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Statistics on the Occupational Structure of Sweden 1800-1920: Censuses a Way to Capture Shifts in Regional Employment?

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Statistics on the Occupational Structure of Sweden 1800-1920: Censuses a Way to Capture Shifts in Regional Employment? Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 Statistics on the occupational structure of Sweden 1800-1920: censuses a way to capture shifts in regional employment? In 1809 Sweden lost the Finish war and had to surrender Finland to Russia. The king Gustav IV Adolf was dethroned. The economy was run down and Sweden was one of the poorest countries in Western Europe. This was still the case by the mid-19th century. From 1870, however, Sweden underwent an extremely rapid and stable growth of the economy. In 1900 Sweden had established a, for the time, modern and diversified industrial production and by 1950 the nation had become one of the richest countries in the world. The industrialisation of Sweden was gradual. A key factor was an agricultural “revolution” in the 18th century built on increased input of labour and land, which was stimulated by institutional changes concerning ownership and market access. In comparison with other European countries Swedish utilized only a small share of its arable land. By the early 18th century, arable land comprised only 2 percent of total Swedish soil, while the average for Western Europe at the same time was 14 percent.1 During the 18th century agricultural growth occurred, but it was slow and gradual. From the early 19th century, however, Swedish agriculture underwent a pronounced shift in production and productivity that turned Sweden from a net importer into a net exporter of grain.2 Historically, Swedish industry has been dependent on iron, ore and wood. This meant that industry to a large extent was rural.3 Before the 19th century, only mining and metal production were of major importance, from the 18th century especially iron since the demand for Swedish copper deteriorated after the 17th century. During the early 19th century, however, increased competition from Russia (low costs for labour and raw material) and Britain (technological developments) created difficulties for the Swedish iron industry. Sweden also had production of consumer goods; in a number of smaller proto-industrial districts by crafts workers combining their work with farming, and in manufactures in towns. The latter was mainly a result of the 18th century economic policy. Besides higher import costs due to increased tariff rates and a ‘navigation act’, domestic industry was subsidised to substitute foreign products. Although few of these industries, or manufactories, survived or flourished 1 Gadd (2000), p. 26. 2 Utterström (1957); Herlitz (1988); Jonsson (1980); Kuuse (1970); Gadd (1983). 3 Gårdlund (1942); SCB (1969). 1 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 for a longer period, they are thought to have created new technological and entrepreneurial know-how. Yet proto-industry from the mid 18th century and new actors in the early 19th century seem to have been more important for the development from handicraft to mechanised production.4 The gradual effect of growing demand and productivity gains in agriculture paved way for a transition to true industry during the first half of the 19th century. Increased income from agricultural production stimulated the urban or rural industry and further specialisation. Improved transports, especially by railways from the 1860s, together with foreign demand created additional opportunities for Swedish agriculture to be commercialised. During the first half of the century textile production was the fastest growing industrial sector in Sweden. Proto-industrial production was extensive in the South-western part of Sweden (Sjuhäradsbygden) and in some Northern counties (i.e., Ångermanland and Hälsingland). Around 1800 the first mechanised cotton spinning mill was established, followed in the 1830s by the first weaving mill. These were built in rural areas. From the 1850s a more extensive establishment of mechanised weaving mills took place, but now mostly in urban areas. Then also wood and iron industry had become major growth engines, fuelled by foreign demand. Also a wide range of industries, often small or mid-sized such as grain mills, brick works, paper mills, and mechanical workshops, grew in rural areas producing both consumption and capital goods. Industry took off and matured during the two waves of economic growth in 1870s and 1890s. In the late 19th century the Swedish industry had developed from being based upon the extraction of raw materials or crude products to a more diversified production including a larger share of finished gods, produced in mechanised industries such as engineering workshops, paper mills or textile industry.5 Between 1850 and 1890 the Swedish economy became increasingly deregulated, and a modern financial market developed. One important reform was the full liberalization of craft and trade in 1864.6 Previous restrictions on rural trade had prohibited the establishment of fixed shops in rural areas until 1846 and within a 30 km radius of towns until 1864. Towns came to play a positive role through their service functions for the development of rural 4 Heckscher et al. (1957); Söderberg (1955); Nyström (1955); Nyberg (1992); Gadd (1991). 