Central Banking in the Philippines: Then, Now and the Future (Mario B
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Philippine Election ; PDF Copied from The
Senatorial Candidates’ Matrices Philippine Election 2010 Name: Nereus “Neric” O. Acosta Jr. Political Party: Liberal Party Agenda Public Service Professional Record Four Pillar Platform: Environment Representative, 1st District of Bukidnon – 1998-2001, 2001-2004, Livelihood 2004-2007 Justice Provincial Board Member, Bukidnon – 1995-1998 Peace Project Director, Bukidnon Integrated Network of Home Industries, Inc. (BINHI) – 1995 seek more decentralization of power and resources to local Staff Researcher, Committee on International Economic Policy of communities and governments (with corresponding performance Representative Ramon Bagatsing – 1989 audits and accountability mechanisms) Academician, Political Scientist greater fiscal discipline in the management and utilization of resources (budget reform, bureaucratic streamlining for prioritization and improved efficiencies) more effective delivery of basic services by agencies of government. Website: www.nericacosta2010.com TRACK RECORD On Asset Reform and CARPER -supports the claims of the Sumilao farmers to their right to the land under the agrarian reform program -was Project Director of BINHI, a rural development NGO, specifically its project on Grameen Banking or microcredit and livelihood assistance programs for poor women in the Bukidnon countryside called the On Social Services and Safety Barangay Unified Livelihood Investments through Grameen Banking or BULIG Nets -to date, the BULIG project has grown to serve over 7,000 women in 150 barangays or villages in Bukidnon, -
The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada
International Bulletin of Political Psychology Volume 5 Issue 3 Article 1 7-17-1998 From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada IBPP Editor [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp Part of the International Relations Commons, Leadership Studies Commons, and the Other Political Science Commons Recommended Citation Editor, IBPP (1998) "From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada," International Bulletin of Political Psychology: Vol. 5 : Iss. 3 , Article 1. Available at: https://commons.erau.edu/ibpp/vol5/iss3/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in International Bulletin of Political Psychology by an authorized administrator of Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Editor: From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada International Bulletin of Political Psychology Title: From the Movies to Malacañang: The Rise to Power of Philippine President Joseph Estrada Author: Elizabeth J. Macapagal Volume: 5 Issue: 3 Date: 1998-07-17 Keywords: Elections, Estrada, Personality, Philippines Abstract. This article was written by Ma. Elizabeth J. Macapagal of Ateneo de Manila University, Republic of the Philippines. She brings at least three sources of expertise to her topic: formal training in the social sciences, a political intuition for the telling detail, and experiential/observational acumen and tradition as the granddaughter of former Philippine president, Diosdado Macapagal. (The article has undergone minor editing by IBPP). -
Reproductive Health Bill
Reproductive Health Bill From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia Intrauterine device (IUD): The Reproductive Health Bill provides for universal distribution of family planning devices, and its enforcement. The Reproductive Health bills, popularly known as the RH Bill , are Philippine bills aiming to guarantee universal access to methods and information on birth control and maternal care. The bills have become the center of a contentious national debate. There are presently two bills with the same goals: House Bill No. 4244 or An Act Providing for a Comprehensive Policy on Responsible Parenthood, Reproductive Health, and Population and Development, and For Other Purposes introduced by Albay 1st district Representative Edcel Lagman, and Senate Bill No. 2378 or An Act Providing For a National Policy on Reproductive Health and Population and Development introduced by Senator Miriam Defensor Santiago. While there is general agreement about its provisions on maternal and child health, there is great debate on its key proposal that the Philippine government and the private sector will fund and undertake widespread distribution of family planning devices such as condoms, birth control pills(BCPs) and IUDs, as the government continues to disseminate information on their use through all health care centers. The bill is highly divisive, with experts, academics, religious institutions, and major political figures supporting and opposing it, often criticizing the government and each other in the process. Debates and rallies for and against the bill, with tens of thousand participating, have been happening all over the country. Background The first time the Reproductive Health Bill was proposed was in 1998. During the present 15th Congress, the RH Bills filed are those authored by (1) House Minority Leader Edcel Lagman of Albay, HB 96; (2) Iloilo Rep. -
United Nations Juridical Yearbook, 1997
Extract from: UNITED NATIONS JURIDICAL YEARBOOK 1997 Part Three. Judicial decisions on questions relating to the United Nations and related intergovernmental organizations Chapter VIII. Decisions of national tribunals Copyright (c) United Nations CONTENTS (continued) Page 13. Submission of proposals by intergovernmental organiza- tions in functional commissions of the Economic and Social Council—Rules of procedure 69 (3), 71 (2>) and 74 of the functional commissions of the Council—Council decision 1995/209 451 14. Restructuring of the Secretariat—Authority of the Secretary- General 452 15. Institutional aspects of the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development 459 16. Participation by Yugoslavia in international confer- ences—General Assembly resolutions 47/1 and 47/229 . 463 17. Practice of the United Nations in cases of chai lenged repre- sentation of a Member State—General Assembly resolution 396 (V) of 14 December 1950 465 18. Question whether the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) could be considered part of the United Nations sys- tem—Agreement of 24 May 1949 between WHO and PAHO—Agreement of 23 May 1950 between the Organi- zation of American States and PAHO 468 Part Three. Judicial decisions on questions relating to the United Nations and related intergovernmental organizations CHAPTER VII. DECISIONS AND ADVISORY OPINIONS OF INTERNA- TIONAL TRIBUNALS International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea The M/V "Saiga" (No. 1) Case (Saint Vincent and the Grenadines v. Guinea) Jurisdiction of a State over the exclusive economic zone—Article 73, para. 2, of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea—Right of hot pursuit in accordance with article 111 of the Convention 477 CHAPTER VIII. -
