Czech Protest Movements in the 2014 European Parliament Elections
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Slovakia's Righteous Among the Nations
Slovakia’s Righteous among the Nations Gila Fatran Slovak-Jewish relations, an important factor in the rescue of Jews during the Holocaust, were influenced in no small part by events that took place in the latter third of the 19th century. That century saw the national awakening of oppressed nations. The Slovak nation, ruled by the Hungarians for 1,000 years, was struggling at the time for its national existence. The creation of the Austro-Hungarian monarchy led in 1867 to the granting of equal civil rights to the Jews in the empire in the assumption that they would assimilate nationally and culturally into the state. At the same time the Hungarian leaders stepped up their suppression of the Slovak nation. The integration of the Jews into the developing economic and cultural life and the continued improvement in their situation alongside the suppression of the aspirations of the Slovaks, were used by the political and church representatives of the Slovak nation to fan the flames of Jew-hatred and to blame the Jews for the difficult lot of the Slovak People. During this period many Slovak publications also addressed the existence of a “Jewish Question” in a negative sense: blaming the Jews for all of the Slovak society’s ills. During this era, one of the central reasons behind the rise of Slovak antisemitism was the economic factor. At the same time, the slogan “Svoj k svojmu,” which, freely translated, means “Buy only from your own people,” registered a series of “successes” in neighboring countries. However, when nationalists, using this motto, launched a campaign to persuade Slovaks to boycott Jewish-owned shops, their efforts proved unsuccessful. -
Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012
Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 1 Module 4: Macro Report Comparative Study of Electoral Systems Module 4: Macro Report September 10, 2012 Country: Czech Republic Date of Election: 25th and 26th October 2013 Prepared by: Lukáš Linek Date of Preparation: 23rd February 2016 NOTES TO COLLABORATORS: . The information provided in this report contributes to an important part of the CSES project. The information may be filled out by yourself, or by an expert or experts of your choice. Your efforts in providing these data are greatly appreciated! Any supplementary documents that you can provide (e.g., electoral legislation, party manifestos, electoral commission reports, media reports) are also appreciated, and may be made available on the CSES website. Answers should be as of the date of the election being studied. Where brackets [ ] appear, collaborators should answer by placing an “X” within the appropriate bracket or brackets. For example: [X] . If more space is needed to answer any question, please lengthen the document as necessary. Data Pertinent to the Election at which the Module was Administered 1a. Type of Election [X] Parliamentary/Legislative [ ] Parliamentary/Legislative and Presidential [ ] Presidential [ ] Other; please specify: __________ 1b. If the type of election in Question 1a included Parliamentary/Legislative, was the election for the Upper House, Lower House, or both? [ ] Upper House [X] Lower House [ ] Both [ ] Other; please specify: __________ Comparative Study of Electoral Systems 2 Module 4: Macro Report 2a. What was the party of the president prior to the most recent election, regardless of whether the election was presidential? Party of Citizens Rights-Zemannites (SPO-Z). -
The Czech President Miloš Zeman's Populist Perception Of
Journal of Nationalism, Memory & Language Politics Volume 12 Issue 2 DOI 10.2478/jnmlp-2018-0008 “This is a Controlled Invasion”: The Czech President Miloš Zeman’s Populist Perception of Islam and Immigration as Security Threats Vladimír Naxera and Petr Krčál University of West Bohemia in Pilsen Abstract This paper is a contribution to the academic debate on populism and Islamophobia in contemporary Europe. Its goal is to analyze Czech President Miloš Zeman’s strategy in using the term “security” in his first term of office. Methodologically speaking, the text is established as a computer-assisted qualitative data analysis (CAQDAS) of a data set created from all of Zeman’s speeches, interviews, statements, and so on, which were processed using MAXQDA11+. This paper shows that the dominant treatment of the phenomenon of security expressed by the President is primarily linked to the creation of the vision of Islam and immigration as the absolute largest threat to contemporary Europe. Another important finding lies in the fact that Zeman instrumentally utilizes rhetoric such as “not Russia, but Islam”, which stems from Zeman’s relationship to Putin’s authoritarian regime. Zeman’s conceptualization of Islam and migration follows the typical principles of contemporary right-wing populism in Europe. Keywords populism; Miloš Zeman; security; Islam; Islamophobia; immigration; threat “It is said that several million people are prepared to migrate to Europe. Because they are primarily Muslims, whose culture is incompatible with European culture, I do not believe in their ability to assimilate” (Miloš Zeman).1 Introduction The issue of populism is presently one of the crucial political science topics on the levels of both political theory and empirical research. -
