Statistics on the Occupational Structure of Sweden 1800-1920: Censuses a Way to Capture Shifts in Regional Employment?

Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Statistics on the occupational structure of Sweden 1800-1920: censuses a way to capture shifts in regional employment?

In 1809 Sweden lost the Finish war and had to surrender Finland to Russia. The king Gustav IV Adolf was dethroned. The economy was run down and Sweden was one of the poorest countries in Western Europe. This was still the case by the mid-19th century. From 1870, however, Sweden underwent an extremely rapid and stable growth of the economy. In 1900 Sweden had established a, for the time, modern and diversified industrial production and by 1950 the nation had become one of the richest countries in the world. The industrialisation of Sweden was gradual. A key factor was an agricultural “revolution” in the 18th century built on increased input of labour and land, which was stimulated by institutional changes concerning ownership and market access. In comparison with other European countries Swedish utilized only a small share of its arable land. By the early 18th century, arable land comprised only 2 percent of total Swedish soil, while the average for Western Europe at the same time was 14 percent.1 During the 18th century agricultural growth occurred, but it was slow and gradual. From the early 19th century, however, Swedish agriculture underwent a pronounced shift in production and productivity that turned Sweden from a net importer into a net exporter of grain.2 Historically, Swedish industry has been dependent on iron, ore and wood. This meant that industry to a large extent was rural.3 Before the 19th century, only mining and metal production were of major importance, from the 18th century especially iron since the demand for Swedish copper deteriorated after the 17th century. During the early 19th century, however, increased competition from Russia (low costs for labour and raw material) and Britain (technological developments) created difficulties for the Swedish iron industry. Sweden also had production of consumer goods; in a number of smaller proto-industrial districts by crafts workers combining their work with farming, and in manufactures in towns. The latter was mainly a result of the 18th century economic policy. Besides higher import costs due to increased tariff rates and a ‘navigation act’, domestic industry was subsidised to substitute foreign products. Although few of these industries, or manufactories, survived or flourished

1 Gadd (2000), p. 26. 2 Utterström (1957); Herlitz (1988); Jonsson (1980); Kuuse (1970); Gadd (1983). 3 Gårdlund (1942); SCB (1969).

1 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 for a longer period, they are thought to have created new technological and entrepreneurial know-how. Yet proto-industry from the mid 18th century and new actors in the early 19th century seem to have been more important for the development from handicraft to mechanised production.4 The gradual effect of growing demand and productivity gains in agriculture paved way for a transition to true industry during the first half of the 19th century. Increased income from agricultural production stimulated the urban or rural industry and further specialisation. Improved transports, especially by railways from the 1860s, together with foreign demand created additional opportunities for Swedish agriculture to be commercialised. During the first half of the century textile production was the fastest growing industrial sector in Sweden. Proto-industrial production was extensive in the South-western part of Sweden (Sjuhäradsbygden) and in some Northern counties (i.e., Ångermanland and Hälsingland). Around 1800 the first mechanised cotton spinning mill was established, followed in the 1830s by the first weaving mill. These were built in rural areas. From the 1850s a more extensive establishment of mechanised weaving mills took place, but now mostly in urban areas. Then also wood and iron industry had become major growth engines, fuelled by foreign demand. Also a wide range of industries, often small or mid-sized such as grain mills, brick works, paper mills, and mechanical workshops, grew in rural areas producing both consumption and capital goods. Industry took off and matured during the two waves of economic growth in 1870s and 1890s. In the late 19th century the Swedish industry had developed from being based upon the extraction of raw materials or crude products to a more diversified production including a larger share of finished gods, produced in mechanised industries such as engineering workshops, paper mills or textile industry.5 Between 1850 and 1890 the Swedish economy became increasingly deregulated, and a modern financial market developed. One important reform was the full liberalization of craft and trade in 1864.6 Previous restrictions on rural trade had prohibited the establishment of fixed shops in rural areas until 1846 and within a 30 km radius of towns until 1864. Towns came to play a positive role through their service functions for the development of rural

4 Heckscher et al. (1957); Söderberg (1955); Nyström (1955); Nyberg (1992); Gadd (1991). 5 Schön (1979); Magnusson (2000), p. 52-56, 146-160. 6 Magnusson (2000), chapter 3 and 5.

2 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 industry, at least in fast growing Mälardalen.7 Before 1850, just a few larger ports and administrative centres in the South and Central Sweden could offer advanced commercial services. Then trade and commerce in towns expanded along with the population growth. However, first in the late 19th century when trade in the countryside was deregulated, growth of services accelerated.8 Thus we know a lot about the overall transition regarding growth of economic sectors on a national level. It is well known that Sweden was a pioneer in producing historical national accounts. Five generations of economics and economic historians have made efforts on the topic from the National Income of Sweden 1861-1930 in the 1930s to the Historical National Accounts (HNA) project at Lund University in the 1980s.9 At present we should add a sixth generation with an overall revision and an inclusion of environmental aspects.10 We know, however, less about the regional and local change that produced the general development of GDP and sectors. This is true for most of the 19th century and especially for the development prior to 1850. Here, knowledge is very scant regarding the occupational structure and regional patterns in economic growth. The general aim of this paper is to present the research on Swedish population, GDP and employment during the period 1800-1920, but also to add some knowledge about regional patterns in the transition. The latter is achieved by a case study of male occupational structure in Mälardalen11 in 1820, based on data from Tabellverket (The Table Commission). The region consisted of about 400 parishes and included more than a fifth of the Swedish population. The capital city, Stockholm, is located in the region, but it also included a dense net of small towns, the main areas for Swedish iron production, and some of the best agricultural soils in Sweden.12

Demography

Before 1800 population growth is still the available way to measure general development. Sweden, as many European countries, underwent a long term population growth from the 17th

7 Jonsson et al. (in print). 8 Dahl (1965); Jonsson et al. (in print), appendix Table A.; Jonsson & Sandgren (2007); Petersson & Sandgren (1997). 9 Schön (2009); Bohlin (2003). 10 Edvinsson (2005); Lindmark (1998). 11 Mälardalen comprises the five counties: Stockholm, Uppsala, Södermanland, Västmanland and Örebro. 12 Stolpe (1912), pp. 21-35 & 93-100; Gadd (2000), pp. 23-42.

3 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 century and onwards. (See Figure 1) In 1750 the Swedish population amounted to 1.8 million. By 1800 it had reached 2.4 million and by 1850 3.5 million people. Although there were occasional dips, this suggests an improved economic performance. More mouths were to be fed, but the society seems to have succeeded with it rather well.

Figure 1. The Swedish population 1620-1900

6000000

5000000

4000000

3000000

2000000

1000000

0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 4 5 10 20 3 00 1 2 3 80 90 0 6 7 7 8 8 8 8 9 1 16 16 1660 1670 1680 1690 1700 1 1 17 1740 1750 1760 1770 1780 1790 1 1 18 18 1840 1850 1860 1870 1 1 1

Source: Edvinsson (2009) 090529. Note that the population relates to present borders. Data from 1749 and onwards in Edvinsson (2009) is based on official statistics www.scb.se, while data until 1748 are based on Palm (2001) .

