Revisiting Proto-Indo-European Schwebeablaut
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UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA Los Angeles Revisiting Proto-Indo-European Schwebeablaut A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Indo-European Studies by Kaspars Ozoliņš 2015 © Copyright by Kaspars Ozoliņš 2015 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION Revisiting Proto-Indo-European Schwebeablaut by Kaspars Ozoliņš Doctor of Philosophy in Indo-European Studies University of California, Los Angeles, 2015 Professor H. Craig Melchert, Chair This dissertation examines the phenomenon of Proto-Indo-European schwebeablaut (German Schwebeablaut “floating vowel gradation”), whereby a number of reconstructed forms are observed to alternate in their root shape between CeRC (termed State I) and CReC (termed State II). This mechanism of Proto-Indo-European (PIE) root ablaut has long been tacitly accepted (in one form or another) by scholars; however, the only comprehensive treatment has been Anttila (1969), and the matter therefore merits a thorough review. This dissertation reviews material from the daughter languages considered to be evidence for schwebeablaut by using some of the same techniques employed in the work of Anttila, only in an updated fashion. A large majority of the remaining cases are explained without requiring recourse to schwebeablaut, while several more difficult forms are discussed in individual chapters. The second part of the dissertation examines a unique subtype of roots extended by an s-formant that exhibit the following alternation: CeRC : CReC-s. It is argued that the descriptive schwebeablaut inherent in these formations may legitimately be traced to PIE. An Optimality Theoretic account for this phonologically motivated metathesis is offered, which likewise eliminates the need to invoke schwebeablaut (as classically defined). !ii The dissertation of Kaspars Ozoliņš is approved. Stephanie W. Jamison Christopher M. Stevens Brent Vine H. Craig Melchert, Committee Chair University of California, Los Angeles 2015 !iii To my dear wife and son. mīlu jūs !iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Symbols ix Abbreviations x 1 Introduction 1 1.1 Overview . 1 1.2 Definition . 2 1.3 Schwebeablaut until Anttila (1967) . 4 1.4 Current views on schwebeablaut . 9 1.5 Plan of study . 12 2 Reevaluation of Previous Scholarship 13 2.1 Overview . .13 2.2 Questionable forms . 13 h 2.2.1 *d(e)lh1- + -(en)g - ‘long’ . 14 2.2.2 *der- ‘flay’ . 17 2.2.3 *g̑ hres- (?) ‘short, small’ . 18 u̯ h 2.2.4 *h1u̯ eg - ‘praise’ . 18 2.2.5 *kseu̯ - ‘shave’ . 19 2.2.6 *k̑ ent- ‘pierce’ . 20 2.2.7 *k̑ erh2- ‘mix’ . 20 2.2.8 *pel(k)- ‘pour’ (?) . 21 2.2.9 *seku̯ -o- ‘sap’ . 21 2.3 Post-PIE formations . 22 2.3.1 *g̑ neh3- ‘know’ . 23 u̯ 2.3.2 *g reh2-u̯ en- ‘millstone’ . 24 2.3.3 *h2erg̑ - ‘whitish’ . 25 2.3.4 *pel- ‘ashes’ (?) . 26 !v 2.3.5 *perk̑ - ‘speckled’ . 27 2.3.6 *pleh2- ‘flat’ and *pleth2- ‘broad’ . 28 2.3.7 *prek̑ - ‘ask’ . 