2019 European Elections the Weight of the Electorates Compared to the Electoral Weight of the Parliamentary Groups
2019 European Elections The weight of the electorates compared to the electoral weight of the parliamentary groups Guillemette Lano Raphaël Grelon With the assistance of Victor Delage and Dominique Reynié July 2019 2019 European Elections. The weight of the electorates | Fondation pour l’innovation politique I. DISTINGUISHING BETWEEN THE WEIGHT OF ELECTORATES AND THE ELECTORAL WEIGHT OF PARLIAMENTARY GROUPS The Fondation pour l’innovation politique wished to reflect on the European elections in May 2019 by assessing the weight of electorates across the European constituency independently of the electoral weight represented by the parliamentary groups comprised post-election. For example, we have reconstructed a right-wing Eurosceptic electorate by aggregating the votes in favour of right-wing national lists whose discourses are hostile to the European Union. In this case, for instance, this methodology has led us to assign those who voted for Fidesz not to the European People’s Party (EPP) group but rather to an electorate which we describe as the “populist right and extreme right” in which we also include those who voted for the Italian Lega, the French National Rally, the Austrian FPÖ and the Sweden Democrats. Likewise, Slovak SMER voters were detached from the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats (S&D) Group and instead categorised as part of an electorate which we describe as the “populist left and extreme left”. A. The data collected The electoral results were collected list by list, country by country 1, from the websites of the national parliaments and governments of each of the States of the Union. We then aggregated these data at the European level, thus obtaining: – the number of individuals registered on the electoral lists on the date of the elections, or the registered voters; – the number of votes, or the voters; – the number of valid votes in favour of each of the lists, or the votes cast; – the number of invalid votes, or the blank or invalid votes. -
November 2020
EPP Party Barometer November 2020 The Situation of the European People’s Party in the EU (as of: 23 November 2020) Dr Olaf Wientzek (Graphic template: Janine www.kas.de Höhle, HA Kommunikation, Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung) Summary & latest developments (I) • In national polls, the EPP family are the strongest political family in 12 countries (including Fidesz); the Socialist political family in 6, the Liberals/Renew in 4, far-right populists (ID) in 2, and the Eurosceptic/national conservative ECR in 1. Added together, independent parties lead in Latvia. No polls/elections have taken place in France since the EP elections. • The picture is similar if we look at the strongest single party and not the largest party family: then the EPP is ahead in 12 countries (if you include the suspended Fidesz), the Socialists in 7, the Liberals in 4, far-right populists (ID) in 2, and the ECR in one land. • 10 (9 without Orbán) of the 27 Heads of State and Government in the European Council currently belong to the EPP family, 7 to the Liberals/Renew, 6 to the Social Democrats / Socialists, 1 to the Eurosceptic conservatives, and 2 are formally independent. The party of the Slovak head of government belongs to the EPP group but not (yet) to the EPP party; if you include him in the EPP family, there would be 11 (without Orbán 10). • In many countries, the lead is extremely narrow, or, depending on the polls, another party family is ahead (including Italy, Sweden, Latvia, Belgium, Poland). Summary & latest developments (II) • In Romania, the PNL (EPP) has a good starting position for the elections (Dec. -
Factsheet: the Czech Senate
Directorate-General for the Presidency Directorate for Relations with National Parliaments Factsheet: The Czech Senate Wallenstein Palace, seat of the Czech Senate 1. At a glance The Czech Republic is a parliamentary democracy. The Czech Parliament (Parlament České republiky) is made up of two Chambers, both directly elected – the Chamber of Deputies (Poslanecká sněmovna) and the Senate (Senát). The 81 senators in the Senate are elected for six years. Every other year one third of them are elected which makes the Senate a permanent institution that cannot be dissolved and continuously performs its work. Elections to the Senate are held by secret ballot based on universal, equal suffrage, pursuant to the principles of the majority system. Unlike the Lower Chamber, a candidate for the Senate does not need to be on