MEDICAL WRITERS OF THIRTEENTH CENTURY ENGLAND By J. C. RUSSELL

CHAPEL HILL, N. C. EDICINE,M like nearly all a forest transgression in 1223.3 In the of the fields of learning in several documents which show him a the Middle Ages, was inter- canon of Lincoln and recipient of national in character and royal favors from 1220 to 1233 he nearly coextensive with the Latin seems not to be cited again as a civilization of the Church. In this physician, but the one instance is field thirteenth century England has enough to distinguish him from a occupied a respectable position. Gen­ contemporary Master Ralph of La- eral histories of medicine have included cock.4 Master Th. de. Ebl. is probably Gilbertus Anglicus, Richard of Wend­ Master Thomas of Ebbesborne (usu­ over, and Bernard Gordon in the list ally Ebleburn in the documents) who of great writers, while other men, such appeared consistently at Salisbury as as Alfredus Anglicus, Guilelmus Angli­ a canon of its cathedral from 1222 cus, and Michael Scot, whose interests to 1246. The manuscript contains were primarily in other sciences, have recipes of a thirteenth century Philip touched medicine at particular points. who may be searched for in the same The lesser writers have hardly been period near Winchester cathedral if sorted out of the great works of bibliog­ we are to expand “ad E. Wint.” to raphy nor the manuscripts searched for “ad ecclesiam Wintoniensem.” additional names. Into this field this article is a tentative step. It represents 11 one part of the field of thirteenth Roger of Lacock was a canon of century writers whose works and lives Lincoln as early as September 26, I have been studying as a unit.1 It 1220;5 his name appearing in a charter gives such information as may be dis­ witness list ahead of several other covered by a layman approaching the canons. Mr. Salter has shown that in subject from the historical side rather the Lincoln charters the canons were than from the medical. arranged by rank and then by senior­ ity.6 Since Roger was still a subdeacon, I a member of the lowest rank, some Of the little known writers upon years later,7 the presence of his name medicine the names of three come ahead of others in the charter of 1220 from a single manuscript in the probably means that he had already British Museum.2 Two may be identi­ been a canon for some time. From fied with considerable certainty with that year until the nineteenth episcopal men of the first half of the thirteenth year of Bishop Hugh (1227-1228) he century and some conjectures are appears frequently as a witness of the possible for the third. Master R. de bishop’s charters.8 The year before Lacoc is almost certainly the Master this, that is in 1226-1227, the bishop Roger de Lacock, medicus, at whose had given him the church of Hale,9 instance the king of England pardoned and as its parson, Roger, fell into a dispute with forty-six persons, appar­ ber 3, 1227 at Salisbury.20 He was ently his parishioners, all named in a present again in chapter at about this letter patent of August 23, 1229.10 time and in the following year con­ On August 3, 1223 Master Roger sented to the election of Robert Bing­ was granted eight furchias from a royal ham as bishop of Salisbury.21 forest, a gift of the king.11 In 1228 on Thomas attested charters of Bishop July 11 the king gave him the church Robert in the first and second years of Bruges12 and on October 4 of the of his episcopate.22 He was in chapter following year the church of Washing­ at Salisbury on February 13, 1230 or borough.13 To this he was admitted 1231,23 and attested a charter of only in 1232-1233.14 These gifts were Master Elias of Dereham at about the followed by three oaks from the forest same time.24 He was in chapter again of Chippenham and three from Melke- in October 19, 1233, witnessed charters sham for his home in Lacock in the of Bishop Robert on February 17, summer of 1229, two deer, damas, 1236, of Roger de Stodley on January from Sherwood forest in the autumn 12, 1240, and again of the bishop on of 1230 and more a year later from November 11, 1243.25 the forests of Rockingham and In his later life Thomas seems to Chippenham.15 have become a man of wealth and a So brilliantly begun, this career of patron of churches. In 1239-40 he episcopal and royal patronage did not presented a candidate to the church last long. On July 21, 1233 the king of Graham.26 Three years later he granted to another the “prebend which gave Colesworth Rectory to Adam de Master Roger of Lacock had in the Percy and in 1245-46 presented Wil­ church of Bruges,” and about the liam, a former vicar of Graham to same time there is a record of another Welby, and another man to Grantham presentation to Washingborough.16 Australis.27 His death occurred before There is a strong presumption that the November 6, 1246, but probably not gifts made to Master Roger were on long before that date.28 account of his medical attainments Thomas’s life thus is connected for and services to Bishop Hugh and many years with Salisbury. He at­ King Henry 111. tested an undated charter of Bishop Peter des Roches of Winchester,29 a hi city with which two other medical In Thomas of Ebbesborne’s first writers seem to have been associated.30 appearance in the documents he is not designated as master; possibly he IV had not attained it by 1222, the date Philip was not among the com­ of the document.17 He was present monest names in use in the thirteenth again in chapter at Salisbury in 