Until the 19th century a number of periods with negative or low annual population growth due to war or crop failures could be discerned. Already from the beginning of the 19th century crop failures had less negative effect on population growth than previously, even though the year of bad harvest 1867-68 is considered the last famine in Sweden.13 Lower mortality led to acceleration in population growth from the first decades in the 19th century, from an annual growth of nearly 0.6 to about 0.8 per cent.14 Slower population growth after 1850, within the general context of relatively high long term average growth of 0.7 percent, was instead the result of increased migration, especially to the USA. Prior to 1851 there was no annual

13 Schön (2000), p. 74. 14 www.historia.se 090529. Note that the population includes within present borders. Data from 1749 based on official statistics www.scb.se, data until 1748 based on Andersson-Palm (2001).

4 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 official emigration data presented. However, the net loss of population has been estimated to only seldom exceed five thousand people over a five year period between 1751 and 1850.15 Thus, the period of mass migration that started in the mid-19th century was a totally new experience for the Swedish nation. The bulk of this migration took place in the last two decades of the century, but with an early peak in the late 1860s.16 The migration peaks followed the slumps in the business cycle. Besides religious and political reasons for emigration, the main explanation was the combination of economic hardships in Sweden and the opportunities the North American economy offered.17 Aside from emigration a rather widespread domestic migration took place. Urbanisation was late in Sweden. Stockholm was a stagnating metropolis during the first half of the 19th century and small towns did not seem to have managed to attract people on a broader basis until the 1850s, and very slowly. Still in the 1880s only a fifth of the Swedish population lived in towns, as shown in Figure 2. Until the mid 1920s there was no absolute decrease of rural population.18 Before that, however, a fairly large redistribution of rural population took place. A comprehensive historical study of domestic migration does not yet exist, but local studies have found that more than half of the population in the 19th century had migrated within their parish of present residence, or within 20 km from the parish, or been born outside the parish.19 The social consequence of improvements in agriculture was that the landless classes grew rapidly, while the peasant class (those with formal ownership of the land) was rather static. As in most other countries, a class of surplus labour was created available for use in agriculture, industry, or services.20

15 Hofsten (1986), p. 73. 16 www.scb.se 090529. 17 Schön (2000), p. 145. 18 SCB (1969), p. 46-47, Tab 4. 19 Martinius (1967), p. 58; Dribe (2003), p. 60 and 112. 20 Gadd (2000), p. 221-230.

5 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Figure 2. Urbanisation in Sweden 1800-1980

Source: Nilsson (1989) ,p. 129, Diagram 4:1. Note: Lars Nilsson’s data is for the period prior to 1950 is built upon the administrative towns or urban agglomerations that existed, which is why the presented figure includes four different graphs. From top to bottom the legend should be translated: all urban agglomerations, estimated development (of all urban agglomerations), administrative urban agglomerations, (chartered) towns.

The external and internal migration led to a shift from a concentration of the population, to a few counties in the Southwest and Mälardalen, to a more even distribution. Comparatively higher real wages in Mälardalen and Norrland by the end of the 19th century, due to new opportunities to capitalise the natural resources of timber, iron and water power, could be taken as important pull factors in this change of distribution.21 Nonetheless, in 1900 the Southern and Central parts had still a much higher population density than the Northern parts.22

Economic growth and the Swedish national accounts

For the purpose of presenting the GDP growth we have chosen the series produced by Lennart Schön and Olle Krantz. The reason is that we thereby could illustrate changes in the different sectors of economy the whole 19th century, which is not possible if we use Rodney

21 Söderberg & Lundgren (1982), p. 19-21. 22 SCB (1969), p. 56, Tab 9, p. 58-59.

6 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Edvinsson’s series.23 We will below, however, use Edvinsson’s data for employment since we have found them more reliable than the data from HNA.24 Figure 3 shows the accelerating growth of GDP in Sweden 1800-1920. During the first half of the 19th century the annual growth rate was 0.4 per cent. During the second half the growth rated speeded up and from the 1870s it reached 2.1 per cent.25 Before 1870, Sweden was lagging behind compared to other European and North American countries. From then on, however, the Swedish economy made a swift catch up.26 The result was a slow increase in Swedish GDP per capita during the first half of the 19th century, with a swift upward turn from the 1870s; from about 150 Swedish crowns per person in 1800 to 460 in 1900 and as much as 700 in 1920, all in constant price of 1910/1912.27

Figure 3. Swedish GDP distributed on economic sectors 1800-1920, in factor price in millions of Swedish Crowns constant price (1910/1912 price level)

4500 4000 3500 3000 Tertiary sector 2500 Secondary sector 2000 Primary sector 1500 1000 Mill. Swedish Crowns Swedish Mill. 500 0 1800 1805 1810 1815 1820 1825 1830 1835 1840 1845 1850 1855 1860 1865 1870 1875 1880 1885 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920

Source: Schön (2009) 090601. Table IV.

Figure 3 shows that the primary sector and tertiary sector totally dominated the economy throughout the 19th century. The primary sector grew modestly. A steady growth of industry could be discerned from the 1840s, but accelerating first in the 1870s. Yet industry did not

23 At present, Edvinsson has only published GDP series with constant prices for different aggregate GDP measures (GDP per capita by expenditure and by activity). Edvinsson (2005), “Summary Tables” 24 Krantz & Schön (2007). 25 Schön (2000), p. 13, Tabell 1.1; Maddison (1982), Table 3.1. 26 Maddison (1982). 27 Schön (2009) Population statistics from historia.se, 090624.

7 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 exceed the primary sector until the early 20th century. The tertiary sector past the size of the primary sector in the late 19th century. First in the 1890s, as shown in Figure 4, the share of the primary sector decreased slowly from the 1840s and fast from the 1890s. It also shows that there were shifts within the sectors during the 19th century. In the secondary sector manufacturing industry grew faster than building and construction. In the tertiary sector private service and transports took a larger share from mid-century, while the share off public services shrank. This left the total share of the tertiary sector rather unaffected over time.

Figure 4. Share of GDP by sector in Sweden 1800-1920

100%

80% Service of dwellings Public services 60% Private services Transport and communications 40% Building and construction Manufacturing industry 20% Agriculture

0% 1800 1805 1810 1815 1820 1825 1830 1835 1840 1845 1850 1855 1860 1865 1870 1875 1880 1885 1890 1895 1900 1905 1910 1915 1920

Source: Schön (2009) , Table I.

What we can not see here is, of course, the regional differences that made up the sum of total economic change of the 19th century. Regional change is unfortunately at present not possible to measure any more accurately if we go to the share of employment of different sectors, but more of that below.