The Politics of Economic Reform in the Philippines the Case of Banking Sector Reform Between 1986 and 1995
The Politics of Economic Reform in the Philippines The Case of Banking Sector Reform between 1986 and 1995 A thesis submitted for the degree of PhD School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) University of London 2005 Shingo MIKAMO ProQuest Number: 10673052 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673052 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 2 Abstract This thesis is about the political economy of the Philippines in the process of recovery from the ruin of economic crisis in the early 1980s. It examines the dynamics of Philippine politics by focussing on banking sector reform between 1986 and 1995. After the economic turmoil of the early 1980s, the economy recovered between 1986 and 1996 under the Aquino and Ramos governments, although the country is still facing numerous economic challenges. After the "Asian currency crisis" of 1997, the economy inevitably decelerated again. However, the Philippines was seen as one of the economies least adversely affected by the rapid depreciation of its currency. The existing literature tends to stress the roles played by international financial structures, the policy preferences of the IMF, the World Bank and the US government and the interests of the dominant social force as decisive factors underlying economic and banking reform policy-making in the Philippines. -
Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UW Law Digital Commons (University of Washington) Washington International Law Journal Volume 15 Number 1 2-1-2006 It's All the Rage: Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy Dante B. Gatmaytan Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Dante B. Gatmaytan, It's All the Rage: Popular Uprisings and Philippine Democracy, 15 Pac. Rim L & Pol'y J. 1 (2006). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol15/iss1/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Copyright © 2006 Pacific Rim Law & Policy Journal Association IT’S ALL THE RAGE: POPULAR UPRISINGS AND PHILIPPINE DEMOCRACY † Dante B. Gatmaytan Abstract: Massive peaceful demonstrations ended the authoritarian regime of Ferdinand Marcos in the Philippines twenty years ago. The “people power” uprising was called a democratic revolution and inspired hopes that it would lead to the consolidation of democracy in the Philippines. When popular uprisings were later used to remove or threaten other leaders, people power was criticized as an assault on democratic institutions and was interpreted as a sign of the political immaturity of Filipinos. The literature on people power is presently marked by disagreement as to whether all popular uprisings should be considered part of the people power tradition. -
Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): with a Case in the Province of Batangas
Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos, while the country. 2) traditional opposition was fragmented which saw the proliferation of regional parties. * *MI§;q:, Asian Center, University of the Meantime, different non-traditional forces Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City, Metro Manila, such as those that operated underground the Philippines 1) The leadership of the two parties was composed and those that joined the protest movement, mainly of wealthy politicians from traditional which later snowballed after the Aquino elite families that had been entrenched in assassination in August 1983, emerged as provinces. -
The Phillipines Elections 2004
PARLIAMENTA RY LIBRARY DEPA RTMENT OF PA RLIA MENTA RY SERV ICES RESEARCH NOTE INFORMATION, ANALYSIS 2004–05 A ND ADV ICE FO R THE PA RL IA MENT No. 13, 11 August 2004 The Philippines elections 2004: issues and implications In the Philippines national elections of 10 May 2004, The campaign was focused heavily on the contending President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo (in office since 2001) appeals of the major personalities, particularly President secured re-election with a plurality of 40 per cent of the Arroyo and Poe. Although Poe had strong public opinion votes. Pro-Arroyo parties also gained majorities in both poll ratings in early 2004, his appeal rested almost entirely chambers of Congress, the House of Representatives and on his popular image as an incorruptible figure the Senate. The election results, and the six year term in sympathetic to the disadvantaged: his speeches had little office which President Arroyo now has, have raised policy content.3 President Arroyo based her campaign expectations that the Philippines may now have enhanced heavily on her position as an incumbent with superior prospects for productive change and reform. claims in economic management and was supported heavily by the country’s business elite. The President was The new Arroyo administration, however, faces aided greatly by her popular Vice Presidential candidate, a formidable challenges, particularly in confronting nationally-known former television news host, Senator institutional ‘gridlock’, pursuing economic reform and Noli De Castro. Poe ultimately proved unable to sustain seeking to resolve ongoing insurgencies, some with links his early lead amid concerns about his lack of political and to international terrorists. -
Declaration of Martial Law