1224, century so that we are justified in this time as a master.18 He attended suggesting the name of a Master the first service in the new cathedral Philip of demonstrated connection in 1225 and was in chapter on August with Winchester in the middle of the 15, 1226, holding the prebend of thirteenth century and still say prob­ Rotefen valued at viii marcs and taxed ably rather than possibly. In 1245 half a marc in that year.19 He witnessed Master Philip, rector of the church of a charter of Bishop Richard on Octo­ St. Margaret, seems to have been acting for the bishop of Winchester that rose naturally advanced in the in a suit.31 An earlier bishop, Geoffrey Church. Hugh of Evesham became a at the beginning of the century, had a cardinal, Nicholas of Farnham, bishop clerk named Philip but he seems never of Durham, and John of St. Giles, a to be designated as a master.32 These famous theologian and confidant of are the most promising hints.33 great men. John de Celia who died as abbot of St. Albans was described by v a writer of the monastery as a Priscian Two treatises in a thirteenth cen­ in grammar, an Ovid in poetry, and a tury ms at New College, Oxford, were Galen in medicine.39 While an historical attributed to a Master Henry of compilation, supposedly his, remains Winchester by Bernard in his catalogue as a monument of his grammar, and of 1697.34 Now only the second, the scattered lines show his poetry, no “Phlebotomy” has the name of an medical work is known to exist, al­ author, the title reading, “flomia though this is the most highly praised Henrici.” Bernard may have seen of his accomplishments.40 This abbot, colophons which have since been pbysicus preelectus et index urinarum clipped off or he may have had other incomparabilis predicted his own death information. Upon a second copy of after seeing the condition of his own the “Phlebotomy” occurs the English urine.41 statement, “And of fleubotomye these thyngs sufisyn after Maister Henricus VIII Wuntoniensis.”35 The great reputation of John of St. Giles cannot be tested by exami­ VI nation of his written works since only There are a few other names which one or two remain.42 He evidently was may be those of medical writers of a man of striking personality. He this century. A Master Hugh de combined with it a dramatic flare, Milneburne wrote a “Summa super illustrated perhaps best by his sensa­ Antidotarium Parvum.”36 Nicholas of tional entrance into the Dominican Horsham and Edward Niger were order while preaching upon poverty probably later than the thirteenth at Paris probably about 1231.43 He century.37 In the same ms with that had been a regent in medicine at both of Edward is a piece by a William Montpellier and Paris before this Stafford; several of that name can be event at Paris when he was evidently found in the twelfth and thirteenth interested in theology.44 About 1233 centuries.38 he went to Toulouse to succeed Roland of Cremona as lecturer there.45 VII His career in England has been The remaining writers, that is, the misunderstood because he has been better known men, were famous either confused with a contemporary John on account of their non-medical activi­ of St. Giles who became archdeacon of ties, their general scientific writings, Oxford. The latter, however, is almost or their medical works, and will be never called a master in the many considered in that order. The writers, documents in which his name ap­ as their titles or preferments indicate, pears.46 Under these circumstances we were practically all clerks, and those are probably justified in believing that the Master John of St. Giles who was a witness of a charter of IX Archbishop Stephen Langton was the Almost exactly contemporary with physician rather than the archdeacon.47 John of St. Giles was another famous John’s high capacities were known to physician and churchman, Nicholas of Bishop Robert Grosseteste (1235- Farnham.56 He was a friend of the 1253) who asked that the friar be chronicler, Matthew Paris, who has permitted to preach in England and given some valuable information about later that he might be permitted to him. Nicholas told Matthew of seeing stay with the bishop for a year.48 at Paris by 1201 a miracle involving a Shortly before the death of Grosseteste famous professor, Simon of Tournai.57 in 1253 he had a famous interview After studying arts at Paris he went with John about the conditions of the on to Bologna to study medicine and mendicant orders.49 He had cured the after teaching there returned to Paris, bishop of what was supposed to have becoming a master in theology.58 He been an attack of poison at one time may be the Master Nicholas “who has and in 1258 he cured the Earl of for some time held a professional chair Gloucester of a similar attack.50 in the arts” given permission in 1218 John of St. Giles also found a place by the pope to hold several benefices.59 at the royal court shortly after his He was one of the famous Englishmen, return to England. In 1235 th6 Em­ professors at Paris, who left that city peror, Frederick 11, entrusted him in the great dispersion of the univer­ with a message to King Henry in sity in 1229.60 During this early part concerning the pregnancy of the Em­ of his life (1216-18) he was for a time press Isabella, Henry’s sister.51 While in the service of Westminster, witness­ he is stated to have been a royal ing their documents and even receiving counsellor in 1239,52 he may have a benefice from them, in 1219.61 been employed