Guarino Guarini's Invention of the Passion Capitals in the Chapel of the Holy Shroud, Turin Author(s): John Beldon Scott Source: The Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, Vol. 54, No. 4 (Dec., 1995), pp. 418-445 Published by: Society of Architectural Historians Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/991083 Accessed: 30/03/2009 15:00

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http://www.jstor.org Guarino Guarini's Invention of the Passion Capitals in the Chapel of the Holy Shroud, Turin

architectural ornament. of Guarini's treatment of the JOHN BELDON SCOTT, UniversityofIowa Analysis orders will show his invention in the manipulation of classical M ost studies of Guarino Guarini'sChapel of the Holy forms for ideological content.6 This we can see especially well in Shroud in Turin (1657-94) have focused either on the the Shroud Chapel in the gilt-bronze, modified Corinthian circular plan, with its superimposed triangle, or on the unusual capitals the architect employed for the eight major-order fluted composition of the dome, with its structure of six nested, pilasters and two freestanding columns around the perimeter arched hexagons rising from a drum supported on three huge, of the chapel rotunda [Figures4-5]. The design of these capitals, tilted arches [Figures 1-3]. The plan constitutes an elegant as often noted, comprises instruments of Christ's Passion. They resolution of preexisting problems Guarini encountered when penetrate the sepulchral gloom of the chapel, forming a prickly he became the project's architect in 1667, ten years after the chiaroscuro pattern when occasionally struck by a ray of beginning of construction. Guarini fit his new design into the sunlight piercing the faceted dome high above [Figure6].7 The built masonry shell and its marble facing, which was already in transcendental effect of the capitals against the tenebrous place up to the level of the large cornice of the major-order setting must have been even more persuasive before the gilding pilasters [Figure 4], stacking on it, vertiginously, tier after tier became dull with age and dust. with scarcely precedented engineering bravura and forming The choice of materials for the chapel, black marble and the openwork dome that has been the object of both marvel bronze, was made decades before Guarini's arrivalon the scene. and indignation for three centuries. There has been little agreement among historians about the extent to which meaning can be imputed to the extraordinary geometry seen in the plan, structure, and black marble facing of the chapel. Some scholars have held that Guarini, motivated by radical and complex philosophical, astrological, alchemical, and even cabalistic speculations, incorporated into his build- ings, especially the Shroud Chapel, forms and meanings unique in Western architecture.2 A less extreme position, held by Rudolf Wittkower, emphasizes a traditional Trinitarian mean- ing in the consistent geometrical triadism of the building.3 Today, however, many scholars seem to concur with Giulio Carlo Argan, who stands on the other side of interpretive possibilities, reductively asserting that "no one more than Guarini has affirmed the non-symbolic, non-allegorical, non- metaphorical-on the contrary-strictly phenomenal, objec- tive or 'thing-in-itself character of architectural form."4 In his recent monograph on Guarini, H. A. Meek, for example, presents a Guarini little interested in symbolic content.5 These extremes of interpretation ignore the contextual requirements of patronage and decorum to which every seventeenth-century architect needed to be attentive. By focusing on Guarini's use of the classical orders, it may be FIGUREI: Guarino Guarini,Chapel of the Holy Shroud, Turin, 1657-1694, plan, possible to isolate his attitude toward content and meaning in engravingfrom Dissegnid'architettura civile et ecclesiastica. . . (1686), pl. 2

418 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 As early as 1607 Duke Carlo Emanuele I decided to locate between the cathedral and his new palace a chapel built of these somber but opulent materials to house his prized relic of the Passion, the Shroud of Turin.8 The Corinthian order was selected at this time. Ducal patronage and the funereal dedica- tion of the chapel made the Corinthian capital appropriate, with its richness and necrological associations.9 To appreciate Guarini's ingenuity, we might first examine a conventional Corinthian capital, which is easy enough to do as one stands in the chapel, for the minor-order capitals in the same rotunda, designed by Guarini's predecessor for the project, Bernardino Quadri, are thoroughly orthodox [Figure 7].10 Acanthus leaves grow in three tiers from the inverted bell-shaped body of the capital, with spiral-form caulicoli emerging at the top. Uniting these shoots is the lip of the bell. At the top, in the center of the concave abacus, the flower or fleuron blossoms forth, representing the acanthus bud with a fishtail-like stigma (the botanical term for the pollen-receiving part of the flower's stamen) growing from its center. Guarini's Passion capital, as seen in a close-up detail taken from a scaffold, deviates considerably from the traditional type. He reduces the treatment of the foliage to two tiers and uses a plant form closer to olive than to acanthus [Figure 5].11 This modification makes room for the crown of thorns inserted FIGURE2: Section, Chapel of the Holy Shroud, 1657-94 between the helices. Three nails protrude from the fleuron above the center of the crown and, at the top, the titulus or tion for questioning it. Precisely because of his late assumption inscription from the cross appears with the initials for IESUS of design responsibility for the chapel, Guarini's role in the NAZARENUS REXIUDAEORUM. Guarini's decision to modify creation of the Passion capitals has recently even been denied.13 the major-order Corinthian avoided the repetition of the same The production history of these variants of the Corinthian capital type in close proximity to the minor order below; but, as capital is complicated, and it will be important to establish we shall see, the architect's design had behind it a weightier Guarini's part in their design and creation. A chronological conviction than merely the desire for variety.12 analysis of payments for all the chapel's capitals will help resolve this vexing issue. The appendix contains a narrative summary INNOVATION IN THE DESIGN OF THE of the documentation, which demonstrates that the manufac- CLASSICAL ORDERS ture of four of the ten Passion capitals dates from the period Most scholars have tacitly assumed Guarini's authorship of the Guarini was in charge of the design. Two of these are identified Passion capitals, perhaps because of their fantasy of invention. specifically as the capitals of the freestanding fluted columns His intervention in their design, however, has never been of the transitional zone between chapel and cathedral documented and, given that many of the chapel's capitals [Figures8-9]. predate his involvement with the project, there is somejustifica- Since eight major-order pilasters with Passion capitals articu-

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 419 FIGURE3: Viewof pendentivezone, drum,and dome, Chapel of the HolyShroud late the rotundawall, two of these also (in additionto the two Guarinidevoted a majorportion of his theoreticaldiscussion in documentedcolumn capitals) must already have been mounted the Architetturacivile to the design and application of the in place before the final campaign for the completion of all classical orders.16Unlike some of his Italian predecessors, the capitals, which occurred after Guarini'sdeath.'4 These, however, Guarini seems to have been more interested in for want of Guarini's drawings or a full-scale preexisting offeringcreative variants to the standardorders, particularly in wooden model, must have served as prototypes for the the design of capitals,than in repeating definitiveversions of bronzefounders who manufacturedthe remainingsix, as sug- the traditionaltypes.17 Perhaps his most originalproposal is for gested in an instructionissued in May 1688.15The written a spiral-formSolomonic order, in which not only the columns record gives no certain indication about which two of the but almost all other components, including the entablature, eight pilaster capitals were the ones completed under undulate on both the vertical and horizontalplanes [Figure Guarini'ssupervision, but practical construction procedure 10].18 would suggest they were the two conveniently adjacent to He provides three capitalseach for the Doric, Ionic, and the columns. The documentaryevidence therefore makes it Corinthian-each also with three distinctiveproportional sys- virtually certain that all ten of the Passion capitals are tems-and four variantsfor the Composite.The reader may products of Guarini'sthinking, even though only four were easilyinfer from Guarini'stext and illustrationsthat the num- executed in his lifetime. If we combine this knowledgewith ber of permutations need be limited only by the creative the generous number of imaginativecapital variants Guarini imaginationof the designer.19In additionto the twelvediffer- illustratesin his treatise, Architetturacivile [Figures10-13], ent capitalsillustrated for the orders,many of them based on there can be little doubt about his authorshipof the Passion unusualplant or floralmotifs [Figure 11], Guarinipresents still capitals. other capitals for the reader's consideration [Figure12].20 Like most architect-treatisewriters who preceded him, Among these we find fruit baskets, phoenixes, cornucopias,