Work and employment

Overall, there is no shortage of occupational data at parish level for Sweden from the 18th century and onwards. The occupation of at least the head of the household was in general registered both in parish tax registers (mantalslängder) and in registers of catechetical meetings (husförhörslängder). The latter register was even used to corroborate the information

8 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 in mantalslängder.28 Both materials have been used in order to study the social and economic structure of parishes and small regions. None of these sources were primarily thought to collect information about the demographic or occupational structure, neither were they compiled into regional or national summaries regarding these aspects. This makes them less useful for aggregate studies of occupational change over time. From 1749, however, this type of data was provided by the population census, the so called Kungl. Tabellverket (The Royal Table Commission).

The occupational census data of Tabellverket

Sweden counts itself as having the oldest and longest annual series of population statistics in the world. This was achieved when Tabellverket was established by a royal letter in 1748. The collection of population data took off from 1749 and has continued until present time with basically only one organisational change, when Tabellverket was replaced by Kungl. Statistiska Centralbyrån/SCB (Statistics Sweden) in 1858. Tabellverket produced two types of population data. One was annual tables over mortality, births and deaths; the other was periodical tables on population and occupation. The latter was from the beginning also intended to be compiled each year. This was soon realised to be impossible to achieve. Thus, between 1751 and 1775 data was collected every third year, and after 1775 every fifth year. This means that annual population changes were not recorded directly but could be reasonably well computed using fertility and mortality data. One overall problem, however, was that migration was not recorded until 1821.29 In addition to the above limitations, there are a number of flaws and changes in the collection of the data from Tabellverket that has to be taken into account. One aspect was that the decentralised way the primary data was collected by the parish priests; at the same time strength and a problem. On the one hand, the recording could be done by a person with good local knowledge and access to the many different registers that the parish kept. Moreover, this organisation did not require salaried officers or representatives, since the priest was supposed to do this work within his office, which kept the administration fairly cheap. On the other hand, the quality of the data relied on the accuracy of each priest. Another problem was that the parish tables until 1792 were summarised in two stages, by the deanery [prosteri/kontrakt]

28 Lext (1968), p. 150-152; Lext (1984), p. 174-179. 29 SCB (1949) Lundh (2003).

9 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 and then by the diocese/county, before it was sent to the office of Tabellverket. From 1792 it was the deanery tables that should be sent in. From 1802 the tables should include summary data from each parish when the deanery table was sent in, which made it possible to check the data at the central level.30 Another aspect that should be taken into consideration is what kind of information the collection of data included. Tabellverket right from the start sent out pre-printed forms that each parish priest should fill in. The same type of information was added when the deanery, county and national tables were produced. The composition of these forms changed, however, on several occasions from 1749 to 1855. For this text we will limit our discussion to the forms from the population census. During this period the five revisions were made: in 1775, 1805, 1825, 1840 and 1855. An important general change was that urban and rural parishes were reported on separate form from 1805 and onwards. It should also be noted that the double counting of occupations was removed. The report of “circumstances” disappeared, while the report of households became more detailed. At the same time also unmarried women’s employment and married women with employment outside their husbands business were included in the forms. From 1810 all male and female children in agricultural households counted as servants.31 We will return to the shortcomings of the source material and how we have dealt with them in our analysis of Mälardalen.

Estimates of aggregate occupational structure prior to 1850

Despite of the available data from Tabellverket no time series over changes in occupational structure for the period prior to 1850 exists. What is available are summations of tables from Tabellverket in SCB (1949) and SCB (1969) . An obvious problem is that the categories changed over time. However, statistician Yngve Fritzell has summarised data from SCB (1949) according to more modern sectorial categories for the years 1815, 1825, 1840 and 1855. It is not made explicit by Fritzell from what source these tables emanate, but given that he in other articles has used the tables included in the general report (berättelse) from Tabellverket, it is very likely that it is from this source his summaries emanate.32

30 SCB (1949). 31 Question to what extent children recorded in occupation categories compares to presentation of age intervals in TK. Result that in general more children in occupation categories than in age interval. Difference in general higher in towns. Fritzell (1980), p. 40. 32 Fritzell (1980).

10 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

A similar effort on an aggregated national level was also done at the start of the 20th century by economist Nils Wohlin who computed the occupational structure for every decade between 1751 and 1900.33 This estimate was heavily criticised by economic historian Eli F. Heckscher.34 The bulk of criticism was directed towards Wohlin’s treatment of the data for the 18th century, but Heckscher also criticised the general idea to categorise pre-industrial occupations into the sectors and occupational categories that emanated from the industrial economy. As shown in Table 1 the differences between Fritzell and Wohlin are marginal. However, in general Fritzell has done a more careful analysis of the basic data. The general conclusion is that industry had a very small share of total employment in Sweden until the 1850s. In line with the development of industry’s share of GDP, an increase in industry took place first from 1850 and onwards, while the share of employment in agriculture slowly decreased. The share of service and commerce was rather stable, however, with an expansion of the latter between 1850s and the 1870s.

33 Wohlin (1909). 34 Heckscher (1949); Heckscher (1949), p. 128-128, b, VIIIff.

11 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Table 1. Occupational structure according to Fritzell (F) and Wohlin (W) 1815-1870, thousands of employees, (in per cent, %) Year Agriculture F Industry F Commerce F Service F Total F 1815 1,911 (78) 241 (10) 74 (3) 236 (10) 2,465 (101) 1825 2,150 (78) 282 (10) 86 (3) 255 (9) 2,773 (100) 1840 2,452 (78) 331 (11) 87 (3) 267 (9) 3,137 (101) 1855 2,783 (77) 451 (12) 118 (3) 285 (8) 3,637 (100) 1870 2,940 (71) 678 (16) 223 (5) 328 (8) 4,169 Year Agriculture W Industry W Commerce W Service W Total W 1810 1,959 (82) 160 (7) 66 (3) 191 (8) 2,376 (100) 1820 2,135 (83) 181 (7) 43 (2) 226 (9) 2,585 (101) 1840 2,539 (81) 268 (9) 69 (2) 262 (8) 3,138 (100) 1850 2,714 (78) 319 (9) 68 (2) 381 (11) 3,482 (100) 1870 2,996 (72) 613 (15) 211 (5) 348 (8) 4,168 (100) Source: Fritzell (1980) p. 53, Tab. 3 T; Wohlin (1909) p. 4, Tab A (Absolute numbers rounded off to thousands and total computed from these).

Both Fritzell’s and Wohlin’s presentations include men and women in the four sectors. It should be noted that Fritzell also computed the amount of active and non-active persons. While this of course leads to differences in the number of employees, his rough estimates did not lead to any major change.

