession of Kremlin-based “parties of power,” including Russia’s Choice (1993) and Our Home is Russia (1995), both groomed from the start primarily to win large delegations that provide support for the president to pass legislation.3 The present analysis, focusing on United Russia’s origin as the Unity Bloc in 1999, casts the party in a somewhat different light. When we train our attention on the party’s beginnings rather than on what it wound up becoming, we find that Unity was a profoundly different animal from Our Home and Russia’s Choice.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology Or Internal Dissent?
    The Political Clubs of United Russia: Incubators of Ideology or Internal Dissent? Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Eileen Marie Kunkler, B.A. Graduate Program in Slavic and East European Studies The Ohio State University 2010 Thesis Committee: Goldie Shabad, Adviser Trevor Brown Copyright by Eileen Marie Kunkler 2010 Abstract In 2008, three political clubs were officially formed within the United Russia party structure: the Social-Conservative Club, the Liberal-Conservative Club, and the State-Patriotic Club. Membership of these clubs includes many powerful Duma representatives. Officially, their function is to help develop strategies for implementing the government‟s Strategy 2020. However, a closer examination of these clubs suggests that they also may function as an ideology incubator for the larger party and as a safety valve for internal party dissent. To answer the question of what the true function of these clubs is an attempt will be made to give: a brief overview of Unity‟s and Fatherland-All Russia‟s formation; a description of how United Russia formed; a summary of the ideological currents within United Russia from 2001-2009; a discussion of the three clubs; and a comparative analysis of these clubs to the Christian Democratic party of Italy and the Liberal Democratic Party of Japan. Based on this evidence, it will be argued that primary purpose of these clubs is to contain intra-party conflict. ii Dedication Dedicated to my family and friends iii Acknowledgements I wish to thank my adviser, Goldie Shabad, for all of her help, advice, and patience in working on this project with me.
    [Show full text]
  • Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin's United Russia
    VLADIMIR VLADIMIROVICH PUTIN’S UNITED RUSSIA: THE HOW AND WHY OF RUSSIA’S NEW PARTY OF POWER THESIS Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Daniel James Sell, B.A. ***** The Ohio State University 2008 Thesis Committee: Approved By Professor Trevor Brown, Adviser _____________________________ Adviser Professor David Hoffmann Slavic and East European Studies Graduate Program Copyright by Daniel James Sell 2008 ABSTRACT This paper serves to study the new ‘party of power,’ United Russia, that has emerged in the Russian Federation with Vladimir Vladimorovich Putin as the head of this party. It will look at what exactly a party of power is, and how Putin was able to solidify power in the country in the office of the president and transfer this power to United Russia. This paper looks at factors, such as the fact that Russia has a hybrid regime in place, which made it possible for the party of power to emerge, thus providing a small roadmap on how to create a party of power. Finally, this paper shows areas where Putin and his party of power could lose strength and what might possibly happen in regards to the political situation in the country if this were to happen. ii Dedicated to my father iii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank my advisor, Trevor Brown, for support, encouragement, enthusiasm, flexibility in working long-distance on this project, and patience. Without his help, this thesis would not have been possible. I would also like to thank David Hoffmann, who so graciously agreed to serve on my thesis defense committee.
    [Show full text]
  • The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections
    Russia and Eurasia Programme Paper REP 2011/01 The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Andrew Monaghan Nato Defence College June 2011 The views expressed in this document are the sole responsibility of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication. REP Programme Paper. The Russian Vertikal: the Tandem, Power and the Elections Introduction From among many important potential questions about developments in Russian politics and in Russia more broadly, one has emerged to dominate public policy and media discussion: who will be Russian president in 2012? This is the central point from which a series of other questions and debates cascade – the extent of differences between President Dmitry Medvedev and Prime Minister Vladimir Putin and how long their ‘Tandem’ can last, whether the presidential election campaign has already begun and whether they will run against each other being only the most prominent. Such questions are typically debated against a wider conceptual canvas – the prospects for change in Russia. Some believe that 2012 offers a potential turning point for Russia and its relations with the international community: leading to either the return of a more ‘reactionary’ Putin to the Kremlin, and the maintenance of ‘stability’, or another term for the more ‘modernizing’ and ‘liberal’ Medvedev.