earlier in this capacity Another Westminster document, the to judge from the evidence of previous will of Richard of Elmham, canon of royal favors. On September 7, 1237 St. Martin’s, gives him Richard’s the sheriff of Cambridgeshire was re­ portebors, that is a small portable quested to find good horses for Friar breviary.62 This will of 1228 calls Nic­ John in order that he might go to the holas medicus regis. king at York.53 He was an executor of The close connection of Westminster the will of Joan, sister of Henry 111 with English royalty may explain in the next year, and in 1240 was Nicholas’ association with the abbey; granted a favor by the king.54 already on August 18, 1221 he is called This career of episcopal and royal a royal clerk and receives twenty oaks patronage is somewhat typical of the from the forest of BrehuII for repairing possibilities open to able and politic his house in BrehuII.63 To his phy­ members of the mendicant orders. In sician the king gave a multitude of the case of John his services were gifts which well illustrate the kinds made doubly valuable by his medical of rewards which medieval royalty knowledge. The services of these orders could bestow upon its favorites. In to the unfortunate are illustrated by all these the fact that Nicholas was him in his hearing of the confession of the king’s physician was mentioned a famous pirate, William Marsh.55 apparently but once and another item shows that Nicholas had ordered predecessors and shared in the political certain spices.64 Besides the gift of life of the time until he resigned with timber already mentioned the phy­ papal permission in 1249. One chroni­ sician received others in 1229 (ap­ cler suggests that his resignation was parently it had not come in April forced on him because of suspicion 1230), 1232, 1234, 1238, and 1240; that he had been married before his some were designated for his hearth, consecration. Even he believed that some for his houses in Cherleton, and the bishop had redeemed himself by some for making a grange near his his humility, generosity, and piety.74 houses at Greenford.65 From the woods Faith in the saints ran high then: also the physician received venison: in 1244 he was miraculously cured in one instance at least he was to through the agency of some hairs from have men and dogs for taking them, the head of St. Edmund.75 He died in in another, it was to be done for him. 1257. All the references to the chase occur in 1237 and 1238: was it a passing x fancy on the part of Nicholas?66 He Like both of the preceding writers was also given upon a few occasions there remains little of the literary tuns of wine.67 production of Hugh of Evesham: in These gifts were supplemented by fact only one bit, a sermon has thus more unusual ones. Thus money was far been identified.76 But that his given by the king for the use of a reputation was one to conjure with man lying ill at Woodstock and is clear from the following paragraph another money gift was “ for the use of quoted from a recent publication:77 the damsel whom the king proposes to A few years afterward, Nicholas 111 make a nun at Tarent,” and consisted (Giovanni Gartani Orsini, 1277-1280) of “60 shillings to buy clothing and to and Martin iv (Simon de Brie, 1281-85) take her to Tarent and 40 shillings to commissioned Hugh of Evesham (Atra- make a pittance of the king’s gift.”68 tus) to find a cure for the “fever” Several favors such as pardons were which wrought such havoc in the city. granted at Nicholas’ request,69 and While in Orvieto, Martin iv created this Nicholas himself secured the service philosopher and student of medicine pertaining to land at Greenford, as (his personal physician) cardinal of San well as exemption from a contribution Lorenzo in Lucina. Rome owes to Hugh to the Pope in 1241.70 The king gave the rebuilding of this church and of other his physician the church of Essenden buildings on what is the Corso, but not in 1222.71 He was probably responsible the liberation from her greatest scourge, the malaria. The learned man himself for the election of the physician (who died of the fever while pursuing his had become his confessor also) to the researches (1280).78 bishopric of Coventry and Lichfield in 1239.72 Nicholas refused this honor Hugh first appears as a witness of a but two years later at the urging of confirmation of a charter on October the great Bishop Grosseteste he ac­ 12, 1265 without the title master.79 cepted the princely bishopric of This circumstance might be a cause Durham.73 of doubt about identification except As bishop the physician seems to that he appears among men and in have inherited the troubles of his conditions familiar in his later life: the document was executed by Arch­ to the king the archdeaconry of bishop Walter of York, and the name Worcester which he seems to have held of Sir (dominus) Richard de Middleton from 1275 until his death.89 appears also in the document. In 1269 Now the last phase of Hugh of he was a master at Oxford, acting as Evesham’s life began with a letter of one of five who were endeavoring to appointment, dated 10 September, settle a quarrel over poverty between 1280, to the Papal Curia.90 His coming the Franciscans and the Dominicans to Rome was quickly followed by his which was disturbing the university appointment as cardinal priest of at the time. His speech is recorded in St. Lawrence on March 23, 1281,91 an account of the dispute, and he an appointment in which Hugh’s seems to have