420 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 crowns, angels, feathers, and other elements implying symbolic bine with the Corinthian abacus and acanthus, the Composite meaning. capital results, the most elaborate of all the orders, as seen, for In some instances Guarini explicates the significance of the example, on Bernini's Baldacchino in Saint Peter's [Figure14]. imagery, as in the case of the capital with the stacked crowns Conceptually we should imagine the echinus, a crucial compo- [Figure 12, number 33], which he tells us he invented for a nent of the Ionic, continuing around behind the volutes and chapel dedicated to Louis IX of France.21 Here the pointed thus forming a crown-like cushion or ring, which must be the bands of the crowns substitute for the curling acanthus leaves. generating source for Guarini's idea of inserting the crown of Since Louis was both king and saint, he merited two crowns. thorns in this position between the spiral tendrils of his The Passion capitals in the Shroud Chapel derive from this capital.23We do not see the entire crown but only its forward regard for decorum and design logic combined with creative edge as it merges with the compositional structure of the license. capital. The sculptural effect of the thorns imitates the carved Sensitive to the visual effect of his new capitals, Guarini did egg-and-dart molding it replaces. not merely add the relics to the standard Corinthian com- Guarini's reasoning, however, goes beyond the visual and ponents. Instead, he incorporated them harmoniously into the canonical parts of the capital-the titulus echoing the concavity of the abacus, the nails becoming the styles and stigmas of the fleuron, and the crown of thorns replacing the lip of the bell. Guarini created a variation on the standard capital type without violating the classical syntax of the composition.22 The positioning of the crown with its rich, coloristic effect transforms the capital into a quasi-Composite. When the Ionic volutes and echinus molding enriched with egg-and-dart com-

FIGURE4: View of rotunda with major-order fluted pilastersand portal to palace, FIGURE5: Passioncapital, gilt bronze, Chapel of the Holy Shroud Chapel of the Holy Shroud FIGURE6: Passioncapital, Chapel of the Holy Shroud

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 421 formal elements. The placement of the crown of thorns fits But, if irises had any other meaning for Guarini, he made no logically with Vitruvius'santhropomorphic interpretation of the mention of it in the text, and no one standing at ground level orders, with the capital representing the head (caput/capo)of a could be expected to identify the exact botanical forms on human figure.24 Furthermore, we see here a reprise of the capitals at such high locations. Like the French minister's inventive thinking behind the crown capitals for the chapel of enterprise, which was more political than aesthetic, Guarini's Saint Louis. Guarini created a decorous variation on the traditional capital type without violating the compositional logic of its constituent parts. Like the Passion capitals, the capital variants illustrated in the Architetturacivile are usually meaningful rather than arbi- trary.25 Guarini offers, for example, number 21 [Figure 11], where large irises substitute for acanthus. The broad, plastic leaves create a sculptural effect with a strong light-dark con- trast. This type is useful, Guarini says, when the capital can be observed only at great remove, like those on the second register of the facade of Santa Maria Annunziata in Messina and on the exterior drum of the Shroud Chapel [Figures15-16].26 Under these conditions details of delicate carving would be lost and ineffective. Here the architect appears at first to give primacy to visual apperception. Guarini justifies his unorthodox application of the iris, which he calls the "blue lily,"with reference to a competition for the invention of a uniquely French order initiated by Louis XIV's minister, Colbert.27We can see the ultimate results of this endeavor in the symbol-laden pilaster capitals in the Hall of Mirrors at Versailles, where fleurs-de-lis sprout amid palms, Gallic roosters peer out between the caulicoli, laurel and lightning bolts form the bell of the capital, and the head of the Apollonian sun deity substitutes for the fleuron [Figure 17].28

FIGURE7: BernardinoQuadri, minor-orderCorinthian capital, gilt bronze, Chapel of the Holy Shroud FIGURE8: Flutedcolumn with Passioncapital, viewed from cathedralchoir, 1669-71

422 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 FIGURE9: Passioncapital of fluted column, viewed from cathedralchoir

use of the iriscannot, however, have been withoutmeaning, for the iris is a flowerladen with Christiansignificance. Because of its commonplaceassociation with both the Annunciationand the Passion,a seventeenth-centuryreader of Guarini'streatise would hardlyhave overlookedthe architect'sfitting choice of the flowerfor buildingsdedicated to the Annunciationand to a majorPassion relic.29 In his treatiseGuarini may have empha- sized the optical virtues of the iris-formcapital, but he was perhaps also sensitiveto the symbolismand associativevalues of the imagerywith which he worked, even when he did not FIGURE10: Guarino Guarini,Corinthian columns, engraving,from Architetturacivile explain the obvious. (1737), treat. 3, pi. 4 The overtlythematic category of capitalvariant employed by Guarinithus carriesa comment on the functionor dedica- the capital,leaving almost untouched the basicelements of the tion of the building it adorns. We have already noted the traditionaltype. special capitals with crowns Guarini created for his chapel This innovationis unapologeticallygender based. Guarini dedicatedto SaintLouis, although, in that case, too, he did not saysthat the dedicationof this churchis to the Virginand, since elaborate on his iconographic or architecturalreasons for women are in the habitof adorningthemselves withjewelry, the employingthe crowns. modified capitalthus makes a suitableallusion to the dedica- Again in the Architetturacivile, Guarini tells us that he tee.32This usage would come under the heading of the rule of invented a new type of Ionic capital for the lower register of decorumas it wasunderstood in the period-the applicationof the fa;ade for Santa MariaAnnunziata in Messina[Figure 13, imagery appropriateto the nature and status of the context number24], the church of his own Theatine congregation.30 into which it was to be placed. Vitruviusassociated the Ionic The architectstrung a necklaceofjewels between the eyes of the orderwith his notion of female characteristics,stating that the volutes,while pendant earringsand a ribbonhang beneaththe proportionswere like those of a fairmaiden and the voluteslike spirals.Here Guarinidid not avoid the punning superimposi- the curlsof her hair.33Guarini thus elaborated,wittily, on this tion of the necklace over that part of the capital termed the venerable anthropomorphicinterpretation as he loaded his collarino.This capitalappears in the lowerregister of the facade design with meaning. We see here a Guariniwho remains as engravedin the treatise.31In this case Guarinisimply adorns distant from the dark speculationsimputed to him by some

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 423 .L._

writers. Instead we find a free-spirited designer who works well 19] and locked behind the gilded iron grating seen in the within the traditional meanings of the Christian imagery and rectangular mid-section of the altar superstructure. architectural culture of his time. Details of the relic itself are important for our understanding of Guarini's capitals. The dimensions of the Shroud (4.36 by THE PASSION CAPITALS AND THEIR MEANING 1.10 meters) are extraordinary. When unfurled, it displays two To appreciate the motivation behind Guarini's creation of the faint, sepia-toned figures placed head to head, one frontal and Passion capital, with its obtrusive display of the instruments of one dorsal [Figure20]. Christ's suffering, we must consider the object the chapel was The sixteenth and seventeenth centuries gave issue to a vast intended to house. Antonio Bertola's Berninesque altar- literature on the Shroud of Turin.36These works run the range reliquary (1685-1693), designed after Guarini's death, con- from substantial scholarly studies exhibiting enormous erudi- tains the celebrated relic [Figure 18].34 Casual visitors to the tion to small practical manuals intended as guides in private chapel could not see the Shroud itself. It belonged to the ruling devotion, but almost all focus particular attention on the details house of Savoy and the dukes exhibited it only occasionally and of the images.37 There could be no mistake that this was the even then forjust a few minutes, usually to solemnize important true Shroud of Christ, as the treatise writers explain, because dynastic events such as baptisms and marriages.35At all other one could verify with one's own eyes the marks of his suffering times the object remained rolled up in its reliquary box [Figure on it.38 Thus we see the blood from the wounds made by the crown of thorns, the spear thrust, and the nails. Even the forearms display coagulated streams, the blood that dripped down the suspended arms as Christ hung on the cross. To emphasize the importance of these details, during the feast- day ritual of public exhibition of the relic-an elaborate court ceremony attended by the ruling family-the duke and the hereditary prince kissed the major wound marks as the Shroud lay extended on a specially prepared table near the altar.39The court poet of Carlo Emanuele I, Giambattista Marino, sang of this heavenly gift to the house of Savoy and of the five major wounds impressed upon it, noting that Christ himself painted this image with nails as brushes and his own blood as pigment.40 Outside Piedmont, traditional pictorial enumerations of the instruments of the Passion rarely included the Shroud.41 But, since the marks of the other instruments could be read on the image on the cloth, promoters of the Savoy Shroud advocated the relic notjust as one among many but as a compendium of the major sacred objects by which Christ suffered.42

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FIGURE 12: Corinthian capital variants, engraving, from Architetturacivile, detail FIGUREI I: Corinthiancapitals, engraving, from Architettura civile (1737), treat. 3, pi. 5 (1737), treat. 3, pl. II