    [Show full text]
  • Briefing European Parliamentary Research Service
    Briefing June 2016 Russia's 2016 elections More of the same? SUMMARY On 18 September, 2016 Russians will elect representatives at federal, regional and municipal level, including most importantly to the State Duma (lower house of parliament). President Vladimir Putin remains popular, with over 80% of Russians approving of his presidency. However, the country is undergoing a prolonged economic recession and a growing number of Russians feel it is going in the wrong direction. Support for Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev and ruling party United Russia has declined in recent months. Nevertheless, United Russia is likely to hold onto, and even increase its parliamentary majority, given the lack of credible alternatives. Of the tame opposition parties currently represented in the State Duma, polls suggest the far-right Liberal Democrats will do well, overtaking the Communists to become the largest opposition party. Outside the State Duma, opposition to Putin's regime is led by liberal opposition parties Yabloko and PARNAS. Deeply unpopular and disunited, these parties have little chance of breaking through the 5% electoral threshold. To avoid a repeat of the 2011–2012 post-election protests, authorities may try to prevent the blatant vote-rigging which triggered them. Nevertheless, favourable media coverage, United Russia's deep pockets and changes to electoral legislation (for example, the re-introduction of single-member districts) will give the ruling party a strong head-start. In this briefing: What elections will be held in Russia? Which parties will take part? Will elections be transparent and credible? The State Duma – the lower house of Russia's parliament.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia: Political Parties in a 'Managed Democracy'
    At a glance December 2014 Russia: political parties in a 'managed democracy' From the October 1917 Bolshevik Revolution until 1989, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union was the country's only legal party. Since then, the number has grown, with a record 69 parties participating in the September 2014 regional elections. However, this apparent diversity does not mean that Russian voters have a real choice, as Vladimir Putin's grip on power is increasingly unchallenged, gradually reversing the gains made in the post-1989 democratisation process. United Russia – the 'party of power' (UR) In an inversion of the usual democratic procedure whereby political parties choose their leaders, the party was set up in 1999 to mobilise support for Vladimir Putin, at the time serving as prime minister under Boris Yeltsin. (Initially it went by the name of Unity, but was renamed United Russia after a merger in 2001). Thanks to the popularity of Putin's strong action on Chechnya, UR quickly became the dominant party in both national and most regional parliaments. It has held onto its majority in the lower house of the national parliament (State Duma) ever since 2003, despite a large drop in its share of the vote in 2011 (from 64% to 49%). Regional elections held in September 2014, in which UR-nominated candidates won in 28 out of 30 provinces, suggest that UR's grip on power is likely to remain as firm as ever for the foreseeable future. Ideology: in its manifestos, UR advocates centrist policies which will appeal to the largest possible number of voters while remaining consistent with the government's general approach – economic liberalism but with state regulation and social protection, alongside an emphasis on conservative values and patriotism.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Parties
    RUSSIAN ANALYTICAL DIGEST No. 102, 26 September 2011 2 Analysis United Russia and the 2011 Elections By Ora John Reuter, Miami, Ohio Abstract The December 2011 elections will be the third time that Russia’s current party of power, United Russia, has competed in a national election. United Russia has dominated elections over the past decade by ensuring cohesion among the regional elite, crafting an effective catch-all ideology, and capitalizing on Putin’s popu- larity. This election will be no different. The only remaining questions are 1) whether the Kremlin’s potent PR machine can revive United Russia’s popularity, which has lagged slightly over the past several months and 2) whether the inclusion of outsiders from the All-Russian People’s Front on United Russia’s party list will frustrate party loyalists enough to cause them to defect. All signs indicate that the party is prepared to manage these issues and that United Russia will win the December polls by a large margin. putin, Medvedev, and the party of power dev’s role has been more akin to that of Yeltsin in the United Russia’s most significant resource has always 1990s: a non-partisan president who, while implicitly been its association with Vladimir Putin. Putin identi- aligned with the party of power, fancies himself in the fied much more closely with the party than Yeltsin had role of an impartial arbiter. with any party of power in the 1990s. Prior to the 2007 Several scenarios exist for Medvedev’s future rela- Duma elections Putin announced that, while he would tions with the party.