Estimates of aggregate occupational structure after 1850

We are much better provided with estimates of changes in the occupational structure from 1850 and onwards. At present there exists two different time series on employment by sector for the period 1850-2000. Economic historians Olle Kranz and Lennart Schön presents data for six sectors (agriculture, manufacturing industry and handicrafts, building and construction, transport and communication, private services, and public services)35, while economic historian Rodney Edvinsson present data for eight sectors (agriculture and ancillaries, manufacture and handicrafts, building and construction, transport and communication, circulation, private reproductive services, government services, and real estate).36 Edvinsson has, moreover, presented separate series on employees and self-employed (owners of businesses) for the same period and same sectors. For both series the work by Sven Jungenfelt has been the benchmark for estimating the number of employed over time in the different sectors.37 The main focus of Jungenfelt was to

35 Krantz & Schön (2007). 36 Edvinsson (2005). In both cases the series are also available as downloads. Krantz & Schön (2007) at http://www.ehl.lu.se/database/LU-MADD/National%20Accounts/default.htm, and Edvinsson (2005) at http://www.historia.se/index.html. 37 Jungenfelt (1959); Jungenfelt (1966).

12 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 measure the wage share in different sectors, and an estimate of employment was a pre- condition for the general aim. His series covered, for agriculture and industry the period 1870- 1950. Private services such as commerce, hotels and restaurants, banking, insurance, and free professions were only estimated for the period 1910-1950, while building and construction were limited to 1930-1950.38 For these computations he relied on official statistics from SCB and population censuses. For industry, rail and water transports and public utilities, he used sectoral statistics (BiSOS/SOS). Agriculture, forestry, minor industries, and handicrafts were collected from the censuses. The former could be found for each year, but data from the population census was after 1855 only produced every decade. Thus, Jungenfelt had here to make estimates.39 Estimating industry was complicated. Jungenfelt (and later estimates) had to handle three types of production. The larger industrial workplaces were well covered in the industrial statistics. Lacking in this data were, however, industries relating to agriculture (saw mills, grain mills, brick works, charcoal), beverages and utilities (gas and water works, also shipyards), and handicrafts. In most cases employment was calculated by existing data on production per employment. In some cases employment was derived by the work on the National Income of Sweden (NI) from the 1930s, for some years and interpolated backwards or forwards.40 Census could have been used, but was by Jungenfelt held to lead to too much of an effort to collect. Services were computed from sectoral statistics and not at all when data was lacking. Public employees was derived from censuses and interpolated for in-between years by wage sum (from NI). It should be noted that the work on the National Income of Sweden in the 1930s did not include any overall estimate of employees. Instead was employment in different sectors, and in some cases by sex, presented in a long chapter dedicated to “the labour market”.41 This presentation was not systematic. Data on employment was presented first in the 1940s, but only as a reprint of Wohlin’s series.42 Most of these presentations related to the period from 1896 and onwards. The next major effort to present the longitudinal development of

38 Jungenfelt (1959), p. 4. 39 For agriculture Jungenfelt used linear interpolation between census years 1870 and 1880. Between 1880-1920 growth of agriculture was relating to population movements (1880-1900 emigration, 1900-1920 domestic migration, more precisely net loss of people in parishes dominated by agriculture). Between 1920-1942 he used average workers (årsarbetare) in work related accidents, and 1943-1955 taxation. Jungenfelt (1959), p. 16. 40 Jungenfelt (1959), p 31-35. 41 Svennilson et al. (1935). 42 Thomas (1941), p. 93.

13 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 employment was made by Per Silenstam who measured the labour force in the period 1870- 1965. He limited, however, the presentation to every tenth year, when there was census data. New was that he calculated employment by sex and domestic labour.43 These long traditions of comprehensive efforts to construct series of occupational studies have laid a good platform for later attempts.

The employment structure in Sweden 1850-1920

As seen above there are two series of data that can be used for showing the annual development of aggregate employment by sector for Sweden: Schön & Kranz’s and Edvinsson’s.44 Unfortunately, these two time series differ regarding the number of employees in the different sectors. Figure 5 shows that Edvinsson’s estimations suggest 15 percent more employees in agriculture and 5-10 more employees in services than Schön & Krantz’s. Therefore industry is much smaller in Edvinsson’s than in Schön’s estimation and varies more, but this difference decreased over time.45

43 Silenstam (1970). 44 Schön (2009); Edvinsson (2005). 45 Should we continue the series until the present Edvinsson would have a higher number of employees in all sectors from the 1930s at least.

14 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Figure 5. Relative difference in number of employees 1800-1920 in three sectors between Edvinsson (2005) and Schön (2009) , in per cent

3 6 9 2 8 1 4 7 6 9 2 5 4 7 0 3 5 5 5 6 7 7 7 8 8 9 9 0 0 1 86 880 898 91 916 -101850 18 18 18 1 1865 18 18 18 18 1 1883 18 18 18 18 1 1901 19 19 19 1 1 1919

-20

-30

-40

-50

-60

-70

Diff Edvinsson - Schön/Krantz AGR % Diff Edvinsson - Schön/Krantz IND % Diff Edvinsson - Schön/Krantz SERV %

Sources: Edvinsson (2005; Krantz & Schön (2007) Note: We have added up the different categories into three sectors.

What accounts for these differences? It is difficult to really come to terms with this since Schön & Kranz have not presented a detailed account of the construction of their series.46 According to Edvinsson the large difference regarding industry possibly stems from differences in computations of the building industry. Edvinsson had used back-projections on employment, while he suspects that Schön & Krantz have used production data.47 In addition to this we know that Edvinsson has included more branches within services than Schön & Krantz. He has revised the data on service provided by Jungerfelt where many services are underreported.48 Edvinsson has also (probably) used other methods for linking periods than Schön & Krantz. Finally, it should be noted that Edvinsson has referred timber logging to agricultural, where SCB at present has allocated it in their employment statistics, while Schön & Krantz referred it to transports.49 Since Edvinsson is more transparent in presenting his

46 Krantz & Schön (2007). See also Schön (2000), p. 14. 47 Personal communication with Rodney Edvinsson, date???. We have not yet discussed the matter with Schön & Krantz. 48 Jungenfelt (1959); Jungenfelt (1966). 49 Edvinsson (2005), p. 74 and 79.

15 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 methods we have chosen to use his data when presenting the overall development of employment. Figure 6 shows a more pronounced decrease of the share of agriculture than we get from the GDP estimations above. On the other hand we can see that agriculture was the largest sector concerning employment until the 1930s, while the GDP shares of industry and services had surpassed agriculture already in the late 1890s. Measured as employees, industry and services grew at the same pace until the 1890s. What should be noted is that the share of the sectors in 1870 is very similar to the estimates that both Fritzell (1980) and Wohlin (1909) have provided.