424 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 FIGURE 14: Gianlorenzo Bernini, Composite capital, Baldacchino, Saint Peter's, Rome, 1624-1633. FIGURE 15: Guarino Guarini, iris-petalCorinthian capitals of FIGURE13: Ionic capitalvariants, engraving, Architettura civile (1737), treat. 3, pi. 3, exterior drum, Chapel of the Holy Shroud, c. 1680 detail shaped ornaments and seraphim occupy the spaces beneath In the chapel this same imagery dominates, as with the the windows, just as angels and the wounded heart of Christ gilded angels holding the instruments (cross, spear, column, often appear accompanying depictions of the instruments in sponge) at the comers of the reliquary housing.43 If early prints devotional images, as in imaginative creations of Christ'scoat of of the altar are reliable in their detail, the cherubim on the arms. This we see, for example, in a mid-sixteenth-century encircling balustrade, too, once held various instruments.44 woodcut [Figure24]. The print demonstratesjust how common The reliquary box itself has relief medallions with the same and widespread was the notion of the Passion instruments as objects (see Figure 20).45 More readily visible is the carved components of Christ's imaginary heraldry. The German artist pattern on the fascias of the tilted arches at pendentive level has even placed the crown of thorns in the position of a crown above the rotunda [Figure 21], where every other rib motif above a royal shield, with the titulus above, anticipating Guari- consists of two nails placed point to point against a central boss. ni's Passion capital. Guarini's earliest idea for the chapel appears in an engraved In the completed chapel the redesigned windows eliminated section first published in 1682, reflecting the opened half of the the spandrel fields and their imagery, but, in the triangular large wooden model of 1667 [Figures22-23].46 This design was spaces beneath each window, instead of hearts and angels, subsequently modified, but in the engraving we can discern in Guarini added inverted pentagons-quite illogically, given the the spandrels flanking the oval dome windows small represen- shape of the space [Figure 25]. If this obtrusive geometrical tations of the instruments of the Passion. Nails and dice, for element has any significance, it would be as a traditional example, appear next to the openings of the first tier. Heart- reference to Christ, as seen, for example, in an early seventeenth-

SCOTF: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 425 Revelation (1:8): "I am Alpha and Omega."49 The Theatine preacher, Eugenio Quarant'otto, quoting Valeriano, intro- duced the concept into the Shroud literature in 1624 with the publication of his sermons, calling the pentalpha "hieroglyph" and "knot" of the "Christ of the Passion, and of the five wounds....The Holy Shroud is therefore the standard on which the salubrious pentalpha is stamped in characters of blood...."50 Thus the pentagons of the chapel dome are germane to the Passion iconography of the instruments origi- nally planned for those same spaces. A geometric form alluding to the wounds replaced depictions of the objects that caused those same marks. Rather than repeating in the dome the sculpted nails of the arch fascias of the pendentive zone, Guarini more visibly and succinctly represented their traumatic consequences. Such ornamental abstractions need not carry precise mean- ing, but the pentagon is an awkwardconfiguration for architec- ture, and, given the original programmatic context here, a neutral reading of such an obtrusive motif may not be justifi- able.51 In the completed project the suppressed Passion imag- ery of the original dome reemerged not only in emblematic form inside the cupola but also in literal form at the pinnacle of the external spire, where nails, crown of thorns, and cross with

FIGURE16: Chapel of the Holy Shroud, drum and dome century drawing for an incised and inscribed meditational plaque explicating the eucharistic significance of the name of Jesus [Figure26]. Guarini's five-sided figure surely refers to the Devotion of the Five Sacred Wounds of Christ, a cult practiced in the veneration of the Shroud. The geometry itself is explained as a sacred emblem by G. P. Valeriano in the 1602 edition of his Hieroglyphica,where the inverted pentagon forms the matrix of five connected alphas (forming a five-pointed star called a pentalpha or pentagonum) inscribed with the Greek letters for salus or health [Figure 27; part A].47 The relation to spiritual well-being and the five wounds becomes clear in Valeriano's superimposition of the geometric form over the figure of a Christuspatiens exhibiting the marks of the crucifixion [Figure 2 7;part B], which demonstrates why the apex of the pentagon is inverted.48 Although such symbolism may seem obscure, Valeriano's discussion of the pentalpha had wide currency in the seven- teenth century, especially among theologians and preachers. It appears, for example, in the published Bible commentaries FIGURE 17: Charles Lebrun, "French order" capital, Hall of Mirrors, Versailles, of the Jesuit Cornelius a Lapide (1567-1637) in his gloss on 1678

426 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 FIGURE18: Antonio Bertola,reliquary altar, Chapel of the Holy Shroud, 1685-93 the Savoy arms surmount a wrought-iron orbisterrarum [Figure feast day in 1670, for example, a specialdisplay model of the 28].52 Crucifixionwas placed in a chapel near the Shroud,which, at The liturgy of the Holy Shroud would have reinforced this that time was kept in a reliquary-ciboriumabove the main lugubrious imagery: altar.54In additionto figures standingat the foot of the cross,

Let us honor in your name, Christ,your standardthe victoriouscross, your thorny crown,your holy shroud,your bloody red nails, and the lancethrust into yoursacred side.53

We must understand the innovative design for the Shroud Chapel capitals in this context of well-established devotional imagery at Turin. Guarini may have taken more direct inspiration in his use of the instruments of the Passion from temporary installations made in the cathedral for the annual feast of the Holy Shroud, FIGURE19: Reliquaryof the Holy Shroud, c. 1604, silver, precious stones, and relief celebrated on 4 May throughout Savoy and Piedmont. For the plaques, 1.23 x .30 x .22 m.

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 427 FIGURE20: Shroudof Turin,linen, I. I x 4.4 m the installation incorporated arabesques with crowns of thorns capitals of Bernini's Baldacchino at Saint Peter's, where the and placards with scourges, pliers, nails, and various other petals become rays of the papal patron's family solar impresa instruments.55 [Figure 14], drew from a venerable tradition of manipulating In one detail of the Passion capital Guarini's imagination was the constituent parts of the orders for purposes of conveying especially active-the bizarre fleuron with the nails [Figure29]. meaning.56 Guarini must also have noticed a replacement Guarini was by no means the first to experiment with the floral component of the Corinthian and Composite capitals, as we SCENOGRAPHIA can see in a capital Guarini would have known well from his SD I S * REGLI of in Rome The sun fleuron on the years study (1637-47). SACRATISSIMIE SINDONI DIC- ATk' .

FIGURE21: GuarinoGuarini, detail of archfascia with sculpted nails, Chapel of the FIGURE22: Sectionof modelfor Chapelof the HolyShroud, 1682, engraving, from HolyShroud JohannBlaeu, Theatrum sabaudiae (Amsterdam, 1682): I, pl. 19

428 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 IEDI S

AC I iE.l SIND(C

FIGURE23: Detail of section of model for Chapel of the Holy Shroud, engraving,from JohannBlaeu, Theatrumsabaudiae (Amsterdam, 1682): 1, pl. 15

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 429 FIGURE26: Anonymous, Design for a MeditationalPlaque, c. 1630, pen and ink drawing,27.8 x 19.8 cm from, BAV,Barb. Lat. 9910, Ir

flowering vine-the passion vine, genus Passiflora, of which there are more than 400 species [Figure31].58 Tradition holds that the delicate corona of this blossom represents the crown of thorns placed on Christ's head and the spreading styles and stigmas, at the top, the nails which held him to the cross.59 The passion vine is indigenous to the Western Hemisphere, and horticulturists identify the species here, Passifloracaerulea, which is especially common in Brazil, as the one introduced into Europe in the seventeenth century and the one associated with the passionflower legend.60 The earliest known mention of the passion vine and its fruit, the granadilla, is in Cieza de Leon's chronicle of Peru, published in 1553.61 The first refer- ence to the vine's blossom that recognizes the instruments of the Passion in its parts is in Nicolas Monardes's 1569 treatise on medicinal plants of the New World, where the author recom- mends the fruit as a stomach remedy, and observes that the flower has "figures which are things of the Passion of our lord... .62 Samuel Purchas's world geography of 1613 states, FIGURE24: Deutscher MonogrammistG B, Coat of Armsof Christ,c. 1550, woodcut. not without some circumspection, that it "hath in it the markes FIGURE25: Detail of dome spandrel with pentagonal panel, Chapel of the Holy of the Passion, and that therein they [the missionaries who first Shroud identified it] note the nailes, pillar, whips, and crowne of thornes, and the wounds, wherein they are not altogether capital on the Pantheon portico, mounted there during Urban without reason, and yet to find out and observe these things, it VIII's reign, where the Barberini bee extracts nectar from the requires some pietie to cause beleefe: but it is very exquisite and fleuron [Figure30].57 faire to the eye... ."63 To understand precisely what Guarini did with the fleuron The earliest indication of knowledge of the passionflower at of the Passion capitals, however, we must examine a well-known Turin occurs in verses penned by Carlo Emanuele I's court