been a spokesman for medical attainments were possibly a the group.80 In 1272 between April 2 determining factor. He remained in and August 18 he was presented to close contact with his English friends the church of Hemingburgh by the at York and at the royal court. The prior and convent of Durham upon archbishop sent him a letter of con­ the death of Sir Richard Middleton,81 gratulation, begging him not to over­ resigning at the same time the church work himself and cautioning him of Welton to no less a person than against poison.92 He also had frequent Robert Burnell, the great legal advisor occasion to call upon the cardinal for to King Edward 1. In 1279 he was a assistance at the Curia.93 Edward 1 canon of York and received a vote for reckoned him among his friends at the position of archbishop of York.82 Rome whose help was needed to He was directed by a letter of Decem­ expedite some negotiations in 1284.94 ber 17, 1279 to examine candidates Hugh reciprocated by requesting for ordination.83 In this same year he favors for his nephew, his chaplain, seems to have exchanged his prebend and Robert de Byzel, condemned for at York for the prebend of Begthorp.84 robbery, receiving robbers, and as­ He apparently held the church of sociation with a hanged man.95 He Spofford at this time since it was died in 1287. void by reason of his death some years later.85 XI Hugh’s connections with the royal Three famous scientists were inter­ favorites, the archbishop of York and ested either in medicine or in subjects Robert Burnell, prevents one from closely related to it. Alfredus Anglicus being surprised that he was in favor or Alfred de Sarechel wrote a book at the king’s court. In 1272 at his upon the heart and also some com­ request Geoffrey de Ullingham was mentaries upon the “Parva Na- allowed exemption for life from attend­ turalia.” He is probably the Master ing county and other local courts.86 Alfred whose presence at Hereford at As.''a royal clerk in 1275 who is stated the end of the twelfth century is to have served the king and his shown by several sources.96 William mother for a long time he was excused the Englishman, a physician at Mar­ from paying a debt to Fountains seilles, interested primarily in astron­ Abbey.87 In 1278 he was given four omy wrote a treatise “De Urina non bucks of the king’s gift from the Visa,” probably more of interest for forest of Galtres.88 He probably owed magic than for medicine.97 The third, Michael Scot, reported the result of a At about the same time (June 6, 1252) clinical observation: he was, however, Master Richard of Wendover, canon of an astrologer and translator.98 The St. Paul and distinguished physician, careers of these men while important died. He provided prayers for himself for the introduction of Arabic learning much more circumspectly than the afore­ into the Latin West touch medicine said Robert (Passelewe). He provided only lightly.99 for nine priests who should say mass forever for his own soul and those of all the faithful each day. We ought to XII mention him specially in this book because he gave a certain cross to the England can lay claim to three great church of St. Albans in which there are medical writers of the thirteenth cen­ many relics although their certificates tury and possibly to a fourth, Walter of authenticity have been doubted. This Aguilon.100 Bernard Gordon, by care­ cross, which was of ivory, was very fully dating a number of his writings dear to Pope Gregory. And since the and adding other data has enabled aforesaid Master R. was his physician, Karl Sudhoff to fix his life with some the pope when about to die ordered this degree of accuracy. He seems to have cross most dear to him to be given to the man most dear to him. started lecturing at Montpellier about 1283, writing books at short intervals This account enables us to identify from 1294 until 1307 at least.101 A the physician with the canon of St. colophon of a treatise of 1303 called Paul’s, which otherwise, as we shall him dean of the doctors. He probably see, would be difficult to do. Nearly spent his life at Montpellier after all the English documents about completing his study there. The other Richard are concerned either with his two writers, Richard and Gilbert, seem duties as canon of St. Paul’s or with to have spent part of their lives in his provision for the nine chantries. England although as their names However, his professional duties may Richard Anglicus and Gilbertus Angli- have been connected with the great cus show that they had an interna­ St. Bartholomew’s Hospital. He wit­ tional reputation. About both men nessed one of their charters in July, there are still many problems to be 1242 and about 1250 he became a solved. Richard was a common name, member of their fraternity when the and the treatises of Richard of Wend­ prior and convent acknowledged over have yet to be separated from others of the same given name. Even . . . the receipt of a psalter and a the combination Richard of Wendover gloss, in two volumes, and of the Epistles was shared by a contemporary bishop of St. Paul and of an altar (mensa) and linen cloth (mensale) from Master of Rochester. The name Gilbert was Richard of Wendover, and receive him quite uncommon: were it not for into their fraternity.103 questions of chronology it would be easy to identify him with an interest­ As early as 1233 Richard witnessed ing Master Gilbert de Aquila whom we a charter of St. Paul’s.104 He witnessed shall discuss