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Social Class and the Written and Unwritten Rules of Competitive College Admissions: a Comparative Study of International Baccalaureate Schools in Ecuador

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Social Class and the Written and Unwritten Rules of Competitive College Admissions: a Comparative Study of International Baccalaureate Schools in Ecuador Social class and the written and unwritten rules of competitive college admissions: A comparative study of International Baccalaureate schools in Ecuador. A Dissertation SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY Tiago H. Bittencourt IN PARTIAL FULLFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY Dr. Andrew Furco, Adviser Dr. Joan DeJaeghere, Co-adviser July 2020 © Tiago Bittencourt, 2020 Acknowledgements I am deeply grateful to the numerous individuals who accompanied me throughout this journey, both at the University of Minnesota and beyond. To my advisor, Andrew Furco, for your guidance and kindness. I would always enter our meetings with feelings of self-loathing, only to leave reinvigorated and encouraged. To my co-advisor, Joan DeJaeghere, for the mentorship and for always being an advocate of my work. You are a role model to me, and the type of faculty member I hope one day to become. Thank you for always providing feedback and for always pushing my thinking. To Roozbeh Shirazi, for helping me develop a more critical orientation to research. Our early conversations and your recommendations of literature were crucial in shaping the direction of my inquiry. Thank you for the endless support and for always making me feel like a peer. To Peter Demerath, for really opening my eyes to the ethnography of schooling. Your lessons of patience and the importance of cultivating a researchers’ imagination were crucial for my development as a scholar. And to Christopher Johnstone, for providing me with the opportunity to engage with research prior to the dissertation. I would also like to thank the numerous friends and colleagues I met along the way and who both inspired and challenged my thinking, while also providing needed moments of relief. Thank you Alexandra Willetts, Sara Musaifer, Kevin Clancy, Zhuldyz Amankulova, Theresa Heath, Millicent Adjei, Melissa Ramos, Anne Barnes, Devleena Chatterji, Laura Seithers, Haelim Chun, Sandra Ayoo, Anna Kaiper, Laura Wangsness Willemsen, Bodunrin Banwo, Amina Jaafar, Jeff Walls, and Tiffany Smith. My apologies to anyone who I may have forgotten. This study and my graduate education would not have been possible with the generous funding of the University of Minnesota Graduate School Doctoral Dissertation Fellowship, the Frank R. Braun Fellowship, and the Robert and Corrie Beck Graduate Fellowship. The Department of Organizational Leadership, Policy and Development also provided important support through teaching fellowships and research assistantships, in which the professional learning community leader with the teacher education program was a highlight. I would also like to thank Jason Stahl for the opportunity to serve as his teacher assistant for multiple semesters. I would also like to thank both schools that participated in this study, for opening their doors and making me feel always welcomed. I would also like to express my gratitude to the teachers and students, whose voices I have attempted to honor in the writing of this dissertation. i Lastly, I would like to thank my parents, Vivian and Mário, for their dedication and sacrifice, the extent of which I am only beginning to grasp now that I have a child of my own. ii Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my wife and better half, Gaby for accompanying me throughout this journey both as a loving partner and a peer who was always willing to hear me ramble about my study. You are a formidable wife and mother, and an inspiration to me. To my son, Rafael, for being a living reminder that hugs and balloons are infinitely more important than any theory or body of literature. iii Abstract In 2006, the Ecuadorian Ministry of Education signed an agreement which sought to gradually introduce the International Baccalaureate’s (IB) Diploma Programme (DP) into as many of the country’s 1400 publicly funded secondary schools as possible. The initiative was premised on the belief that the quality of public education could be significantly improved if public school students had access to the education experiences and credentials which in Ecuador were historically restricted to private schools catering to affluent students. While subject to critique by several civil societies, the initiative generated a significant amount of enthusiasm and was widely perceived as an early indication that the public-private divide which marred the country’s educational system and cemented pervasive forms of inequality was finally being rectified. Undergirding the DP initiative is a crucial assumption; that increasing access to prestigious educational programs is an important and effective way of addressing inequality. However, as numerous scholars have shown, access alone is not enough to ensure equality and generate social mobility (see Apple, 1996; Aronowitz, 2003, 2008; Jack, 2018). Rather, an overt focus on access may ignore and even conceal the forms of advantage that are unevenly distributed within different segments of society (Tan, 2008). Issues ranging from the materiality of teaching and pedagogy (Vavrus & Salema, 2013) to the practices and “informed agency” of affluent parents and students (Brantlinger, 2003) are equally important and, if left unconsidered, can greatly diminish or even negate the promise a policy such as the DP initiative upholds. This dissertation interrogates this standing assumption by examining the social and cultural processes that produce and maintain inequality, and therefore interfere with the DP initiative’s stated intent. iv Through process-tracing and a multi-sited ethnography of a low-income public school and an affluent private school, I found that although sponsored by Ecuador’s Ministry of Education, the DP was not recognized as a valid credential for admission to local universities. Due to this existing policy disconnect, students from both schools strictly viewed the DP as a means of gaining access to universities abroad. As a result of this shared aspirational goal, it was possible to discern important differences in how students thought through and engaged with the application process for universities abroad. These differences highlighted the formative role of students’ familial backgrounds and institutional membership, suggesting that while access to DP allowed students to share similar desired goals, circumstances outside the confines of the classroom were more likely to determine whether these goals would indeed be accomplished. In sum, while public school students were encouraged to aspire to study abroad, they were not afforded the support or have the means to effectively engage with the required application and admission processes. The gradual realization that their dreams were likely to remain unfulfilled led students to experience to a mash of affects (Berlant, 2011) which included frustration, disengagement and acquiescence. These affective responses not only conflicted with the DP initiative’s intent of equalizing opportunity, but in many ways served to reinforce existing patterns and systems of inequality. The findings of this study are not intended to discredit the DP initiative – admonishing a seemingly well-intentioned policy is a common but often unfruitful endeavor. Moreover, given the study’s design, any assertion of representation would be misleading, and therefore the impulse for generalization should be significantly tempered. v Rather it is to showcase the grounded productions and the ensuing shortcomings which limit and even counteract the policy’s intended goal of addressing social inequality and equalizing opportunity. While the study was envisioned as a direct response to a specific initiative, the emerging insights speak to issues of class culture and the “internationalization” (Knight, 2004; 2015) of public education. Specifically, it will address the relationship between social class and conceptions of “responsibility”, and instances of what Bourdieu (2007) terms as “capital conversion”. vi Table of Contents Chapter 1: Introduction ....................................................................................................1 Following the inquiry: Research questions and design ................................................... 3 Framing social class .........................................................................................................6 Collaborative advantaging and fragmented capital ..........................................................7 Overview of chapters .......................................................................................................9 Chapter 2: Literature Review .........................................................................................12 International Baccalaureate ........................................................................................... 12 The International Baccalaureate in Ecuador .............................................................14 The internationalization of public education..............................................................15 Theorizing the concept of social class ........................................................................... 19 A Bourdieusian Framework ........................................................................................21 Cultural Norms and Institutional Alignment ..............................................................27 Intentional activities and informed agency ................................................................28 Access to resources and support ................................................................................29
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