430 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 political theorist and ducal tutor, the Jesuit Giovanni Botero, by the 1630s the renowned Jesuit floriculturist, Giovanni composed in 1607.64 The poem, dedicated to the duke, Battista Ferrari, declared the passionflower commonplace, catalogues the instruments embodied in the flower of the since it had been seen by "everyone" in Rome.67 The numerous granadilla-among them, the "sharp nails."65 references to botanicalworks in Guarini's discussion of architec- If Guarini ever saw a living passionflower, he made no tural ornament, particularly in his treatment of floral motifs for mention of it. We do, however, have record of one growing in capital variants, make it clear that he paid attention to such Cardinal Odoardo Farnese's garden on the Palatine Hill in things.68 In any case, as reported the prefect of Cardinal Rome in 1625, and this garden still flourished in the 1640s Farnese's garden, Pietro Castelli, this flower was as famous as it when Guarini was a novice at the local Theatine house.66Already was rare. The maracot, as he calls it, is "... the famous plant

A

B

FIGURE27: (A) Piero Valeriano,pentalpha, Hieroglyphica (Lyon, 1602); (B) Christo- FIGURE28: Guarino Guarini,finial with instrumentsof the Passion, wrought iron, logicalpentalpha 1682-83, Chapel of the Holy Shroud

SCOTU: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 431 FIGURE29: Detail of Passioncapital sung by poets and celebratedby orators,the plant reasoned credit its realitywere it not that many reliable people, i.e., about by philosopherswith the utmost subtlety,praised by missionariesfrom Mexico,with whom he had spoken and who physiciansfor its marvelousvirtues, sought for eagerlyby the supplied him with drawings,reported on the veracityof its sick, wondered at by theologians,and veneratedby all pious existence. Christians."69Interest in the passionflowerwas, however,not Preciselybecause of its inaccuracies,early Protestantbota- generated by its status as a botanicalrarity alone. Alreadyin nists condemned Bosio'sillustration of the passionfloweras a 1609 PaulV had been presentedwith a specimen, as reports Jesuitical lie invented by the devil. In his 1629 treatise on the Olivetanmonk Antonio Canali, who produceda theological floriculture,the EnglishmanJohn Parkinsonaccused Bosio encomiumin praiseof the passionflowerin that sameyear.70 of distorting the features of the flower to make them look Comparing the parts of the actual flower with Guarini's more like the instrumentsof the Passion.72Bosio's version of fleuron, however,we observe that most of the details do not the passionflower,according to Parkinson(who prefers to callit appear.An exact reproductionperhaps could not be expected, the Virginiaclimber), was the workof "superstitiousbrains" and sinceall the morphologicalintricacies would have been difficult about as plausible as that the sea should bur. What is to renderin bronzeand, moreover,would have been wastedon important to note is that unlike the passionflower,but like the observerstanding in the dark chapel below. Instead, the Bosio'srendering of it, Guarini'sfleuron has the three nail-like architectchose to represent only the petals and the nail-like stigmasmarkedly projecting out from the flowerrather than stigmas,with the difference that the latter project markedly lying flat, as in nature. Howeverexact their knowledgeof the from the centerof the flower,whereas the stigmasof almostall living plant may have been, both Bosio and Guarinichose to Passifloraspecies spread and lie flatat the top, as in the example depict the exotic bloom in its moralizedform, so as to empha- illustrated[Figure 31]. Aswe shalldiscover, this salientfeature of size the theologicalmeaning. Guarini'sfleuron, the projectionof the nails,has amplejustifica- If Guarinihappened to know Bosio'swoodcut, we might tion. supposehe pausedto read the author'sexegetical comment on Guarinimay not have seen a passionflower,but he probably its significance.The author states that Spaniardsrefer to the had seen one of the earliestpublished illustrations of the plant. blossomas the "Flowerof the FiveWounds," alluding to the five It appearednot in a botanicalstudy, but in a religioustract on majorwounds of Christ,the ones made by the nailsand by the the nature of the true cross, authored and published by spear of Longinus(which is representedby the pointed leaves Giacomo Bosio in Rome in 1610 [Figure32].71 Bosio's ex- of the vine).73The wounds themselves appear in the five tended discussionof the floweris the most exhaustiveprinted anthers,which the printrepresents as five dots aroundthe base versionof the passionflowerlegend with a gloss on its theologi- of the inner part of the flower.74Bosio elaboratesa Christian cal significance.He states that he has not seen the flower moralized meaning of the passionflower,seeing it as a sign himself and finds it so fantasticthat he would be unable to placed by God in the New World to enlighten, at his chosen

432 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 to visualize mentally a series of images appropriate to the stimulationof pious feelings, with the aim of achieving the plane of contemplationand other spiritualbenefits.75 In this practice the imagery operates as a mnemonic device to aid the worshiper.As Giovanni Pozzi has noted, this explains why devotional representationsof the passionflowerdo not correspondmore preciselywith the actualbloom.76 The distor- tions indicatea moralizedinterpretation of the flowerand, in that sense,are trulyjesuitical lies. The armaChristi iconography widely diffused through print media [Figure24] and devo- tional practices focusing on concrete images such as the Five Wounds exemplify this phenomenon. Guarini'sidio- syncraticpassionflower, too, fits securely into the tradition. Christian meaning takes precedence over botanical exac- titude. Whether or not Guarinitook notice of Bosio's gloss, his architecturalreference to the passionflowerneed not have depended on a single text or image.77Moreover, he cannot have overlooked the obvious analogy between passionflower FIGUREI 30: Capitalwith bee fleuron, Pantheonportico, Rome, c. 1640 and Passionrelic. Curiosities of nature,such as exotic animals,

FIGUREI 3 1: Passiflorocaerulea moment, the nativepeoples there about the salvationbrought to humanitythrough Christ's Passion. Its existenceis therefore no mere curiosityof nature, but at once a witness to God's presencethroughout Creation and his providentialordering of humanhistory. The seventeenth-centurydevotional literature on the pas- sionflowerindicates a connection between a mystical inter- pretationof the instrumentsin the blossomand privateprayer practices common at the time, such as that advocated by St. FIGURE32: Giacomo Bosio, Possionflowerengraving, from Lo gloriosa e trionfante Ignatius. In the Spiritual Exercises the author advises the reader croce(Rome, 1610),164

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 433 FIGURE33: VittorioAmedeo Barralis,Sacred

Anatomyof the Imageof Our LordChrist Imprinted on the HolyShroud, woodcut, 1685 FIGURE34: VittorioAmedeo Barralis,Sacred Crownto be Presentedto the Christof the Passionon the HolyShroud, woodcut, 1685 strange seashells, oddly shaped stones, and pictures of rare just as the elite ducalowners of the relictook advantageof each flowers-the kinds of objectscollected in princelyWunderkam- opportunityto kissceremoniously those same marks.80 mernthrough the sixteenth and seventeenthcenturies-were Guariniwas probably acquaintedwith at least one such objectsof moralizedinterpretation as much as scientificscru- author.Vittorio Amedeo Barralis,a fellowTheatine at Turin, tiny. They embodied signs placed by God in the world to published his instructionalmanual on the venerationof the illustrate his omnipotence.78Bosio explicated the passion- Shroudin Turinin 1685, twoyears after Guarini's death.81 The flowerin thisway, and the treatisewriters on the Shroudviewed authormentions the architectin the text, and it is likelythat the that relic in much the same light-as a sign placed by God in two Theatines lived together in their congregation'shouse in the world to demonstratehis sufferingand love for human- Turin,not farfrom the constructionsite of the ShroudChapel.82 kind.79Like the passionflowerit displayed the five major SinceGuarini himself left no recordedcomment on the Shroud, wounds of Christ.The authors of devotional treatisesof the thisis aboutas close as we are likelyto get to his thinkingon the period recommended to their readers that upon seeing or relic. Barralis'stract does not, in any case, exceed widelyheld meditatingon the relic itself they should take care to concen- commonplacesabout the historyof the relicand the mannerof trate their sight in particularon the five bloody spots corre- venerationdue it. sponding to the majorwounds inflictedon the Savior'sbody, In order to understand Guarini'sdesign for the Shroud