Figure 6. Share of employment in primary, secondary, and tertiary sector in Sweden 1850- 1950

0 2 4 6 8 0 2 4 6 5 6 70 7 82 8 9 1 2 3 4 8 8 9 18 1854 1858 18 1866 1 18 1878 1 18 1890 1894 18 1902 1906 19 1914 1918 19 1926 1930 19 1938 1942 1 1950

Agriculture (P) Industry (S) Services (T)

Sources: Edvinsson (2005; Krantz & Schön (2007)

Employment by region

An important aspect of economic change was of course how different regions fared in the rise of industry and services and the decline of agriculture. Here, no comprehensive presentation exists for the 18th or 19th centuries. However, the regional development of industry by county has been mapped by cultural geographer Anders Malmberg from 1870. This study was based

16 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 on censuses and industrial statistics.50 In the data he did not separation by sex or rural/urban industry. Using Malmberg (1987) we have produced maps for the regional share of industry for the years 1870, 1880 and 1890. These data are based on the population censuses, where the share of employees in industry has been calculated in relation to the total population for each county. However, the data from 1870 are less reliable than later censuses due to a high share of unspecified employees. Figure 7-9 show the regional change in industrialization from high shares in industry only in Mälardalen and especially the counties around Stockholm, to a spread along the eastern and northern coastline. Along the northern coast line employment one reason was the fast expansion of saw mills and in the 1890s also of water power plants. Around 1900 paper and pulp industry was one of the fastest expanding industries. The phosphorus iron ores in the very North also became valuable with new technology. In the South and Central parts grew rapidly in the late 19th century. Town like Malmö, in the very South, and Gothenburg, at the west coast, became important industrial towns. Mälardalen stayed an industrial strong hold. Engineering industry, both small workshops and Swedish “genius” industry, such as AGA, ASEA, LM Ericsson, Separator, and SKF, provided opportunities to people moving to towns or small urban agglomerations. Also industry producing consumption goods such as footwear, clothing, textile and food or drinks flourished. 51

50 Malmberg (1987). 51 Schön (2000), p. 231-232.

17 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Figure 7. Industry share of employment by county 1870

Source: Malmberg (1987) , p. 103-114, Bilaga 1.

18 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Figure 8. Industry share of employment by county 1880

Source: Malmberg (1987) , p. 103-114, Bilaga 1.

19 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Figure 9. Industry share of employment by county 1890

Source: Malmberg (1987) , p. 103-114, Bilaga 1.

20 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Regional patterns in occupational structure in Mälardalen 1820

To study regional patterns in male adult employment we have used the parish tables over population and occupation collected by Tabellverket. Contrary to the conditions of earlier generation economic historians, the data now is easily accessible through the website of the Demographic Data Base (DDB) at Umeå University.52 For the year 1820 chosen for our study we have used information on population by age intervals, sex, and occupations. The occupations were both in the urban and rural forms allotted to a rather detailed account. The forms separate managers/masters/owners and employees in industry and handicrafts. Employees are further divided into journeymen and male, child, and female labourers. Of course, work performed in the household and in non- market activities will not have been filed in the records. However, Tabellverket’s archive provides comprehensive data on occupational structure in industry, handicraft and to some extent in commerce within the formal economy. It is possible to investigate women’s and children’s participation in the workforce, but the validity of data has to be further evaluated.53 This study will, however, concentrate on adult male in the workforce. Tabellverket is the best source available for quantifying the level of rural industry – or for that matter any occupation – for the period 1749-1859. There are other sources. The records of the Royal Board of Trade (Kommerskollegium) are commonly used, but do not include employees in rural industry such as sawmills, flourmills, and brickworks, which were considered to belong to the agricultural sector even though included their either.54 Here is the coverage by Tabellverket much better. Also service and commerce seem to be rather well covered by Tabellverket. Countryside trade was forbidden until 1846. Nonetheless, three categories in Tabellverket’s forms could catch existing rural commerce. Generally, it seems to

52 There is a central archive for the Table Commission at the National Archives (RA, the Arninge depot). Unfortunately, the parish forms have been destroyed. Copies were, however, retained by the parish archives, which are numerous and kept in regional archives (Landsarkiven) all around Sweden, and it is these that the DDB has copied and made available. 53 For critical studies see, i.e., Horrell & Humphries (1995); Sharpe (1995); Bladh (1991); Qvist (1960). For examples of ways to overcome problems with the cenuses see, i.e., Anderson (1999a); Geib-Gunderson (1998); Abel & Folbre (1990); Cole (2000); Shaw-Taylor (2007); Fritzell (1973); Fritzell (1976); Fritzell (1980). Ann Ighe is just starting a research project on women’s workforce participation during the early industrialisation in discourse and reality, funded by Jan Wallander and Tore Browald’s foundation. 54 The forms for reporting to Royal Board of Trade (Kommerskollegium) changed on several occasions in the second half of the nineteenth century. Brick works were reported from 1873; flourmills, sawmills, shipyards etc. were added in 1896.

21 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 cover employees in commerce some better than Kommerskollegium in the 1820s, probably due to that also female inn-keepers and traders were included.55 In Tabellverket’s forms available for 1820 there were 125 preprinted occupations for rural parishes and opportunities to add more by hand, which was also frequently used. In urban parishes 204 different occupations were preprinted. Thus, it is striking that titles and occupations filed are much fewer than in the British census material. Table A in appendix shows the reported occupations in the preprinted forms of Tabellverket, and a few more that parish priests had added when they did not find any of the given alternatives appropriate. Most of the added occupations would easily have fitted into the preprinted categories, for example, the brewer and malting master under brewery. In a few cases the restrictions of the preprinted form could have biased the outcome. In the material of Tabellverket, shipbuilding is missing if not related to the navy. In some parishes along the coastline shipbuilding was added by hand. Where masters and workers in civil boatbuilding were filed by those priests who did not add them by hand in the forms we know nothing about. The most important effect of the occupations chosen to be represented in the preprinted form is that the tertiary sector is to a large extent unspecified. The most common occupation reported is the unspecific minuthandlare (retailer). This does not, however, affect the outcome of the development of the primary, secondary and tertiary sector, which we are interested in here. Another problem is the two unspecified categories arbetskarlar (labourers) and privates arbetsdrängar (farmhands/assistants/helpers) occurring in the urban reports. There are few clues to which sector these should be referred to. Privates arbetsdrängar were registered together with gardeners (§g), hunters etc. that refers to the primary sector, which makes it probable that it also was the case here. The labourers could probable be either employees in urban production or distribution. In the form there is, however, a special category for assistants in trade that makes it less likely that the unspecified labourers should be referred to the tertiary sector. Therefore we have chosen to including privates arbetsdrängar in the primary sector and arbetskarlar in the secondary sector. However, since both categories

55 Fritzell (1980), p. 30. “Borgare i köpingar, mantalsskriva på landet” in the forms of the Table Commission could be interpreted as commerce in köpingar, and “utflyttade borgare från städer” commerce in ‘real’ rural parishes. From 1825 country shopkeeper was added in the forms. Comparison between Royal Board of Trade enquiry for rural commerce in 1832 and TK 1830 shows poor correspondence.