    [Show full text]
  • Hegemonic, Dominant Or Party of Power?
    Els Heimerikx Student Number: s0927708 Course: Master Thesis, Comparative Politics: Regime Change and Stability Supervisors: Dr. D. Stockman and Dr J. Oversloot Date: June 24th 2013 Words: 19981 Hegemonic, Dominant or Party of Power? Parties in semi-authoritarian regimes Categorizing United Russia Table of Content: Introduction ................................................................................................................................ 3 United Russia’s rise and decline ................................................................................................ 8 Political Parties in semi-authoritarian regimes......................................................................... 15 Party Types............................................................................................................................... 17 The hegemonic party............................................................................................................. 18 The party of power................................................................................................................ 23 The dominant party ............................................................................................................... 28 The cartel party ..................................................................................................................... 36 Comparing the different types:................................................................................................. 39 Comparing the hegemonic party and
    [Show full text]
  • Why Parties of Power? Elite Strategies and Institutional Choice in Post-Soviet Eurasia by Eli Adam Feiman a Dissertation Submit
    Why Parties of Power? Elite Strategies and Institutional Choice in Post-Soviet Eurasia by Eli Adam Feiman A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Political Science) in the University of Michigan 2015 Doctoral Committee: Professor Pauline Jones-Luong, Chair Professor Anna M. Grzymała-Busse Associate Professor Allen D. Hicken Professor Ronald G. Suny To my family ii Acknowledgements My first thanks go to the faculty at Brown University and the University of Michigan for their mentorship. I am grateful to Melani Cammett for early assistance with research design and to the late Alan Zuckerman for conversations that broadened my understanding of political parties. I thank Allen Hicken and Anna Grzymala-Busse for incisive comments at all stages of this project. I very much appreciated Ronald Suny’s regional expertise and his historical perspective. I offer Pauline Jones-Luong my heartfelt thanks for taking me on as her student and for being an unflinching source of support, encouragement, and inspiration for the past ten years. This project would not have been possible without generous financial support from the International Research and Exchange Board (IREX), the American Research Institute of the South Caucasus (ARISC), the Dolores Zohrab Liebmann Fund, as well as Brown University and the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. This project has benefitted from feedback provided at the Davis Center Postcommunist Politics and Economics Workshop, the 2009 Institute for Qualitative and Multi-Method Research, the Caucasus Resource Research Center/American Councils Works in Progress lecture series, the Comparative Politics Workshop at the University of Michigan, and the Eurasia Collective Rackham Interdisciplinary Workshop.