434 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 Chapel we must investigate not only his use of symbolism but never realized. The engraved section of Guarini's first model also how the space functioned ceremonially and devotionally. for the chapel shows that narrative paintings of scenes of the The architect and his patrons surely wished the design to Passion were intended for placement above the four subsidiary accommodate the ritual exhibition of the relic and the courtly altars in the spaces between the pilasters with the Passion display surrounding it, but the desire to reinforce the modes of capitals [Figure 22].88 Two of these scenes appear in the private spirituality already practiced around the Shroud was section-a Crucifixion and a Lamentation, corresponding also a significant factor in the thinking behind the new chapel respectively to meditation number 28 and the last of the five and its ornamentation. Aves.89The Passion imagery incorporated into the capitals and Barralis's manual provides useful insight into this world of other ornamental components of the chapel formed a kind of personal worship and its connection to the cult of the Sacred spatial "Corona Sacra" to advance the cult of the Shroud and Wounds. The little book is entitled Anotomiaper la novena della assist the worshiper in gaining the maximum spiritual benefit Santa Sindone con una corona compostad'efetti sopra li principali from the relic, just as Barralis's visual aids with their depicted misteriidellapassione (Sacred anatomy for the novena of the Holy instruments and inscribed scenes did for the viewer outside the Shroud with a crown composed of expressions of sentiment on chapel. the principal mysteries of the Passion) and belongs to the same The authors of devotional tracts on the Shroud, of whom genre of devotional literature as the passionflower treatises of Barralis is typical, manifest a desire to explicate the relic as a earlier in the century. Barralis provides a mnemonic device in direct witness of the Passion. The image impressed on the linen the form of a fold-out engraved plate to aid the reader with cloth is no mere abstraction but a God-given means for visual stimuli in meditating on the otherworldly value of the attaining unmediated experience of Christ's suffering and image on the Shroud [Figure33].83 We see the figure from the sacrifice. Since the figure on the Shroud consists of Christ's own Shroud surrounded by an octagonal enframement. This Barra- blood, that object deserves the adulation due to God himself lis calls a "Sacred Anatomy of the Image of Our Lord Christ (latria), not just the lesser form of veneration due to the saints Imprinted on the Holy Shroud," and he instructs the reader to and their relics (dulia).90Guarini's inclusion of the instruments meditate on the wounds on Christ's body made by the instru- of the Passion in the capitals of the chapel rotunda reflect these ments depicted in the border, among them the visage of Christ traditional beliefs about the Savoy relic. crowned with thorns seen on Veronica's veil prominently positioned at the top center.84 The wounds, on the front and REGALIA AND RANK IN THE PASSION CAPITALS back of the figure, are lettered and keyed to the written list at The function of the chapel as a theater of dynastic self- the lower left and right (A and K indicate the nail wounds, F and representation influenced Guarini's thinking about the space G the marks of the crown of thorns). Through the instruments and its ambient imagery. As the inscription "Aedes Regiae" on represented around the edge, the worshiper meditates on the the engraved section from the Theatrumsabaudiae designates, wounds and ultimately achieves a deeper understanding of the this was a royal chapel [Figure22]. The principal actors on this Passion. stage were the ducal family and court, with whom the Theatines A second engraving in Barralis's manual [Figure34] carries had close association.91 We can get an idea of the exalted the designation "Sacred Crown to Be Presented to the Christ of audience at which Barralis aimed from the dedicatee of his the Passion on the Holy Shroud."85 Here a lozenge-shaped book, Fabrizio Buniato, ducal counselor and general treasurer frame divided into labeled blocks forms a corona around the of Vittorio Amedeo II. The Theatines received signs of special Shroud figure. Thirty-three numbered sections, interspersed favor from the Savoy, who frequently appointed one from with five Aves, refer to scenes of the Passion beginning with the among their number to preach the Lenten sermons at the washing of the disciples' feet (number 1), passing through the cathedral in the presence of the entire court.92A Theatine also crowning with thorns at the midway point at the bottom often delivered the oration presented on the occasion of the (number 17), and concluding with the spear wound in Christ's relic's exhibition.93 The Savoy even paid for the construction of side (number 33). This "Corona Sacra," as Barralis calls it, the new Theatine church and adjoining house, Guarini's San reflects a private devotional practice associated with the Shroud Lorenzo, and made it a ducal chapel to complement the more and encouraged by successive Theatine preachers at the Savoy specialized reliquary-palatine Shroud Chapel.94 Both Guarini court long before the publication of his little manual.86 It and Barralis would therefore have been familiar with the aulic consisted of the oral recitation of a rosary-like string of beads modes of devotion practiced around the cult of the Shroud. representing narrative events of the Passion.87 The three instruments Guarini employed in the pilaster The instruments of the Passion seen in Guarini's capitals capitals betoken the actual objects employed in Christ's Pas- and in various other parts of the chapel evince this devotion, sion, relics whose locations were well known in the seventeenth but one additional pictorial component of the program was century and whose regal connotations were appropriate to the

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 435 FIGURE36: Overdoor,portal to Chapelof the HolyShroud. FIGURE 37: Annunciate capital,portal to Chapelof the HolyShroud

which Louis IX, Saint Louis, built the Sainte-Chapelle adjacent to his palace on the Ile-de-la-Cite in Paris-a model not lost on the pious Savoy possessors of the Shroud, whose own reliquary chapel was constructed in similar proximity to their palace.98 In his collecting of Passion relics the French royal saint served as a role model for the Savoy. Ducal ideologues found it FIGURE35: GuarinoGuarini, portal to Chapel of the Holy Shroud, 1667-69, Palazzo useful to parallel the lives of the sanctified Capetian monarch Reale, Turin and Duke Louis of Savoy, who acquired the Shroud for his dynasty, a relic of status comparable to that of the crown of palatial setting of the Savoy chapel.95 The Roman church of thorns in Paris.99 Significantly, a spine from that relic was Santa Croce in Gerusalemme contained not only nails and among the other sacred objects installed in the Shroud Chapel portions of the cross but also the titulus-all sacred remains by the Savoy.'00 collected by Saint Helena, mother of Constantine.96 Relics of In the case of the nails and crown of thorns, not only were the nails could be found in many other places, but the one they, like the Shroud, major instruments of the Passion; their venerated in the cathedral of Milan (given to Constantine by doleful marks were recorded on the cloth, as Barralis and every Helena) and especially promoted, together with the Savoy other treatise writer observed. As for the titulus, with its Shroud, by San Carlo Borromeo, was perhaps the most fa- proclamation of Christ as King, none of the Passion relics, save mous.97 The crown of thorns, attractive to royalty, was the the crown of thorns, could have a more regal connotation for central treasure of the hoard of relics (including more nails) for the aristocratic worshipers in the Shroud Chapel. Noting that

436 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 its constituent parts were the regalia of the King of Kings, the chapel and they appropriately conform to the exalted rank of moralizers of the passionflower called it the "King of Flow- the personages who frequented that portal [Figure 37]. They ers."101Thus the three emblematic components of Guarini's consist of a modified conflation of two examples illustrated in Passion capital all reinforce the idea of royal rank so fundamen- the Architetturacivile [Figure12]. As in Guarini's number 37, the tal to the political meaning of the ducal chapel. acanthus spirals curl in the opposite direction of the canonical Guarini's task entailed the creation of imagery appropriate type, and, with this outward-sweeping movement, support the not only to the religious function of the chapel but also to the extended wings of the descending dove of the Holy Spirit, social and political status of the patrons who built it for their much as do the flames in the capital with the phoenix illus- use. This he achieved through the incorporation of Christ's trated in the treatise (number 36).104 The wings of the dove the titulus of regalia, the arma Christi, into the major order of the chapel parallel the concavity of the abacus much as does rotunda. The signification of rank through the classical orders the Passion capitals. has a long tradition, but, to understand how Guarini expressed This new variant could appropriately be called the Annunci- this in the Shroud Chapel, we must return to the principal ate capital, for no one at court would have failed to notice the ceremonial entrance, which leads in from the palace gallery allusion to the senior of the two chivalric orders patronized by of the Santissima [Figures 35-36].102 the Savoy, the Supreme Order Annunziata, Because this door is now kept closed, its exterior portal is whose insignia consisted of a knotted golden chain with pen- seldom seen, but, from the gallery side, its dark imagery dant medallion representing the Annunciation with the Holy unambiguously conveys the somber but courtly purposes of the Spirit alighting from above [Figure38].105 The Savoy sovereign, wore this and we can see it chapel.103The projecting components of coat-of-arms, broken as commander of the order, chain, and in pediment, polygonal cartouche, fluted pilasters, and flanking surrounding his arms [Figure39] mass-produced images decorated with this funerary urns dominate the ample space of the gallery and of the Shroud.106 The twenty individuals the aristoc- assertively announce access to the Shroud Chapel. honor constituted an elite group among knighted The gilded bronze capitals Guarini designed for the flank- ing pilasters here are unique among those he created for the