22 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 included only about 1 per cent of the adult male population the deviation from the presented shares would not be large. A larger problem for a reliable estimation of the occupation structure and sectorial development is that the secondary sector is impaired with shortcomings in the source material. Mines and iron industry are well covered by the The Royal Board of Mining and Metalworks (Bergskollegium), but data is lacking in early 19th century. A comparison between data in Tabellverket and Bergskollegium 1840-1855, shows that the parish priests seem to have over- recorded workers in ironworks when mines, furnace and ironworks were integrated.56 This means that the secondary sector will to some extent be overestimated, but the effect would be modest.57 Worse is the underestimation of proto-industrial production, especially the contribution of made by women and children. Also other kind of work performed by individuals within agricultural households was recorded as agricultural, not industrial, employment. The reason is that individuals were listed under the occupation assumed to be the main employment, and proto-industrial production was in general regarded as supplementary to agricultural incomes. The problem should not be so pronounced in the studied area, Mälardalen, since proto- industrial production was limited. However, also rural crafts seem to be underestimated from 1805, when only those who had formal permission as parish crafters were registered. Note also that charcoaling was considered part-time occupation and hence not included in the form.58 The latter also highlights the deficiency of the recording of only one employment in the forms of Tabellverket, which mask a more complex reality of multiple employments. Nonetheless, we state that the source gives a fairly comprehensive picture of adult male in regularly employment during the year and is by that a good source for studying regional patterns in occupational structure.

56 Fritzell (1980), p. 14. 57 Fritzell (1980), p. 14. 58 Gadd (1991), pp. 132ff. Royal Board of Trade included rural putting-out workers more or in the first years of the 19th century, but did not continue after c. 1820, while the Table Commission in general recorded these type of part-time/seasonal labour under agricultural households. (Fritzell 1980), p. 8-10. Royal Board of Trade did not collect data on craftsmen until 1829. In 1830 fewer urban craftsmen were recorded in Royal Board of Trade than in the Table Commission. However masters relative good correspondence if added to “idkare av sådana näringar…”. Note that Royal Board of Trade improved its recording of countryside industry outside “hallrätt” from 1829. In general there was higher number of workers in textiles and in those industries Royal Board of Trade recorded. Fritzell (1980) p. 20.

23 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Our sample consists of 358 parishes but the data from Tabellverket in 1820 held by the DDB is evidently incomplete. A number of parishes that can be found in registers of the Swedish Board of Inland Revenue (Skatteverket) are lacking in the DDB.59 In the sample presented below, 42 parishes are missing. Besides that several rural parishes nearby and in the archipelago outside Stockholm are missing, the falling off is not systematic. Hence there is probably a very low risk that the outcome is biased. The occupations found have been classified according to the PST-system provided by Edward A. Wrigley.60

The regional economic structure

Table 3 shows that about 95 per cent of adult male between 15 and 65 years were filed as in gainful employment. The share is higher in rural areas than in towns. In the capital city, Stockholm, 83 per cent was in the workforce according to Tabellverket. The share could to some extent be overestimated since some people continued their business after the age of 65. This is also shown in our sample. In 17 per cent of the parishes the male working population exceeded 105 per cent; a fourth of these exceeded 110 per cent. All these parishes were, however, small and rural with a totally dominating primary sector. Most adult men in Mälardalen were employed in primary sector, in average nearly 60 per cent (median=88) as shown in Table 2. Mining only contributed 1 per cent. As expected, the difference between rural parishes and towns was large. In four out of five rural parishes the primary sector employed more than 80 per cent of the male adult population. In towns the share of employees in agriculture and fishery reached between a few per cent and a fourth of the adult male population. Industry and service were not that developed. As Table 2 shows, in average 15 per cent (median=3) of the adult male where employed in the secondary sector and 21 per cent in the tertiary (median=8). Higher shares were seen in urban areas and lower in rural, with large variation. Compared to the Swedish average of about 10 per cent of the population employed in industry and a few per cent more in service and commerce, as shown in Table 1, Mälardalen had a rather developed economy. Still the region was backward.

59 The reasons are that the primary material, borrowed for scanning from individual parish archives, either is missing, or is in such a poor condition that it can not be handled and scanned, or possibly that the DDB for some other reason has been unable to get access to the material. 60 Wrigley (2009).

24 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

The metropolitan, Stockholm, was an exception. The primary sector was very small, as shown in Table 2. Instead nearly a third of all adult male was employed in the secondary and up to half in the tertiary sector. The largest branch in the secondary sector was production of consumer gods such as clothing, footwear, food, drinks, and textile. Also building and construction reached a share of a few per cent. The tertiary sector was dominated by, as could be expected, armed forces and public government, but also the shares of sellers and transport service were substantial. (Table 3)

Table 2. Average adult male occupational structure in Mälardalen 1820, in percent (median within brackets) Categories Share of men in workforce, in percent Mälardalen In rural In the city of parishes Stockholm The Primary Sector 59(88) 87 3 1.1 The products of 58,0 85,9 2,6 land and water 1.2 Mining and 0,9 0,8 0,0 qarrying The Secondary Sector 15(3) 6 30 2.3 Food, drink, 1,7 0,6 4,2 tobacco 2.4 Clothing and 2,6 1,1 5,2 footwear 2.5 Textiles 0,9 0,0 3,1 2.6 Wood industries 0,4 0,1 1,0 2.7 Industries using 0,7 0,0 1,6 leather, hair, bone, straw, other fibres 2.8 Furnishing 0,0 0,0 0,1 2.9 Paper industry 0,1 0,1 0,0 2.10 Printing and 0,3 0,0 0,8 publishing 2.11 Earthenware, 0,2 0,0 0,6 pottery manufacture 2.12 Glass 0,0 0,0 0,1 manufacture 2.13 Precious metal 0,3 0,0 1,0 and jewelry 2.14 Instrument 0,2 0,0 0,4 making 2.15 Chemical, soap, 0,2 0,1 0,3 adhesives manufacture 2.16 Iron, steel 2,3 2,6 1,3 manufacture and products 2.17 Non-ferrous metal 0,3 0,1 0,5 manufacture and products 2.18 Machine making, 0,3 0.0 0,8 engineering, tool manufacture 2.19 Road transport 0,1 0,0 0,2

25 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 vehicles 2.20 Boat and ship 0,0 0,0 0,0 building 2.22 Brick and tile 0,1 0,2 0,0 manufacture 2.23 Stone processing 0,4 0,2 0,2 industries 2.24 Building and 1,4 0,5 3,6 construction 2.25 Gas, coke, water, 0,2 0,3 0,0 sewage industries 2.26 Minor 1,4 0,0 3,0 manufacturing 2.50 Secondary 1,0 0,0 2,1 occupations, unspecific Tertiary Sector 21(8) 7 50 3.1 Dealers/sellers of 0,1 0,0 0,4 raw products of land and water 3/4.3 Dealers/sellers in 0,4 0,0 0,0 food, drinks, tobacco 3/4.4 Dealers/sellers in 0,0 0,0 0,0 clothing and footwear 3/4.6 Dealers wood 0,0 products 3/4.7 Dealers/sellers in 0,0 0,0 leather, hair, bone, straw products 3/4.10 Dealers/sellers 0,0 0,0 0,1 of printing and publishing products 3/4.11 Dealers/sellers 0,0 0,0 0,0 in earthenware and pottery 3/4.12 Dealers/sellers 0,1 0,0 0,1 in glass products 3/4.16 Dealers/sellers 0,0 0,0 0,0 in iron and steel products 3.28 Dealers, others 0,2 0,7 4 Sellers, unspecific 1,9 0,0 5,6 5.1 Transport service 1,8 0,5 4,2 5.2 Hotels, restaurants, 0,7 0,0 2,2 public houses, lodging houses 5.4 Other service 0,1 0,0 0,2 industries 5.5 Domestic service 0,4 0,5 0,9 5.6 Financial, 0,0 0,0 0,1 commercial, administrative services 5.8 Professions 0,9 0,6 1,2 5.9 Public, 4,8 1,2 12,4 government, church service 5.10 Armed forces 9,0 4,7 20,3 Without occupation or 5(1) 0 17 unstated Note: N=358