Declaration of Martial Law The anniversary of the declaration of martial law is on September 23 (not September 21) “FM Declares Martial Law”—the headline of the September 24, 1972 issue of the Sunday Express, which was the Sunday edition of Philippines Daily Express. The Daily Express was the only newspaper allowed to circulate upon the declaration of Martial Law President Ferdinand E. Marcos signed Proclamation No. 1081 on September 21, 1972, placing the Philippines under Martial Law. Some sources say that Marcos signed the proclamation on September 17 or on September 22—but, in either case, the document itself was dated September 21. Throughout the Martial Law period, Marcos built up the cult of September 21, proclaiming it as National Thanksgiving Day by virtue of Proclamation No. 1180 s. 1973 to memorialize the date as the foundation day of his New Society. The propaganda effort was so successful that up to the present, many Filipinos—particularly those who did not live through the events of September 23, 1972—labor under the misapprehension that martial law was proclaimed on September 21, 1972. It was not. The culmination of a long period of preparation The facts are clear. A week before the actual declaration of Martial Law, a number of people had already received information that Marcos had drawn up a plan to completely take over the government and gain absolute rule. Senator Benigno S. Aquino Jr., during a September 13, 1972 privilege speech, exposed what was known as “Oplan Sagittarius.” The Senator said he had received a top-secret military plan given by Marcos himself to place Metro Manila and outlying areas under the control of the Philippine Constabulary as a prelude to Martial Law. -
WHAT's Inside
JULY-AUGUST• JULY-AUGUST 2009 2009 WHAT’S iNSIDE Gloria Arroyo, A Chilling After 20 Traveling Comparison Years, A Everything the The ghost of Recess Philippine head of the political past for the state does abroad has risen in the JVOAEJ is fair game for present A recess, the media not an end A DEATH LIKE NO OTHERn By Hector Bryant L. Macale HE PHILIPPINE press mirrored the nation’s collective grief over the passing of former Pres- ident Corazon “Cory” Aquino last Aug. 1. For at least a week, the death, wake and funeral of Aquino—who fought colon cancer for 16 Tmonths—overshadowed other stories such as Gloria Ma- capagal Arroyo’s recent US trip. Aquino’s death was like no other in recent history, reminding everyone not only of her role in the overthrow of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986, but also of the need to resist all forms of tyranny. Because of its significance as well as the context in which Aqui- no’s death occurred, the flood of men, women and children that filled the Manila Cathedral and the streets of the capital to catch a final glimpse of her sent not only a message of grief and gratitude. It also declared that Filipinos had not forgotten Cory Aquino’s singular role in removing a dic- tatorship, and implied that they resent the efforts by the Arroyo regime to amend the 1987 Consti- tution, thus validating the results of the numerous surveys that not Turn to page 14 Photos by LITO OCAMPO 2 • JULY-AUGUST 2009 editors’ NOTE PUBLISHED BY THE CENTER FOR MEDIA FREEDOM AND RESPONSIBILITY Melinda Quintos de Jesus Publisher Luis V. -
The Effects of Social Media on Democratization
City University of New York (CUNY) CUNY Academic Works Dissertations and Theses City College of New York 2012 The Effects of Social Media on Democratization Melissa Spinner CUNY City College How does access to this work benefit ou?y Let us know! More information about this work at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu/cc_etds_theses/110 Discover additional works at: https://academicworks.cuny.edu This work is made publicly available by the City University of New York (CUNY). Contact: [email protected] The Effects of Social Media on Democratization Melissa Spinner Date: August 2011 Master’s Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of International Affairs at the City College of New York Advisor: Bruce Cronin Table of Contents Introduction..............................................................................................................1 Chapter 1: Defining and Understanding Democratization.....................................16 Chapter 2: Defining and Understanding New Technologies .................................30 Chapter 3: Infrastructure and Contextual Conditions that Lead to Democratization ......49 Chapter 4: Evidence of the Link Between Social Media and Democratization ....68 Chapter 5: The Philippines: How Text Messaging Ousted a President.................85 Chapter 6: Egypt: The Beginning of Democratization ..........................................92 Chapter 7: Disputing the Dissenters ......................................................................99 Conclusion ...........................................................................................................121 -
Title Martial Law and Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines
Martial Law and Realignment of Political Parties in the Title Philippines(September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Author(s) Kimura, Masataka Citation 東南アジア研究 (1991), 29(2): 205-226 Issue Date 1991-09 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/56443 Right Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 29, No.2, September 1991 Martial Law and the Realignment of Political Parties in the Philippines (September 1972-February 1986): With a Case in the Province of Batangas Masataka KIMURA* The imposition of martial lawS) by President Marcos In September 1972 I Introduction shattered Philippine democracy. The Since its independence, the Philippines country was placed under Marcos' au had been called the showcase of democracy thoritarian control until the revolution of in Asia, having acquired American political February 1986 which restored democracy. institutions. Similar to the United States, At the same time, the two-party system it had a two-party system. The two collapsed. The traditional political forces major parties, namely, the N acionalista lay dormant in the early years of martial Party (NP) and the Liberal Party (LP),1) rule when no elections were held. When had alternately captured state power elections were resumed in 1978, a single through elections, while other political dominant party called Kilusang Bagong parties had hardly played significant roles Lipunan (KBL) emerged as an admin in shaping the political course of the istration party under Marcos,