FIGURE38: BernardoGiustinian, grand chain and pendant medallionof the Supreme FIGURE39: FranSoisCapre, Savoy coat of arms with grand chain and pendant Order of the SantissimaAnnunziata, engraving, from Historiecronologiche della vera medallion of the Supreme Order of the SantissimaAnnunziata, engraving, from de dict de I'annonciade originedi tuttigl'ordini militari e di tutte le religionicavalleresche .. . (Venice, 1672) Cataloguedes chevaliersde I'ordredu collier Savoye, (Turin, 1645)

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 437 emperors long before the Savoy achieved political prominence. As we have already seen, for the francophone dukes the most admired example to follow in this pious and politically useful endeavor was Saint Louis, who knew well how to exploit the worldly power of the Passion relics in his possession. The equation between the emblems of Christ's sovereignty and those of the French king as perpetuated in widely disseminated imagery of Louis, as in the portrait of the royal saint that illustrated the 1617 edition ofJoinville's early biography of the king [Figure40]. 10The parallelism between Christ's crown and Louis's haloed diadem cannot be missed, nor the allusion to sacral kingship. Even the fleurs-de-lis on the king's tunic and surmounting his scepter recapitulate the tripartite configura- tion of the nails. Guarini's Passion capitals not only refer to the Savoy Passion relic; they embody in Christological form the most cherished social and political aspirations of its dynastic owners. Guarini's allusion to the newly reasserted title of the dukes of Savoy through the use of Christ's regalia would unquestionably have appeared logical to contemporaries. If the dukes gained their royal designation through their legal claim on the king- dom of Cyprus, they also held moral right to the Shroud through that same connection. The title to the Cypriot crown came from the marriage of Duke Louis of Savoy's son, Louis, Count of Geneva, to Charlotte de Lusignan, Queen of Cyprus, in 1459.11 As court historians noted, since the dukes of Lusig- nan also held title to the defunct Latin Kingdom ofJerusalem, it therefore was only proper that the Savoy held the Shroud, for FIGURE40: L. Gaultier,Saint-Louis, King of France,engraving from Jean de Joinville, that same relic had, after its removal from Constantinople, for a Histoirede S. LoysIX (Paris, 1617) time been the revered possession of the Lusignan.112Thus both Shroud and royal tide derived, at least in the thinking of the racy at the Savoy court, with the reigning duke as Grand ideologues, from the Cyprus connection. For the court poets Master.107In this capacity they were principals in the ritual and treatise writers this concatenation of privileges was the exhibitions of the Shroud when the relic would be removed handiwork of Divine Providence, which favored the Savoy from its housing and carried ceremoniously out of the chapel above all other ruling houses of Christendom.113 through the gallery portal [Figure 35] and adjoining royal No one, moreover, had to be reminded that the Savoy coat apartments to the square in front of the palace for public of arms itself consisted of the most important of all the Passion ostension.108 relics. The silver Greek cross against a red field appears in the At the summit of the portal, putti crown the large Savoy family shield [Figure 39], and Guarini repeated the motif, arms with an unusually prominent royal crown closed at the literally ad infinitum, in the coffering of the chapel pendentives top. After decades of dispute, the dukes of Savoy had once [Figures41-42]. again in 1660 republished their claim to the royal tite of king of Cyprus.109This achievement constituted a major event for the CONCLUSION dynasty, for it trumped the pretensions of their chief rivals in The Passion capitals participated actively in the devotional and Italy, the grand dukes of Tuscany, who, as elevated dukes, were dynastic programs of the Shroud Chapel. They served as wont to claim precedence over the Savoy. In this political stimuli to courtly piety, but, more than that, the innovative context, the inclusion of the titulus in the Passion capitals, with incorporation of the instruments of the Passion into the capitals its declaration of Christ's kingly status, reiterates not only the surrounding the altar-reliquary would have assisted the wor- courtly function of the chapel but also the recently acquired shiper visually, for want of the Shroud itself, much as did regal rank of the House of Savoy. Barralis's pious schematic illustrations. Just as the engraved Collecting relics of the Passion was the passion of kings and wound-bearing figure of Christ appears encircled by instru-

438 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 FIGURE41: GuarinoGuarini, pendentive coffering with Savoy cross, Chapel of the Holy Shroud ments of the Passion in the visual aid, so do Guarini's Passion We see in the design of the Passion capitals, as well as in the capitals with their decorous imagery surround the central text and illustrations of the Architetturacivile, an architect who, reliquary and encourage the viewer's recollection of the events for all his searching curiosity and imaginative power, refuses to that made the wound marks on the image-stained Shroud fit the molds created for him in the extremes of the scholarly itself-narrative events that were originally to have been de- literature. Examining his treatment of the classical orders, we picted in the spaces between the pilasters. find neither Guarini the occultist nor Guarini the moder Guarini expanded the meaning of the Corinthian order formalist. Thus, whether advocating or disallowing a place for without violating the nature or basic composition of the canoni- meaning in Guarini's works, we must first understand the cal type. Within the sacred space around the Shroud, he architect fully in the context of seventeenth-century piety, eschewed the sometimes trivial and anecdotal punning of his patronage, and architectural culture. predecessors and contemporaries by manipulating the compo- nents of the classical orders to convey thematic significance, Appendix making of them visual means of spiritual communication. Yet Thedocumentation ofthe Passioncapitals the content of Guarini's imagery, while fresh and creative, still In the construction period before Guarini's assumption of rests well within the parameters of seventeenth-century Chris- project supervision, 1656-67, there were numerous expendi- tian iconography. tures related to the manufacture of the capitals (materials,

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 439 pilaster capitals of the rotunda.120 These four capitals reflect a new design. A payment of 15 July 1672 indicates that some three-sided capitals (as are those of the major-order pilasters seen in Figure 5) had been removed and sent back to Boucheron because they did not follow Guarini's instruction.121This activ- ity records Guarini's intervention to enforce conformity to his model for the capitals in the chapel, but, surprisingly, no further payments for capitals occurred between that date and Guarini's death in 1683. The only Passion capitals we can be certain were executed and put in place under Guarini's supervi- sion are those of the two fluted columns facing the cathedral choir located between the flanking stairs [Figure9]. By persisting in a chronological review of the payments, FIGURE42: Guarino Guarini,detail of pendentive cofferingwith Savoy cross, Chapel however, we learn the full production history of the Passion of the Holy Shroud capitals. Documents of 10 and 26 May 1688 indicate that the casting of six of the eight pilaster capitals still remained to be equipment, foundry space, transport, etc.) in addition to pay- accomplished at that late date.122Awork order given to Falconi ments made directly to the bronze founders Lorenzo Frugone and signed by Guarini's successor, Antonio Bertola, who was in and Simon Boucheron."' Many payments for gold and labor charge of completing the chapel and its furnishings, clarifies for the gilding by Giovanni Battista Perico and Francesco the issue.123The six capitals to be cast for the chapel pilasters, Buonpiede occurred in the same period, as did disburse- the document tells us, were to be of the same "ornate" ments to the carpenter for cloth and wooden boxes to protect Corinthian as those already made (i.e., like Guarini's);the nails the newly gilded capitals as construction progressed. These and crown of thorns should be well executed and rendered in documents indicate that some capitals were already in place by high relief. The facture should not be of inferior quality and the end of the pre-Guarini period.l15 Although there can be no beauty to that of the bronze works already completed in the doubt that these were produced from Bernardino Quadri's chapel.124 But the capitals were still not finished at Falconi's design before Guarini's appearance on the scene, they were for death, as we learn from the document of 3 December 1692 the minor-order columns of the chapel rotunda and the small contracting another founder, Francesco Amonet, to complete pilasters facing them [Figures4 and 7].116There is no mention the project.125 By 11 February 1694 the final six pilaster in this early period of capitals for the major-order pilasters. capitals were at last in place in the chapel, just three and The first payment for the new wooden model for the Shroud one-half months prior to the installation of its relic on 1 June of Chapel, based on Guarini's design, is dated 30 April 1667.ll7 that same year.126 During the initial six years of work under the Theatine priest's direction, the bronze work was primarily for the elaborate ABBREVIATIONS door on the side of the entrance pilaster-flanked palace gallery ACT Archivio Capitolare, Turin to the chapel seen at the top of the plan (at the apex of the AFMCT Archivio Fotografico dei Musei Civici, Turin APRMN Archives de la Reuniondes MuseesNationaux triangle), which was the major ceremonial portal [Figures4 and Photographiques art. articolo and for the minor-order column inside that same 35], capitals ASTR Archivio di Stato di Torino, Riunite 18 opening. This period of work also produced the comparably BAV BibliotecaApostolica Vaticana sized capitals of the stair landing on the left leading in from the BRT BibliotecaReale, Turin cathedral.119 CIST Centro Interazionale di Sindonologia, Turin DBI Dizionariobiografico degli Italiani (Rome, 1960-) For the of all minor-order columns inside remaining capitals GFSGF GabinettoFotografico della Soprintendenza alle Gallerie, the chapel Guarini followed Quadri's standard Corinthian Florence GGIB GuarinoGuarini e l'internazionalitadel 2 vols. rendering, as already in place on the columns of the stair barocco, (Turin,1970) KB Berlin on on in Kupferstichkabinett landing the right and the minor-order columns the ? Lire four recesses in the upper half of the rotunda plan [Figures4 m. mazzo and 7]. Payments to the sculptor-bronze founder Bernardo reg. registro SBAAP Soprintendenzaper i BeniAmbientali e Architettonicidel Falconi began on 3 October 1669 for the capitals of the two Piemonte,Turin freestanding columns flanking the opening to the cathedral SBASP Soprintendenzaper i BeniArtistici e Storicidel Piemonte, [Figures8-9] and, possibly, also for two of the corresponding Turin