26 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Regional patterns in employment

Thus, even though Mälardalen was one of the most developed industrial areas in Sweden, with a long tradition of iron production, employment in the secondary sector was not wide spread. From Figure 10 it could be discerned that only a fourth of the parishes in Mälardalen had more than 6 per cent employed in industrial production or building. In rural parishes only iron and steal industry included more than 1 per cent of the employees. Still a specialization of production had taken place. In the central area around Lake Mälaren and Lake Hjälmaren agriculture, specialised grain production dominated.61 As shown in Figure 10, industrial production was concentrated to the peripheral areas of the region, mainly to the northeast and northwest where the major ironworks were located. A high share in primary sector in the adjacent parishes is a result of extensive mining besides agriculture. Interesting is, however, that the secondary sector dominated the economy in and around a few small towns in the southern part: Torshälla, Södertälje and Nyköping. A half decade later these were still small but among the fastest growing towns in Sweden, all with diversified industrial production. Figure 11 shows that a slightly different pattern could be discerned when spatial concentration, or the relative importance of the different parishes, is measured. The city of Stockholm employed more than half of all adult males in the secondary sector in Mälardalen. Far behind, but still important, was towns such as Uppsala, Örebro, Eskilstuna, Västerås and rural parishes with ironworks, such as Leufsta and Österbybruk (Films). Mälardalen could not be considered to be a region dominated by rural industry in the 1820. Instead towns contributed with nearly three fourths of the secondary employment. Despite a stagnating metropolis, burdened by high mortality rate due to poor sanitary conditions and an economy stumbling after the loss of Finland, Stockholm dominated as an ”industrial” city.

61 Stolpe (1912), pp. 21-35 & 93-100; Gadd (2000), pp. 23-42.

27 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Figure 10. Share of adult males in secondary sector in Mälardalen 1820, in per cent

Figure 11. Spatial concentration of adult males employed in the secondary sector in Mälardalen 1820

28 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

The distribution of employment in the tertiary sector was uneven, as could be expected with restrictions on rural trade. Less than one out of ten parishes had more than 15 per cent of its adult male population employed in the tertiary sector. As shown in Figure 12 employment in the tertiary sector was concentrated to and around towns. The share was rather high also in rural parishes on the northern shore of the lakes, where grain and iron products past to reach ports and by that external markets, and in the Stockholm archipelago. Some of these parishes had many employees in transport. Otherwise employees in armed forces, public government, and professionals dominated, while retailers were few. If we turn to the spatial concentration of the tertiary sector, as seen in Figure 13, it follows the same pattern as for industry. Stockholm totally dominated, with 60 per cent of the employees in the region. Besides, a high concentration was only seen in towns and in the main iron producing parishes. The rest of the parishes did not all together contribute with more than 25 per cent of the employees in the tertiary sector.

29 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Figure 12. Share of adult males in tertiary sector in Mälardalen 1820, in percent

30 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Figure 13. Spatial concentration of adult males employed in the tertiary sector in Mälardalen 1820

Conclusions

Sweden had from the 17th century a steadily increasing population. This meant more mouths to be fed. This was also achieved by improvements in agriculture and a gradual development of industry. From 1800, there are estimates of Swedish GDP growth and occupational structure on an aggregated level. Until the mid-19th century the growth per capita was very slow. However, from then it grew rapidly. The transition to an industrial economy took place in the late 19th and early 20th century. First in the 1890s the share of agriculture decreased. The secondary sector’s share of the GDP grew from the 1840s, but the pace speeded up from the 1870s. Nonetheless, industry did not exceed the primary sector until the first decade of the 20th century. Initially, the industrial production was concentrated to Mälardalen, and especially to Stockholm and nearby counties. During the last decades of the 19th century, both population and industrial production was spread more even. Mälardalen continued to have high shares of employees in industry, but now also industrial employment had expanded along the eastern and northern cost line and around cities, such as Gothenburg and Malmö. We know, however, less about regional pattern in economic development during the early 19th century. By the case study of Mäladalen in 1820 we have provided an example of how it would be possible to study the changes in occupational structure over time by using data from Tabellverket (the Royal Table Commission) available through the website of the Demographic Data Base (DDB) at Umeå University. The source opens up opportunities to study both male and female workforce participation. In our study of adult male employment we could show that the primary sector had a lower share, about 60 per cent in Mälardalen, than the rest of the Sweden. About 15 per cent was employed in the secondary sector and some more in the tertiary sector. However, the distribution was very uneven. More than half of employees in industry and service in the region was living in Stockholm. Just a few per cent of the production and services took place in rural areas, where iron works totally dominated as both production and service centres. As well a few smaller towns, that later

31 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 underwent an exceptional growth, and adjacent rural parishes in the southern part had already in the early 19th century developed a high share employees in industry and service. We suggest that the Swedish censuses are the best sources to study regional development of and shifts in occupational structure in the 18th and 19th century. It is a robust and detailed source, but with difficulties in covering the complexity of work in pre-industrial societies.