a political party's ticket. Senators, like MPs have the right to take part in election of judges of the Constitutional Court, and may propose new laws. However, the Senate does not get to vote on the country budget and does not supervise the executive directly. The Senate can delay a proposed law, which was approved by the Chamber. However this veto can, with some rare exceptions, be overridden by an absolute majority of the Chamber in a repeated vote. 2. Composition Composition of Senate following the elections of 2-3 October & 9-10 October 2020 Party EP affiliation Seats Občanská demokratická strana (ODS) Civic Democratic Party 27 TOP 09 Starostové a nezávislí (STAN) Mayors and Independents 24 (some MEPs) Křesťanská a demokratická unie - Československá strana lidová (KDU-ČSL) 12 Christian-Democratic Union – Czechoslovak People's Party ANO 2011 Česká strana sociálně demokratická (ČSSD) 9 Czech Social Democratic Party Senátor 21 Senator 21 Česká pirátská strana 7 Czech Pirate Party (some MEPs) Strana zelených Green Party Non-attached 2 TOTAL 81 The next elections must take place in autumn 2022 at the latest. -
International Migration in the Czech Republic and Slovakia and the Outlook for East Central Europe
International Migration in the Czech Republic and Slovakia and the Outlook for East Central Europe DUŠAN DRBOHLAV* Faculty of Science, Charles University, Prague Abstract: The contribution is devoted to the international migration issue in the Czech Republic and Slovakia (Czechoslovakia). Besides the contemporary trends, the international migration situation is briefly traced back to the communist era. The probable future scenario of international migration development - based especially on migration patterns that Western Europe has experienced - is also sketched, whilst mainly economic, social, political, demographic, psychological and geographical aspects are mentioned. Respecting a logical broader geopolitical and regional context, Poland and Hungary are also partly dealt with. Statistics are accompanied by some explanations, in order to see the various „faces“ of international migration (emigration versus immigration) as well as the different types of migration movements namely illegal/clandestine, legal guest-workers, political refugees and asylum seekers. Czech Sociological Review, 1994, Vol. 2 (No. 1: 89-106) 1. Introduction The aim of the first part of this contribution is to describe and explain recent as well as contemporary international migration patterns in the Czech Republic and Slovakia (and the former Czechoslovakia). The second part is devoted to sketching a possible future scenario of international migration development. In order to tackle this issue Poland and Hungary have also been taken into account. In spite of the general importance of theoretical concepts and frameworks of international migration (i.e. economic theoretical and historical-structural perspectives, psychosocial theories and systems and geographical approaches) the limited space at our disposal necessitates reference to other works that devote special attention to the problem of discussing theories1 [see e.g. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
List of Members
Subcommittee on Security and Defence Members Anna FOTYGA Chair European Conservatives and Reformists Group Poland Prawo i Sprawiedliwość Christian EHLER Vice-Chair Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Germany Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands Jaromír ŠTĚTINA Vice-Chair Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Czechia TOP 09 a Starostové Clare MOODY Vice-Chair Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament United Kingdom Labour Party Sabine LÖSING Vice-Chair Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left Germany DIE LINKE. Laima Liucija ANDRIKIENĖ Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Lithuania Tėvynės sąjunga-Lietuvos krikščionys demokratai Johannes Cornelis VAN BAALEN Member Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Netherlands Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie Brando BENIFEI Member Group of the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats in the European Parliament Italy Partito Democratico Klaus BUCHNER Member Group of the Greens/European Free Alliance Germany Ökologisch-Demokratische Partei Jerzy BUZEK Member Group of the European People's Party (Christian Democrats) Poland Platforma Obywatelska 30/09/2021 1 Aymeric CHAUPRADE Member Europe of Freedom and Direct Democracy Group France Les Français Libres Javier COUSO PERMUY Member Confederal Group of the European United Left - Nordic Green Left Spain Independiente Arnaud DANJEAN Member Group of the European People's Party -
Perception of China Among V4 Political Elites