later. others in 1241, 1243, and 1244,105 and For Richard of Wendover we may probably in 1237.106 In 1239 St. Paul’s start with a statement of Matthew gave him a manor which may have Paris:102 been the cause for being distrained for a forest offense, for which offense the Middle Ages: his “Compendium” or some other he was given respite.107 and a commentary upon the “De His prebends are not beyond doubt: Urinis” of Giles of Corbeil, physician he is supposed to have held Ealdland, to Philip Augustus of France (1180- Rugmere, and Neasden, all of the 1223).115 To fix his date we must diocese of London.108 Had not Matthew start with these works. Gilbert com­ Paris informed us that Richard was ments upon the work of a certain with Pope Gregory ix near the time Richard whose identity is not yet of his death in 1241, his witnessing of established and upon Averroes who documents in that year would have died in 1198. As Handerson observed, created a presumption against it. To Gilbert probably read his work in him King Henry hi gave four oaks translation, the earliest of which were from one of his forests for successful by Michael Scot about 1220-1236. He professional services to Fulk of believed also that the surgical sections Newcastle.109 of the “Compendium” came largely Of the nine chantries at least one from the “Rogerina” written about was, as we might expect, established 1230. Yet the “Compendium” is at St. Paul’s. His death apparently frankly a compilation in which Gilbert occurred on March 5, 1252; on this usually gives his authorities; his fail­ day annually a liberal gift from ure to give Roger credit arouses some Richard’s endowment was given to suspicion that he was not copying the clerks of the choir, paupers and to from a book. Both may have heard the church fund for upkeep of the the same surgical lectures or one may fabric of the cathedral.110 A mass was have heard the lectures of the other. to be said for him daily at the altar The date before which is easier; the of St. Hippolitus.111 To provide for “Compendium” is quoted in the these he had apparently given houses “Thesaurus Pauperum” of 1270 and whose annual income was nine marcs a by Theodoris, bishop of Cervia about year.112 He established another chan­ 1266.116 These indications point to try at the monastery of Lavendon, the first half of the thirteenth century, Bucks on Christmas Day, 1250, a but they are at best very shaky as third at Trembale, and a fourth at to the time after which. Holy Trinity, London, giving the Of the career of Gilbertus Anglicus prior and convent thirty marks.113 as student or teacher little may be We may suspect that a fifth was at hazarded. From his works it is obvious St. Bartholomew’s, but of the others that he had a high regard for the evidence is wanting. It is interesting Magistri Salernitani and may well to note that the will of Walter of have studied there. A Rue Gilbert Suffield, bishop of Norwich, of May Langlois near the medical quarter of 20, 1257 left twenty marks to the Paris rather suggests that he may have poor of the diocese of Norwich for taught there. There was apparently the soul of Richard of Wendover, about 1250 a chancellor of Montpellier his companion.114 of the name Gilbert. For centuries a controversy has existed as to whether XIII this physician was Gilbert de Aquila Two medical works of Gilbertus or not. The identification was appar­ Anglicus had a wide circulation in ently first made by Bale upon the basis of the story of the death of each year; and now had it done Archbishop Hubert Walter as chroni­ again. cled by Ralph of Coggeshale:117 On the third day, that is July 12, the Upon a journey from Canterbury to aforesaid G. at daybreak seeing with the Boxley with a considerable following secret eye of his mind suggested that where he was to reconcile the rebellious Hubert be given the extreme unction. monks of Rochester with their bishop He acquiesced freely, asking, however, upon an appointed day the venerable a delay until the arrival of the venerable archbishop (of Canterbury) Hubert Wal­ bishop of Rochester. Arriving about ter was stricken with a high fever and the third hour (before nine a.m.) the virulent ulcer so that he turned aside bishop wished to anoint him, but the to one of his manors, Tenham by name, archbishop comforted by a certain physi­ and there after four days on July 13 cian, Hendrik de Afaite, wished to post­ (1205) his life ended. The ulcer in the pone it until the next day. He said that third from the last vertebra, which he it would be more honorable to be anointed had been too modest to show to his before breakfast than after. attendants, had erupted to such an About the ninth hour (after three p.m.) extent that the inflamed portion seemed the septic matter went to the head and to approach his private parts. for a time he was delirious. But the To avert the serious danger of this force of the disease was retarded by kind of ulcer one thing may be tried. If physical remedies; that is, by administer­ the patient, however, feels a stitch be­ ing warm vinegar to his head and rubbing tween the breasts or raises a sweat he his feet with vinegar and salt, and he knows that death approaches. He may returned to consciousness, asking de­ be cured from such an ulcer by a mixture votedly for the extreme unction. of equal quantities of raw yolk of egg and salt if it is applied as a poultice on After extreme unction at about the the affected place and frequently renewed. time of vespers he sang a