440 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 Notes beforeGuarini's assumption of the directorshipof the works.... I wish to thank the followingindividuals who contributedto the researchfor '4 See the appendixto this article. 15 this study: Dorothy Crispino, Giuseppe Dardanello, Giovanna Giacobello "Sarannodi quel med.mo ordineCorinto ornato conforme si vedono li gia Bernard,Luigi Fossati,Irving Lavin,Marilyn Aronberg Lavin, Gino Moretto, fatti...."ASTR, Art. 199, reg. 9, 32v. FrancoOrmezzano, Chiara Passanti, Ada Peyrot,Marika Smith, and Thomas 6 Guarini,Architettura, 83-157. Guarini'streatise was written in the late GordonSmith. Unless otherwise indicated, all translationsare by the author. 1670s-1683. The plates illustratingthe orders and their application,together 'The fundamentalstudies on the Shroud Chapel are Mario Passanti,Nel with plans, elevations, and sections of Guarini'sown buildings, were first mondomagico di GuarinoGuarini (Turin, 1963), 163-94; Nino Carboneri, published, without text, as Guarino Guarini, Dissegnid'architettura civile et "Vicendadelle cappelleper la SantaSindone," Bollettino della Societd Piemontese di ecclesiastica...(Turin, 1686), where the frontispiece states that the images Archeologiae BelleArti 18 (1964):95-109; LucianoTamburini, Le chiese di Torino were "inventedand drawn"by Padre Guarini.The text was first published dal rinascimentoal barocco(Turin, n.d. [1968]), 217-31; and HaroldAlan Meek, in 1787. The Dissegniis reprintedin BernardiFerrero, Disegni (see n. 1), 89-. GuarinoGuarini and His Architecture(New Haven, 1988), 61-79. For Guarini's Few of the original drawings have survived,but the plates seem to have fortunacritica, intimately tied to the ShroudChapel and nearbychurch of San been engraved before Guarini'sdeath and subsequentlyleft with his Thea- Lorenzo,see Dariade BernardiFerrero, I "Disegnid'architettura civile et ecclesias- tine brothers in Turin, who undertook to have them published (ibid., 7). tica"diGuarino Guarini e I'artedel maestro (Turin, 1966), 15-34 and SilviaBordini, Inscriptionson many of the plates declare Guarini'sauthorship, and the "Lacritica guariniana," in GuarinoGuarini e l'internazionalitadel barocco, 2 vols. dedicationsof individualengravings also seem to confirm the involvmentof (Turin,1970), 2:283-305. the architect.These dedication inscriptionswere removed from the plates 2 Eugenio Battisti,"Note sul significatodella Cappelladella Santa Sindone before the printing of the 1737 edition. On the authenticityof the en- del Duomo di Torino,"inAtti del X Congressodi Storiadell'Architettura 10 (1959): gravingsand the mediocrityof the engravers,see Aldo Bertini, "I1disegno 359-67; MarcelloFagiolo dell'Arco,"La Sindone e l'enigma dell'eclisse,"in del Guarini e le incisioni del trattato di Architetturacivile," in GGIB GGIB2:205-27; KevinOrlinJohnson, "Solomon, Apocalypse and the Names of 1:597-610. God: The Meaning of the Chapel of the Most Holy Shroud in Turin,"Storia 17Guarinimay have been encouraged toward this liberal, open-ended Architettura8 (1985): 55-80;Jacqueline Gargus, "Guarino Guarini: Geometrical attitudeby the treatiseof the SpanishBenedictine Juan RicciRamfrez, "Gua- Transformationsand the Invention of New ArchitecturalMeanings," The rini,"175-85. HarvardArchitectureReview 7 (1989): 116-31. 18Guarini names this the "Third"or "Supreme"Corinthian order. Guarini, 3 RudolfWittkower,Art andArchitecture in Italy, 1600-1750, 3d ed. (Harmond- Architettura,113-17, 123, and pl. 4; Ramirez,"Guarini," 175-85. sworth,1973), 406-10; expandedby ClaudiaMuller, Unendlichkeit und Transzen- 19Ramirez (ibid., 177) holds insteadthat Guariniactually sought to stop the denzin derSakralarchitektur Guarinis (Hildesheim, 1986), 38-48. multipicationof ordersand limitthem to a set, if expanded, number.The tone 4 GiulioCarlo Argan, "La tecnica del Guarini,"in GGIB1:36. of Guarini'sdiscussion and the large numberof variationshe presentsin both Meek, GuarinoGuarini, esp. 77, 154-55. Also, Daniela Del Pesco, book text and illustrationsseem to contradictsuch an intention. reviewof Guarino 20 Guariniand His Architectureby H.A. Meek,JSAH48 (1989): Such as the Peruviannasturtia he placesat the angles of the capitalof the 396-98. For a criticalassessment of this anticontextualstance, see Martha "Third"Doric order. Guarini,Architettura, 93, pl. 3. 21 Pollak,book reviewof GuarinoGuarini and His Architecture by H. A. Meek,in Art Ibid., 129. In Rome, about this same time, Borrominiinserted saintly Bulletin71 (1989):699-700. crownsand other symbolicelements into his for the facade of San 6 design capitals The most importantstudies to treatGuarini's use of the classicalorders are Carloalle QuattroFontane. Smith, ClassicalArchitecture, 13-14. 22 Passanti,Mondo magico, 205-22; AugustoCavallari-Murat, "Struttura e forma These being the femalereproductive parts of the flower'sstamen. nel 23 trattatoarchitettonico del Guarini,"in GGIB 1:451-96; and Juan Antonio In the Architetturacivile, Guarini similarly positioned a laurelcrown in the Ramirez,"Guarino Guarini, Fray Juan Ricci and the 'Complete'Solomonic capitalof his 'Third"Corinthian (Solomonic) order (Figure 10) and in a related Order,"ArtHistory 4 (1981): 175-85. Corinthianvariant (Figure 11, number22). Guarini,Architettura, pls. 3 and 5. 7 See ThomasGordon Smith, ClassicalArchitecture: Rule and Invention (Layton, 24Vitruvius, 4.1.7-12. Utah, 1988), 77-79. 23Guarini, like many of his predecessors,starts from the premise that the 8 Gaudenzio "Inclinazioni Claretta, artistichedi CarloEmanuele I di Savoiae orderscarry meaning. On this tradition,see John Onians,Bearers of Meaning: de' suoi figli,"Atti della Societa diArcheologia e Belle Arti per la provinicadi Torino5 TheClassical Orders in Antiquity,the Middle Ages, and theRenaissance (Princeton, (1887): 351-52. For initialpayments to marbleworker and metal supplier,see 1988),esp. 141-330. ASTR,Art. 180, reg. 3, credito2621 and 2625, debito 71 and 271. 26Guarini, Architettura, 121-22. FrancoBorsi, "Guarino Guarini a Messina," 9 On the of the Corinthian theory order in the Renaissanceand Baroque in GGIB 1:71-90, fig. 6, illustratesone of the damaged iris capitalssalvaged see Erik periods, Forssman,Dorisch, jonisch, korinthisch: Studien uberden Gebrauch from the destroyedchurch and now abandonedin the courtyardof the Museo der Saulenordnungenin derArchitektur des 16.-18.Jahrhunderts (1961; rpt. ed., Nazionale,Messina. Braunschweig-Wiesbaden,1984), 89-103. 27Guarini, Architettura, 122. On Colbert'scompetition, which took place in '0Some of these minor-order capitals may even date back to the period 1671, seeJean-MariePerouse de Monclos,Histoire de l'architecturefranfaisede la 1611-14 and when abortive 1621-24, attemptswere made to build a reliquary Renaissancea la Revolution(Paris, 1989), 226-32. A centurybefore Colbert's on the same site after a chapel design by Carlo di Castellamonte.Carboneri, competition PhilibertDelorme proposed an ideologicallybased order, the Chiesedi "Vicenda,"99-102; Tamburini, Torino,220-21. An inventoryof 30July "FrenchColumn," but focusedhis inventionon the shaftrather than the capital. as workon the new Shroud 1657,just Chapelwas about to begin, indicatesthat PhilibertDelorme, Le premiertome de l'architecture(Paris, 1567), bk. 7, chaps. bronzecapitals left from the earlierproject were availablefor reuse.ASTR, Art. 11-12. 195, reg. 1, 6r, as cited in Carboneri,"Vicenda," 101 and n. 20. 28Jean-MariePerouse de Montclos,"Le sixieme ordre d'architecture,ou la For see AlessandroBaudi di Quadri, Vesme,Schede Vesme: l'arte in Piemontedal pratiquedes ordressuivant les nations,"JSAH36 (1977):223-40, esp. 231. XVIal XVIII 4 vols. 29 secolo, (Turin, 1963-1982), 3:879-80 and Carlo Brayda, MirellaLevi d'Ancona, The Garden of theRenaissance: Botanical Symbolism in Laura and Dario e Coli, Sesia, Ingegneri architettidel sei e settecentoin Piemonte ItalianPainting (Florence, 1977), 185-89, analyzesthe literaryand pictorial (Turin,1963), 57. contextof thesecommon meaningsof the irisin the Renaissance. l Accordingto Guarini,in addition to acanthus,the Ancientsused three 30Guarini,Architettura, 103. types of plant leaves for the Corinthianand Compositecapitals: lily, olive, and 3' Ibid.,pl. 28. oak. GuarinoGuarini, Architettura civile... (see n. 16), ed. B. Vittone (Turin, 32Ibid. 1737),128-29. 33Vitruvius,4.1.7. 12 The proportionalsystem used for the major-orderpilasters, 10:1 in basal 34Eugenio Olivero, "L'altare della SS. Sindoneed il suo autore,"II Duomo di diameters,is Vitruvian,whereas, in his treatise,Guarini recommends 9: 1 for the Torino2(1928): 6-11. Corinthian orderproper, which he callsthe "ordinesecondo corinto." Ibid., 113. 35Pietro Savio, Ricerchestoriche sulla SantaSindone (Turin, 1957), 305-32; '3Johnson,"Solomon," 80, n. 44, statesthat the Passioncapitals "date from Giuseppe Maria Pugno, La Santa Sindone che si venera a Torino (Turin, 1961),