5 Schön (1979); Magnusson (2000), p. 52-56, 146-160. 6 Magnusson (2000), chapter 3 and 5. 2 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 industry, at least in fast growing Mälardalen.7 Before 1850, just a few larger ports and administrative centres in the South and Central Sweden could offer advanced commercial services. Then trade and commerce in towns expanded along with the population growth. However, first in the late 19th century when trade in the countryside was deregulated, growth of services accelerated.8 Thus we know a lot about the overall transition regarding growth of economic sectors on a national level. It is well known that Sweden was a pioneer in producing historical national accounts. Five generations of economics and economic historians have made efforts on the topic from the National Income of Sweden 1861-1930 in the 1930s to the Historical National Accounts (HNA) project at Lund University in the 1980s.9 At present we should add a sixth generation with an overall revision and an inclusion of environmental aspects.10 We know, however, less about the regional and local change that produced the general development of GDP and sectors. This is true for most of the 19th century and especially for the development prior to 1850. Here, knowledge is very scant regarding the occupational structure and regional patterns in economic growth. The general aim of this paper is to present the research on Swedish population, GDP and employment during the period 1800-1920, but also to add some knowledge about regional patterns in the transition. The latter is achieved by a case study of male occupational structure in Mälardalen11 in 1820, based on data from Tabellverket (The Table Commission). The region consisted of about 400 parishes and included more than a fifth of the Swedish population. The capital city, Stockholm, is located in the region, but it also included a dense net of small towns, the main areas for Swedish iron production, and some of the best agricultural soils in Sweden.12 Demography Before 1800 population growth is still the available way to measure general development. Sweden, as many European countries, underwent a long term population growth from the 17th 7 Jonsson et al. (in print). 8 Dahl (1965); Jonsson et al. (in print), appendix Table A.; Jonsson & Sandgren (2007); Petersson & Sandgren (1997). 9 Schön (2009); Bohlin (2003). 10 Edvinsson (2005); Lindmark (1998). 11 Mälardalen comprises the five counties: Stockholm, Uppsala, Södermanland, Västmanland and Örebro. 12 Stolpe (1912), pp. 21-35 & 93-100; Gadd (2000), pp. 23-42. 3 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 century and onwards. (See Figure 1) In 1750 the Swedish population amounted to 1.8 million. By 1800 it had reached 2.4 million and by 1850 3.5 million people. Although there were occasional dips, this suggests an improved economic performance. More mouths were to be fed, but the society seems to have succeeded with it rather well. Figure 1. The Swedish population 1620-1900 6000000 5000000 4000000 3000000 2000000 1000000 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 2 4 5 10 20 3 00 1 2 3 80 90 0 6 7 7 8 8 8 8 9 1 16 16 1660 1670 1680 1690 1700 1 1 17 1740 1750 1760 1770 1780 1790 1 1 18 18 1840 1850 1860 1870 1 1 1 Source: Edvinsson (2009) 090529. Note that the population relates to present borders. Data from 1749 and onwards in Edvinsson (2009) is based on official statistics www.scb.se, while data until 1748 are based on Palm (2001) . Until the 19th century a number of periods with negative or low annual population growth due to war or crop failures could be discerned. Already from the beginning of the 19th century crop failures had less negative effect on population growth than previously, even though the year of bad harvest 1867-68 is considered the last famine in Sweden.13 Lower mortality led to acceleration in population growth from the first decades in the 19th century, from an annual growth of nearly 0.6 to about 0.8 per cent.14 Slower population growth after 1850, within the general context of relatively high long term average growth of 0.7 percent, was instead the result of increased migration, especially to the USA. Prior to 1851 there was no annual 13 Schön (2000), p. 74. 14 www.historia.se 090529. Note that the population includes within present borders. Data from 1749 based on official statistics www.scb.se, data until 1748 based on Andersson-Palm (2001). 4 Jonsson & Sandgren, INCHOS July 2009 official emigration data presented. However, the net loss of population has been estimated to only seldom exceed five thousand people over a five year period between 1751 and 1850.15 Thus, the period of mass migration that started in the mid-19th century was a totally new experience for the Swedish nation.
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