psalm, Let the patient eat bread and water prayed and blessed his followers. Then until the matter be destroyed. Blood­ he ate a little and was quiet until letting should be avoided unless the midnight. matter be drawn into a receptacle. If the archbishop had reported his Then there swept over him great feeble­ affliction sooner, he would have been ness; his panting body consumed in a cured without doubt, the physicians furnace of fevers, the devouring fire asserted. Advised by Master Gilbert burned out gradually the strength of del Egle that on account of the danger the suffering body. He lay there over­ of the septic matter and fever he ought heated, racked by continuous and deep to be reconciled to his Creator . . . gasps, and worn out by too rapid breath­ ing: all promised that the soul was ready he confessed amid a torrent of tears. to migrate from its home in the flesh. After doing these things, going to the The story of the presence of these table he comforted the failing nature two physicians at the deathbed of the of his feeble body with a very little food archbishop is confirmed in a curious and a drink of warm water, and was fashion; a charter of the archbishop then advised by the aforesaid G. to enrolled in an ancient cartulary con­ make his will. tains three witnesses, Master Gilbert He proudly replied that he had done de Aquila, Hendricus de Afaite and a this seven years before, renewing it third doctor, Master Jordanus Phy- sicus.118 Both the second and third references to one or more named names seem more foreign than English. Gilbertus Medicus but nothing about Brought in especially to care for the the citations to suggest importance.124 archbishop, they were probably men There is considerable probability that of repute in the medical world. Yet the physician who attended Hubert Gilbert appears in the charter ahead Walter was the famous medical writer. of both of them and in the account The impression produced by a study would seem to be in charge. Evidently of these men is that they were a well- he was no ordinary physician. This paid, highly respected group. Were Master Gilbert de Aquila appears in they rewarded for their professional other contemporary records. On Janu­ services or for other activities? It is ary 26, 1205 by a charter witnessed difficult to decide this question with by Archbishop Hubert, Gilbert was to the evidence at hand, but, at least, receive the hundred shillings given by it can be said that the highest ecclesi­ the Earl of Leicester for his homage astical positions were open to phy­ and service to the king.119 On March 3, sicians. Hugh of Evesham became a 1207 the king ordered letters of pre­ cardinal, evidently because of his sentation to the church of Stithed medical ability, and we may suspect to be given Gilbert; this donation was that the wealth of Thomas of Ebbes- in the vacant archbishopric of Canter­ borne, Richard of Wendover, and bury.120 In the same year Gilbert gave Gilbert de Aquila came the same way. the king sixty marks for holding the We learn also that in documents of manor of Chertham in Kent for an the time there is no attempt made to annual farm of forty pounds. A group distinguish the masters of medicine of prominent men went surety for him, from the masters of other disciplines. Robert de Vipont, Thomas Basset, In several cases only chance references Master Matthew Medicus, William enable us to label our men as phy­ de Cantelupe, Humphrey, archdeacon sicians. These writers are in general of Salisbury, and Richard Marsh.121 men of broad education, frequently Then on April 16 of the following year conversant with theology as well as the king ordered Reginald of Cornhill medicine. They were products of a to assist Gilbert in paying off the debt system which encouraged men to hear thus incurred.122 the lectures of professors of many The name Gilbert de Aquila was an subjects. A warning is necessary ancient and venerable one in England. against using the careers of these men One man of the name died in 1204 and as typical of the general run of doctors was succeeded by another of appar­ of medicine. They were probably the ently the same name, but neither was greatest physicians of the time; other­ a master, to judge from the very wise they would have hardly enjoyed numerous documents in which their the patronage of kings and bishops. names appear. There was a Gilbert This study has not touched upon the de Aquila, a parmentarius of London content of medical writing: that must who appears in the documents of await the careful examination of medi­ Westminster Abbey.123 It is quite cal manuscripts to fix more accurately likely that our physician was related than at present the lists of writings of to either family. There are a few other particular physicians. References Cotton, Claud. C, ix, fol. 184V: vii dies Aug. 1. Much of this material was gathered in 23. Reg. of S. Osmund, 1: 388. England in 1930-31 when I was a 24. Charters and Documents, etc. 205. fellow of the Guggenheim Foundation. 25. Ibid., 229, 237-8, 254, 289. My work, The Writers of Thirteenth 26. Rotuli Grosseteste, 43. He is here given Century England will appear prob­ the title subdeacon of Salisbury but ably in November of this year. this may be a mistake for another 2. Royal ms, 12 B xii, fol. 170V, “secundum canon, Thomas of Chobham. Ebbes- magistrum Th. de Ebl.”; fol. I7ir borne held Graham shortly before his “s.m.R. de Lacoc”; fol. n$r, “secun­ death. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1232- dum mag. Ph. ad E. Wint.”; fol. 126V, 1247, 494. “Dianthos magri. Phi. mirabilis effi- 27. Rot. Grosseteste, 64, 83, 89. cacie et optime, etc.”; fol. 170V 28. Cal. of Patent Rolls, 1232-1247, 492, “secundum Ph.” 3. Rot. Litt. Claus., i: 580. 494- 29. Brit. Mus., ms Cotton, Vesp. F xv. 4. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1225-32, 356; 30. In the British Museum is a Physio- ibid., 1232-47, 270, 278. nomia Thome Anglici in ms Add. 5. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms Laud, 15107, fols. 43V-44V, beginning “Di­ Misc. 642, fol. 4V. verse membrorum dispositiones ” and 6. Rotuli Hugonis de Welles, p. xvi. ending “cordis iudicium.” A Muster 7. Ibid., iii: 162 (1226-1227). Thomas Medicus attested a charter 8. Ibid., 11: 97 (2), 200 (2), 202, 203 (2), of J. prior of Spalding. Brit. Mus., ms 204, 205, 206, 210 (2), 213-216, 221, Add. 5844, fol. 219. 222, 226; British Mus., Roy. ms, 31. Brit. Mus., ms Stowe 942, fol. 5r. 11 B ix, fol. 30V; H. E. Salter, ed. 32. Brit. Mus., Add. ms 29436, fol. 3ir; The Boarstall Cartulary, Oxford, 1930, ms Egerton 2104a, fol. 200r; Chartu- 7; Cambridge University Library, Iary of Winchester Cathedral, ed. Add. ms. 3020, fol. 73r; W. R. Jones Goodman, Winchester, 1927, 6, 7, 41. and W. Dunn, eds. Charter and Docu­ 33. A Master Philip of Eton appears as a ments, etc. of Salisbury, London, writer in ms 177 of the Corpus Christi 1891, Rolls ser., 122. College Library, and a Master Philip 9. Rot. Hugonis de Welles, 111: 162. Medicus witnessed a charter of Hugh 10. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1225-1232, of Clive. Brit. Mus., ms Cotton, 303- Otho A ii, fol. I4v-i5r. 11. Rot. Litt. Claus. 1: 557. 34. Catalogi Librorum Manuscriptorum, 12. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 61. etc. Oxford, 1697, 35, “Medicinales 13. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1225-1232, questiones Magistri Henrici de Wyn­ 271. ton super Isagogen Joanitii,” and 14. Rot. Hugonis de Welles, in: 171. “Liber Phlebotomie Magistri Hen. 15. Cal. of Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 187, de Wynton.” ms New College, 171, ibid. 459, ibid., 1231-1234, 2. fols, ir, and 74c 16. Cal. of Patent Rolls, 1232-1247, 21; 35. Cambridge, Gonvile and Caius Coll, ms Rot. Hugonis de Welles, 111: 207. 176, fols. 1-11. 17. Rich Jones, W. H. ed. The Register of 36. Brit. Mus., ms Add. 8092, fol. 25V, which S. Osmund. London, 1884, Rolls ser., begins, “Testante Constantino hu- 1: 338. mana corpora.” 18. Ibid., n: 22. 37. Although the Worcester Cathedral ms 19. Ibid., 11: 38, 60, 73. (Q 60) of Nicholas’ “Antidotarium” 20. Jones, Macray, eds. Charters and is said by the catalogue to be of the Documents etc. of Salisbury. London, thirteenth century. Edward’s practica 1891, Rolls ser., 189. is in Royal ms 12 G iv of the British 21. Reg. of S. Osmund, 1: 319: 11: 109. Museum. 22. Dugdale. Monasticon Anglicanum. vi: 38. An archdeacon of Madrid of the name 503, 12 kal. May; Brit. Mus., ms witnessed a Toledo charter of 1154. Haskins: Studies in the History of tole. London, 1861, Rolls ser., 60, 61, Medieval Science, 127. In 1240-41 62, 132. another, a master, resigned the rectory 49. Paris, Matthew. Chronica Majora. v: of Marcham-Ie-Feu, and was probably 400-1. the same as the official of the arch­ 50. Ibid., v: 705. deacon of Lincoln eight years later. 51. Ibid., iii: 324. Rot. Grosseteste, 52, 107, 109. About 52. Ibid., 111: 627. this time a William de Stafford was 53. Calendar of Liberate Rolls, 1226-1241, canon, possibly prior of Derbey. Brit. 291. Mus., ms Cotton, Titus C ix, fols. 54. Ibid., 318; Calendar of Patent Rolls, 39V, 4or. At the end of the century 1232-1247, 214; Cal. of Close Rolls, there was a William de Stafford, 1237-1242, 215. official of the diocese of Coventry and 55. Paris, Matthew. Chronica Majora. iv: Lichfield. Reg. Winchelsey, p. 59. 196. 39. Gesta Abbatum Monasterii S. Albani, 56. For his writings see Dictionary of ed. H. T. Riley, London, 1867, Rolls National Biography under his name. ser., 1: 217, cf. also p. 246. 57. Chronica Majora. 11: 476. 40. Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms Douce 58. Ibid., iv: 86. ccvn (middle 13th cent.) of the 59. Bliss, i: 55. chronicle of Roger of Wendover has 60. Chronica Majora. in: 168. in early hands on each side of the text 61. Muniments of Westminster Abbey, nos. at the end of the events of 1188: “Hue 16739 (°f I2I7)> 32628, 22493, 1846, usque in lib. cronic. Johannis abbatis,” and 2017: Domesday of Westminster, and “Usque hoc cronica Johannis et fols. 447r, 3o6r, 575V and 336r: Rotuli hie finis.” The compilation was used Hugonis de Welles, 1: 137; 111: 44. by both Roger of Wendover and 62. Muniments, no. 13262. Matthew Paris. For John’s poetry see 63. Rot. Litt. Claus, 1: 468b; 1: 532, a the Gesta (cited above), 1: 244, 247. similar gift in January, 1223. 41. ; Gesta, 1: 246. 64. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1234-1237, 42. ^‘Experimenta magistri Johannis de 145: Rot. Litt. Claus, 1: 532. Sancto Egidio,” Oxford, ms Bodley 65. Cal. of Close Rolls, 1227-1231, 265, 287, 786, fol. I7or-i7iv. Cf. also Haureau, 316; ibid., 1231-1234, 72, 411; ibid., “Notices et extraits de quelques mss 1237-1242, 81, 205. de Paris,” iv: 236. 66. Ibid., 1234-37, 496; ibid., 1237-1242, 5, 43. Paris, Matthew. Chronica Majora, v: 84. 400-401; Quetif et Echard, Scriptores 67. Ibid., 109, 205; Cal. of Liberate Rolls, Ordinis Praedicatoris, 1: 100; Trivet, 1226-1240, 481, 33. Cal. of Close Annales, ed. Hog, 211. Rolls, 1237-1242, 109, 205. 