    [Show full text]
  • On December 31, 1999,Yeltsin's Russia Became Putin's Russia
    PROLOGUE n December 31, 1999,Yeltsin’s Russia became Putin’s Russia. Boris Yeltsin—a political maverick who until the end tried to Oplay the mutually exclusive roles of democrat and tsar, who made revolutionary frenzy and turmoil his way of survival—unexpect- edly left the Kremlin and handed over power, like a New Year’s gift, to Vladimir Putin, an unknown former intelligence officer who had hardly ever dreamed of becoming a Russian leader. Yeltsin—tired and sick, disoriented and having lost his stamina— apparently understood that he could no longer keep power in his fist. It was a painful and dramatic decision for a politician for whom nonstop struggle for power and domination was the substance of life and his main ambition. His failing health and numerous heart attacks, however, were not the main reasons behind his unexpected resignation. The moment came when Yeltsin could not control the situation much longer and—more important—he did not know how to deal with the new challenges Russia was facing. He had been accustomed to making breakthroughs, to defeating his enemies, to overcoming obstacles. He was not prepared for state building, for the effort of everyday governance, for consensus making, for knitting a new national unity. By nature he was a terminator, not a transformational leader. It was time for him to gra- ciously bow out and hand over power to his successor. And Russia had to live through a time of real suspense while the Kremlin was preparing the transfer of power. The new Russian leader Vladimir Putin has become a symbol of a staggering mix of continuity and change.
    [Show full text]
  • Parties of Power and the Success of the President's Reform Agenda In
    10.1177/003232902237826POLITICSREGINA SMYTH & SOCIETY Building State Capacity from the Inside Out: Parties of Power and the Success of the President’s Reform Agenda in Russia REGINA SMYTH In contrast to his predecessor Boris Yeltsin, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin con- tinues to successfully neutralize legislative opposition and push his reform agenda through the State Duma. His success is due in large part to the transformation of the party system during the 1999 electoral cycle. In the face of a less polarized and frag- mented party system, the Kremlin-backed party of power,Unity, became the founda- tion for a stable majority coalition in parliament and a weapon in the political battle to eliminate threatening opponents such as Yuri Luzhkov’s Fatherland–All Russia and the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. Political transitions under presidential regimes are prone to deadlock between the parliament and the executive that can stymie reform efforts and even lead to a breakdown in nascent democracies.1 I argue that a centrist state party (an organi- zation formed by state actors to mobilize budgetary resources to contest parlia- mentary elections) operating within a nonpolarized party system can serve as a mechanism to overcome parliamentary-presidential deadlock. I support this argu- ment using data on the electoral strategies and governing success of the first three post-Communist administrations in the Russian Federation. In doing so, this study underscores how a mixed electoral system (i.e., deputies simultaneously Funding for this work was provided by the National Science Foundation and the National Council for Eurasian Studies. This article greatly benefited from comments from Pauline Jones Luong, Anna Gryzmala-Busse, Timothy Colton, Thomas Remington, Philip Roeder, William Bianco, Julie Corwin, and Lee Carpenter.
    [Show full text]
  • Russia Watch
    RUSSIA WATCH Graham T. Allison, Director Analysis and Commentary Editor: Danielle Lussier Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs Copy Editor: John Grennan John F. Kennedy School of Government Consultant: Henry Hale Harvard University No. 9, January 2003 Russian Parties are Inching Forward making repeat appearances in or more than seventy elections, citizens have had greater F opportunities to familiarize years, “party politics” in themselves with the parties’ Russia involved one ideologies and views, decreasing the party—the Communist distance between parties and the electorate. Democratic Party of the Soviet Union. elections now have a history in Russia, and with this The past decade of history, the benefit of cumulative experience for both Russia’s transition has candidates and voters. witnessed an explosion of Much remains to be done before Russian (cont. p. 3) political movements, organizations, and parties competing for space in the elections game and seeking the staying power to become IN THIS ISSUE: democratic Russia’s party of power. Russia’s political party structure remains severely flawed. When viewed Henry Hale, p. 5 incrementally, rather than cumulatively, however, the Indiana University Bazaar Politics: Prospects for Parties in Russia political party glass is more full than empty. * Critics of Russian political party building often fail to Yury Medvedev, p. 8 stop and consider the yardstick they are applying. Is the Member of the Russian State Duma appropriate yardstick how far Russia has come since the Political Organizations and the Development of days of the Soviet Union? Or is it how far short Russia Democracy in Russia falls from the standards of established democracies? It is * easy to forget that Russia’s political parties are only in the Boris Nemtsov, p.
    [Show full text]