Perception of China among V4 Political Elites Matej Šimalčík | Alžběta Bajerová | Ivana Karásková Tamás Matura | Agnieszka Ostrowska | Bruno Surdel Content Content ................................................................................................... 1 Summary ................................................................................................ 2 1 Introduction ........................................................................................ 4 2 Slovakia: Adoration and ambivalence .................................................. 7 2.1 No clear benefits in sight .................................................................... 9 2.2 Human rights take precedence over economic issues? ................11 2.3 Pragmatism takes center stage .......................................................16 3 Czechia: Between Economic Opportunity and Identity Threat ............ 19 3.1 Czech Parliament’s China approach from 2018 onwards..............21 3.2 China fatigue among Czech politicians ...........................................23 3.3 Pragmatism towards China prevails ................................................27 4 Hungary: Sharing common values? ................................................... 29 4.1 Economic benefits trump security considerations .........................33 4.2 Human rights on the back burner .....................................................34 4.3 Ideologic divide ..................................................................................36 5 Poland: China outweighed by -
New Parties in the Party Systems of Central and Eastern European Countries: the Factors of Electoral Success
vol� 63(3)/2019, pp� 50–65 DOI: 10�15804/athena�2019�63�04 www�athenaeum�umk�pl ISSN 1505-2192 NEW PARTIES IN THE PARTY SYSTEMS OF CENTRAL AND EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES : THE FACTORS OF ELECTORAL SUCCESS NOWE PARTIE W SYSTEMACH PARTYJNYCH PAŃSTW EUROPY ŚRODKOWEJ I WSCHODNIEJ: CZYNNIKI WYBORCZEGO SUKCESU Maciej Marmola* — ABSTRACT — — ABSTRAKT — The aim of the presented analysis is to identify Prezentowana analiza ma na celu zidentyfikowanie factors correlated with the proportion of seats czynników wykazujących związek z odsetkiem obtained by new political parties in party systems mandatów dla nowych partii politycznych of Central and Eastern European countries� The w warunkach systemów partyjnych państw study provides an original approach to success Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej� W trakcie badań of new parties, offering factors divided into in zaproponowano autorskie zestawienie czynników four groups (political, social, institutional and mogących współwystępować z wyższym wynikiem economic factors)� The study results confirmed mandatowym nowych partii, skategoryzowanych that a higher proportion of seats obtained by w obrębie czterech grup (czynników politycznych, new parties in the investigated area correlated społecznych, instytucjonalnych oraz ekono- with lower trust in the European Union, lower micznych)� Uzyskane rezultaty potwierdziły, że institutional trust (index based on trust in the wyższy odsetek mandatów zdobytych przez nowe parliament, government and political par- ugrupowania na badanym obszarze współwy- ties), poorer evaluations -
Political Conflict, Social Inequality and Electoral Cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018
World Inequality Lab – Working Paper N° 2020/25 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-2018 Attila Lindner Filip Novokmet Thomas Piketty Tomasz Zawisza November 2020 Political conflict, social inequality and electoral cleavages in Central-Eastern Europe, 1990-20181 Attila Lindner, Filip Novokmet, Thomas Piketty, Tomasz Zawisza Abstract This paper analyses the electoral cleavages in three Central European countries countries—the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland—since the fall of communism until today. In all three countries, the left has seen a prolonged decline in support. On the other hand, the “populist” parties increased their support and recently attained power in each country. We relate this to specific trajectories of post-communist transition. Former communist parties in Hungary and Poland transformed themselves into social- democratic parties. These parties' pro-market policies prevented them from establishing themselves predominantly among a lower-income electorate. Meanwhile, the liberal right in the Czech Republic and Poland became representative of both high-income and high-educated voters. This has opened up space for populist parties and influenced their character, assuming more ‘nativist’ outlook in Poland and Hungary and more ‘centrist’ in the Czech Republic. 1 We are grateful to Anna Becker for the outstanding research assistance, to Gábor Tóka for his help with obtaining survey data on Hungary and to Lukáš Linek for helping with obtaining the data of the 2017 Czech elections. We would also like to thank Ferenc Szűcs who provided invaluable insights. 1 1. Introduction The legacy of the communist regime and the rapid transition from a central planning economy to a market-based economy had a profound impact on the access to economic opportunities, challenged social identities and shaped party politics in all Central European countries.