44. Trivet, loc. cit. He is listed among the 68. Ibid., 399, 374. Dominicans of England who were 69. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1225-32, 106: licensed by the chancellor of the Uni­ ibid., 1216-25, 379; when he witnessed versity of Paris in theology before a royal charter at Gloucester; Cal. of 1258. Denifle, H. Quellen zur Gelehr- Close Rolls, 1234-37, 56, 507. tengeschichte des Predigeordens. Arch, 70. Hardy, W. J., and Page, W. A Calendar f. Litt. u. Kirch. Ges. d. Mittelalt., 2: to the Feet of Fines for London and 171, 1886. Middlesex. London, 1892, 24; Cal. of 45. Ibid., 174. Close Rolls, 1237-42, 347. 46. An exception is in ms Harley 3688, fol. 71. Cal. of Patent Rolls, 1216-25, 328. 137V, of the British Museum. 72. Annales monastici, hi: 144. 47. London, Lambeth Palace, ms 241, fols. 73. Paris, Matthew. Chronica Majora. iv: i84r, 22$r. No date given but it pre­ 86. ceded the death of the archbishop in 74. Chronicon de Lanercost, 54, 66. 1228. 75. Paris, Matthew. Chronica Majora. iv: 48. Luard, H. R. ed. Roberti Grosseteste 87. Episcopi quondam Lincolniensis Epis­ 76. ms Bodley 50, fol. 299. 77. Celli-Fraentzel, A. Contemporary re­ 98. For him see Haskins, C. H. Studies in ports on the mediaeval Roman cli­ the History of Mediaeval Science. mate. Speculum, y. 106 and sources Cambridge, 1927, chs. xn and xm: there cited. also his Michael Scot in Spain. 78. 1280 is wrong and it is to be doubted Homenaje a Bonilla Y San Martin, that Nicholas in who died before Madrid, 1930. Hugh came to Rome had much to do 99. For this subject see Birkenmajer, A. with the commission. Le role joue par les medicins et les 79. Brit. Mus. ms Stowe, 930, fol. 35r. naturalistes dans la reception d’Aris- 80. Little, A. G. The Grey Friars in tote au xn-e et xm-e si^cles. Pologne Oxford. Oxford Hist. Soc., 1892, 331, au Vl-e Congr. Internat. des Sc. Hist., Oslo, 1928, Warsaw, 1930. 333- 81. Brown, W. ed. The Register of Walter 100. There were many Aguilons in England Giffard, Archbishop of York. Durham, but no Master Walter Aguilon has Surtees Soc., 1904, 57, 58. turned up thus far. 82. Brown, W. ed. The Register of William 101. Zur Schriftstellerei Bernhards von Gor­ Wickwane, Archbishop of York, pp. don und deren zeitliche Folge. Arch f. yi, 305- Ges. d. Med., 10: 162-188, 1916. 83. Ibid., 22. 102. Historia Anglorum. Rolls ser., hi: 120. 84. Ibid., 2. 103. Moore, N. The History of St. Bartholo­ 85. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1281-1292, mew’s Hospital. London, 1918, 382. 104. Hist, mss Commission ix Report, Ap­ 327. 86. Ibid., 1266-1272, 648, 653. pendix p. 28b, nos. 1058, 1060. 87. Cal. of Close Rolls, 1272-29, 158. The 105. Ibid., 1241, pp. 12b, 17b; 1243, 18; Hugh who was physician to Edward 1244, ib. about a score of years earlier seems to 106. Moore, S. A. ed. Cartularium Monas- have been Hugh de Insula. Calendar terii Sancti Johannis Baptiste de of Close Rolls, 1253-54, 274; ibid., Colecestria, 97, 98, as a canon of 1254-56, 282. London. 88. Ibid., 1272-79, 478. Also an item of 107. Hist, mss, as above, 39b; P. R. O. 1276. Rigg, J. M. ed. Calendar of the Memoranda Roll no. 15 m iod. Plea Rolls of the Exchequer of the L. T. R. Memoranda Roll 20m 3. Jews. N. Y., 1905, in: 135. 108. Le Neve. Fasti Ecclesie Anglicane. Ed. 89. Bond, J. W. Willis ed. Register of Hardy, 11: 414, 433. Bishop Geoffrey Giffard. Oxford, 1902, 109. Cal. of Close Rolls, 1242-1247, 470. 58. This archdeaconry was held oc­ October 25, 1246, “pro cura quam fecit Fulconi de Castro Novo in casionally by royal clerks. Geoffrey egritudine sua.” was the brother of the archbishop of no. Cambridge University Library, ms Ee York. v 21, fol. 75V. 90. Register of William Wickwane, 183, 184. hi. Ibid., fol. 90V. 91. Ibid., 194. 112. Ibid., fol. 96r: Hist, mss Commission, 92. Ibid., 194. iv Report, Appendix, 161. 93. Ibid., 195, 197, 200, 202, 204, 205. 113. Hist. mss. Comm, ix Report, Appendix, 94. Calendar of Chancery Warrants, 1: 19. 56b, 33b, 27b (Ch. A-25-1750.) 95. Calendar of Patent Rolls, 1281-92, 135, 114. Blomefield, F. An Essay towards a 84, 86, 160. Topographical History of Norfolk. 96. See my Hereford and Arabic science in hi: 489. England about 1175-1200. Isis, 18: 115. H. E. Handerson in his Gilbertus 19 (July) 1932. Anglicus, Cleveland, 1918, has given 97. For William see Duhem, P. Le Systeme long and interesting quotations from du Monde. Paris, 1915, hi: 287-291; the former. Thorndike, L. A History of Magic 116. Payne, J. F., English medicine in the and Experimental Science. N. Y., Anglo-Norman period. Brit. M. J. 1923, 11: 477-487. p. 1904, 1904. 117- Index Britanniae Scriptorum, ed. R. L. 124. Master Gilbertus Medicus, Chancellor’s Poole and Mary Bateson, Oxford, Roll, 3 John, p. 4: Master Gilbertus 1902, under Gilbertus: Coggeshall medicus de burch, Cambridge Uni­ (Rolls ser.) 157. versity Library, ms 3020, fol. 79r: 118. Cambridge University Library, ms LI Master Gilbert and son Peter, Sten- ii 15, fol. 7r. ton, D. M. ed. The Earliest North­ amptonshire Assise Rolls 1202-3, 119. Rot. Chartarum, 141. Lincoln, 1930, 73: Pipe Roll, 14 120. Rot. Litt. Pat. 59b. Henry in, 205. Peter seems to have 121. Rot. de Finibus, see index. held lands in Warwick and Leicester 122. Rot. Litt. Claus. 1: 112. and died in 30 Henry hi (1245-46). 123. Westminster Muniments, nos. 13418, Public Record Office Memoranda 13426: Domesday fol. 56or. Roll 18 m 1.