Appendix Table A. The PST System and the percentage of adult male reported in primary, secondary and tertiary employment in Mälardalen 1820 Categories Recorded occupations, in Swedish

The Primary Sector 1.1 The products of land and water Arbetsföre backstuga boer Arbetsföre inhyses män Arrendatorer Bondedrängar Bönder på andras hemman Bönder på egna hemman Fiskare Landtmän, som icke kunna hänföras till annan titel Nybyggare sedan sista qvinquennium Lappar, som hafva renhjord Planterare och trägårdsmästare Private Fogdare Private Gårdsdrängar Private Skogvaktare Privates Inspectorer Privates Jägare Privates Trägårdsdrängar Privates Trägårdsmästare Sillfiskeri Skärbönder och fiskare Torpare (Privates Arbetsdrängar) 1.2 Mining and qarrying Grufvebrytning, Guld Grufvebrytning, Järn Grufvebrytning, Koppar Grufvebrytning, Silfver och Bly Grufvebrytning, Stenkol Stenbrytning The Secondary Sector 2.3 Food, drink, tobacco Sockerbruk Brännarmästare Bränneri Tobaksfabrik Qvarnar Bryggare Chocolad-Tillvärkare Destillatorer Mältare Mälteri

32 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Mölnar 2.4 Clothing and footwear Handskmakare Hattmakare Klädesrepr. Reggarnsstrumpfabrik Silkesstrumpfabrik Skomakare Skoslickare Skräddare Strål- och Spånhattmakare Yllestrumpsfabrik 2.5 Textiles Bandfabrik Bulldansfabrik Filtmakare Haute och Basse-Lisse väfvare Kattunstryckeri Klädesfabrik Linne- eller bomullsfabrik Linneväfvare Reggarnstygsfabrik Segelsömmare Sejlare Sickväfvare Sidenfabrik Spinneri Vaddmakare Valkvärk Ylletygsfabrik Öfverskärare 2.6 Wood industries Bildhuggare Blockmakare Borstbindare Fotralmakare Kardmakare Korkskärare Skatullmakare Slipvärk Stockmakare Stolmakare Sågare Sågvärk Tunnbindare Väfskeds- eller Ritmakare 2.7 Industries using leather, hair, Beredare af Skinn och Läder, sockenbarkare, afdragare bone, straw, other fibers Bundtmakare Carduansmakare Garfvare Gördelmakare Kammakare Repslagare Sadelmakare Saffiansfabrik Snörmakare Sämskmakare 2.8 Furnishing Möbelbeklädare 2.9 Paper industry Pappersbruk Tapetmakare 2.10 Printing and publishing Bokbindare Boktryckeri Koppartryckare

33 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Kortfabrik Stentryck Stylgjutare 2.11 Earthenware, pottery Degelformare och tillvärkare af eldfaste lerkärl, urnor och manufacture sockerformar Krukmakare Krukmakeri Postlinsbruk Pottmakare 2.12 Glass manufacture Glasbruk Spegelfabrik 2.13 Precious metal and jewellery Gulddragare Guldslagare Guldsmeder Juvelerare Förgyllare Gravörer 2.14 Instrument making Barometermakare Instrumentmakare Orgelbyggare Urfjädermakare Urmakare Urtafvelemaljörer 2.15 Chemical, soap, adhesives Calcinerverk manufacture Färgare Färgberedare Hartskokeri Kimrökstillvärkning Lackfabrik Lakerare Limkokare Oljekvarn Oljeslageri Pottaskebränning Puder, stärkelsebruk Salpetersjudare Saltpetterkokning Skedvattens destillering Skedvattens destillering Sockenfärjare Svafvel, vitriol och rödfärgsbruk Såp- och tvålbruk Trankokeri 2.16 Iron, steel manufacture and Bläckslagare products Formskärare Gjuteri Järn-manufacturbruk Klensmeder Knappmakare Knif-smeder Kniphamar Masugn Nålmakare Plåtslagare Pumpmakare Skärslipare Smeder och hofslagare Spikjernshammare Sporrmakare Stål-arbetare

34 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Stålvärksbruk Stångjärnshamrarbruk Svärdfejare Äggjärns-smeder 2.17 Non-ferrous metal manufacture Gelbgjutare and products Hagelstöpare Klåckgjutare Kopparhamrarbruk Kopparhyttor Kopparslagare Medaljörer Mässingsbruk Mässingslagare Sílfver, guld och blyhyttor Tenngjutare 2.18 Machine making, engineering, Filhuggare tool manufacture Gevärs-factori Mekaniske värkstäder Mekanister Pistol-smeder Sprutmakare 2.19 Road transport vehicles Vagnmakare 2.20 Boat and ship building Båtbyggare Märsmästare Skeppswarf 2.22 Brick and tile manufacture Tegelmakare Tegelslagare 2.23 Stone processing industries Alunbruk Gipsbildare Kalkbrytning och bränning Stenhuggare Stenslipare Stensprängare 2.24 Building and construction Timmermän Byggmästare Kakelugnsmakare Murmästare Målare Snickare Gatläggare Brobyggarmästare 2.25 Gas, coke, water, sewage Beckbruk industries Kolare Tjärurbränning 2.26 Minor manufacturing Pipbruk Parasolmakare Pipskärare Solfjädermakare Ciselörer Emaljörer Slagare Svarfvare Urfotralmakare Vax-Arbetare Vaxbildare Vax-Blekare Vaxduksmakare 2.50 Secondary occupations, (Arbetskarlar) unspecific Tertiary Sector

35 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

3.1 Dealers/sellers of raw products Fisk-köpare of land and water Spannmålshandlare 3/4.3 Dealers/sellers in food, drinks, Bagare tobacco Kaffekokare Sockerbagare Svagdrickeförsäljare 3/4.4 Dealers/sellers in clothing and Nipperhandlare footwear Lumpsamlare 3/4.7 Dealers/sellers in leather, hair, Läderhandlare bone, straw products 3/4.10 Dealers/sellers of printing Bokhandlare and publishing products 3/4.11 Dealers/sellers in Postlinsförare earthenware and pottery 3/4.12 Dealers/sellers in glas Glashandlare products Glasmästare Glasslipare 3/4.16 Dealers/sellers in iron and Smideshandlare steel products 3.28 Dealers, others Grossörer 4 Sellers, unspecific Borgare uti köpingar och mantalsskrifne på landet Handlare (countryside) Minuthandlare Utflyttade borgare ifrån städerna 5.1 Transport service Fyrbåksvaktare Hyrkuskar Lotsar Mätare, mätarmästare Privates Kuskar Promkarlar Sjömän Skeppare Åkare 5.2 Hotels, restaurants, public Gästgivare houses, lodging houses Krögare Källarmästare Traktörer Värdshusidkae 5.4 Other service industries Barberare Perukmakare, hårfrisör Skorstensfejare 5.5 Domestic service Privates Kammartjänare Privates Lakejer och Uppassare 5.6 Financial, commercial, Mäklare administrative services Skeppsklarerare 5.8 Professions Apothekare Arkitekter Fältskärer Lärare vid Lärovärken Medici Präster Öfnings-mästare 5.9 Public, government, church Brandvakter service Civile ämbets- och tjänstmän, högre och lägre Dykeribetjäning Kyrkobetjänter Policebetjänter Sluss-, bro- och färjebetjänter Stadsvakter Tullbetjänter

36 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009

Vaktbetjäning 5.10 Armed forces Musikanter och trumslagare Officerare Skepps- och Fälttimmermän Soldater och Båtsmän Tråsskuskar och drängar Underofficerare Without occupation or unstated Borgare, som icke kunna hänföras till annan titel Stadsboer, som icke äro borgare eller kunna hänföras till annan titel Lappar utan Renar Lappar, kringstrykande och vallhjon Possessionater utan titel och tjänst Studerande Åldrige och bråcklige Bönder och torpare, som uphört med landtbruket Note: Occupations added by hand by the parish priests are in italic.

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