29 2.3.8 *terh1- ‘bore through; rub’ . 29 2.4 *h2nek̑ - ‘reach’ and *h1nek̑ - ‘take’ . 30 2.4.1 Seṭ vs aniṭ roots . 30 2.4.2 Distinguishing two *Hnek̑ - roots . .33 2.4.3 Screening forms . 33 2.4.4 Celtic evidence . 35 2.4.5 Hittite evidence . 36 3 *h2u̯ es- ‘(become) bright’ 40 3.1 Overview of *h2éu̯ s-ōs- ‘Dawn’ . 40 3.2 *h2u̯ es- ‘(become) bright’. 42 3.3 Survey of other forms . 45 3.3.1 Miscellaneous stems . 45 3.3.2 *(h2)u̯ es-r- . 46 3.3.3 ‘Dawn’ words with r-formant . 47 3.3.4 *h2é-h2us-o- ‘gold’ . 50 3.3.5 *h2us(-s)-tero- ‘east’ . 54 3.4 The locus of schwebeablaut in *h2u̯ es- . 56 3.4.1 Animate s-stems in PIE . 57 3.4.2 er-locatives . 60 3.4.3 Proposal for *h2u̯ es- : *h2eu̯ s- . 63 4 *g̑ hi̯ em- ‘winter’ 66 4.1 Overview . 66 4.2 ‘Winter’ and its m-formant . 66 4.3 What type of formation was ‘winter’? . 69 !vi 4.4 *g̑ hei̯ mn̥ - . 72 4.4.1 Denominative stems . 74 4.4.2 Individualizing *-n(t)- . 74 4.4.3 Deverbal *g̑ hei̯ -mn̥ - . 76 4.4.4 Locatival*g̑ hei̯ m-en . 77 4.5 Schwebeablaut and en-/er-locatives . 79 4.6 *g̑ him-én, *g̑ him-ér . 83 5 Schwebeablaut in s-extended roots 86 5.1 Overview . 86 5.2 *h2eu̯ g- and *h2u̯ eks- . 87 5.2.1 Doubtful forms . 88 5.2.2 Reconstructible verbal stems . 90 5.2.3 Reconstructible stems with s-formant . 91 5.2.4 Nominal stems . 94 5.2.5 Reconstructible nominal stems in *h2eu̯ g- . 96 5.2.6 Apparent exceptions (*h2eu̯ g-s-) . 97 5.3 Other CReC-s stems . 99 5.3.1 *mei̯ k̑ - and *mi̯ ek̑ -s- . 99 5.4 Summary of s-extended forms . 100 5.5 Exploring phonological solutions . 101 5.5.1 Metathesis and heavy syllable codas . 103 5.5.2 Theoretical basis for inquiry . 105 5.5.3 What type of formation was *h2u̯ eg-s-? . 107 5.6 Syllabification of /CeRC + s + E/ . 109 5.6.1 Avoidance of complex onsets in PIE . 111 5.6.2 Onset maximization in PIE . 114 5.6.3 Qualifying onset maximization . 117 5.7 Stratal Optimality Theory . 121 !vii 5.8 Deriving /CeRC + s + E/ . 124 5.9 Metathesis in the wider (P)IE context . 129 5.9.1 CUH sequences . 129 h 5.9.2 *k̑ erd- + *d eh1- . 131 5.9.3 Indic r-metathesis . 133 6 Concluding Remarks 136 6.1 Further CReC ~ CeRC alternations in secondary derivation . 136 6.2 CReC → CeRC-e/o- . 137 u̯ 6.2.1 *g i̯ eh3- ‘live’ . 137 6.2.2 *k̑ u̯ eh1- ‘swell’ . 139 6.3 Schwebeablaut and vr̥ ddhi . 139 6.3.1 *di̯ eu̯ - ‘sky’ . 140 6.3.2 *dhu̯ es- ‘breathe’ . 140 6.4 CReC ~ CeRC alternations in secondary substantivizations . 140 6.5 Miscellaneous forms . 143 6.5.1 *du̯ eh2- ‘long’ . 143 6.5.2 *h1reh1- ‘row’ . 145 6.5.3 *u̯ erg̑ - ‘enclose’ . 146 6.5 Conclusion . 146 Works cited 148 !viii SYMBOLS C consonant $ or σ syllable C̥ syllabified consonant * reconstructed as; OT violation E ending † internally reconstructed as hx laryngeal > develops into H laryngeal of unknown value ~ alternates with i̯ , u̯ vowel glides → derivational change; analogy K k̑ or k # word boundary R sonorant or root ]σ syllable boundary S suffix ø null phoneme or morpheme U high vowel < … > transliterated text U̯ glide / … / underlying representation V vowel [ ….