SCOTT: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 441 211-15; MariaLuisa MoncassoliTibone, "LaCasa Savoiae la presenzadella Sindone,"Piemonte 9 (1979): 29-36, and idem, "Furonodue gli incendi che Sindone in Piemonte,"in Cesare Bertanaet al., La Sindone,di qua dai monti: minacciaronola Sindone,"Piemonte 11 (1981):30-32. documentie testimonianze(Turin, 1978), 31-35; idem, Vitadel ducatosabaudo ed 46Guarini signed a detailedestimate of the completedmodel on 30 Novem- ostensionedella Sindone allegenti (Turin, 1980). ber 1667. ASTR,Art. 197, reg. 12, 92v-95v. Giuseppe Dardanello,"La scena 36Gian Maria Zaccone, "Contributo allo studiodelle fonte edite sullaSindone urbana,"in Torino,1675-1699: strategiee conflittidel barocco,ed. G. Romano nei secoli XVI e XVII,"in La Sindone:nuovi studi e ricerche,Atti del III Congresso (Turin, 1993), 64. The engraving,together with a plan, appeared in Johann Nazionaledi Studisulla Sindone,Trani, ed. P. Coero-Borgaand G. Intrigillo Blaeu, Theatrumstatuum regiae celsitudinis sabaudiae ducis, Pedemontii principis, (CiniselloBalsamo, 1986), 35-73. The first officialhistory and defense of the Cyprisregis..., 2 vols.(Amsterdam, 1682), 1:25-26, pl. 19.The drawingsfor the relic'santiquity is EmmanuelPhilibert Pingon, Sindon evangelica (Turin, 1581). engravingswere made by Giovanni Tommaso Borgonio in 1669-70. His 37 AlfonsoPaleotti, Esplicatione del sacro lenzuolo ovefu involtoil signoreet delle requestfor compensationwas recorded on 31 December1680. LuigiFirpo, ed., piaghein essoimprese col suopretioso sangue ... (1599; rpt. ed., Turin, 1975), in Theatrumsabaudiae (teatro degli stati del Duca di Savoia),2 vols. (Turin,1984-85), whichthe woundsare representedin a fold-outwoodcut and are letter-keyedto 2:124.The drawingsare almostcertainly based on the paintedwooden model of the text, where the individualwounds are representedin detail. In separate 1667. HenryA. Millon,"Guarino Guarini," in MacmillanEncyclopedia ofArchitects, plates Paleottirepresented the nail-puncturedsoles of Christ'sfeet. He appar- ed. AdolfPlaczek, 4 vols. (NewYork, 1982), 2:268;Dardanello, "Scena," 47 and ently examined the Shroud firsthandand with intense scrutiny.He seems to n. 18. The treatmentof the dome differs from both Guarini'splate in the havebeen the firstperson to notice (butonly in the firstedition of 1598) thatthe Architetturacivile (pl. 3) and the actualdome as completed. nailwounds were locatednot in the hands,as traditionheld, but in the wrists,as 47Giovanni Pietro Valeriano Bolzano, Hieroglyphica (Lyons, 1602), 507-508, would have been necessaryfor support. On Paleottiand his book, see Mario 639. On the late medievaldevotion to the FiveSacred Wounds of Christ,see The Fanti, "Genesie vicende del libro di Alfonso Paleotti sulla Sindone," in L. CatholicEncyclopedia, 16 vols. (NewYork, 1907-14), 15:714-15. 48 Coppini and F. Cavazzuti,eds., La Sindone:scienza e fede,Atti del II Convegno ValerianoBolzano, Hieroglyphica, 508. 49 Nazionaledi Sindonologia(Bologna, 1983), 369- 79. Corneliusa Lapide,Commentaria in Scripturam Sacram ..., 11 vols. (Venice, 38Paleotti, Esplicatione, 16-17; AgaffinoSolaro di Moretta,Sindone evangelica, 1740), 11:714[lsted., Antwerp,1618-37]. 50 e delle historcae theologica(Turin, 1627), 41-48. "... Gieroglificoe questo nodo dell'appassionatoChristo, cinque 39 dove a caratteridi e For a descriptionof the courtceremony surrounding the exhibitionof the piaghe ... La SacraSindone dunque e lo stendardo sangue La sacra relic, see the manuscriptcollection of Savoycourt ceremonialsin BRT, Storia stampatala pentalpha salutare...." Eugenio Quarant'otto, sindone, Patria726/2-4, 12 v-1 28v (1676), 314v-317v (1683);BRT, Stora Patria 726/3, componimenti...(Verona, 1624), 40. On Quarant'otto,see Antonio Francesco 63v-72v (1692), 261v-269r (1697);BRT, Storia Patria 726/9-1, 87 (1775). Vezzosi,I scrittoride' cheric regolari detti teatini, 2 vols. (Rome, 1780), 2:201. 51 in of other On his pilgrimageto see the Shroud in 1578, Carlo Borromeo and some Guarini proposed to use pentagons design components in of San Lorenzoas members of his famigliagained privilegedaccess to the relic and kissed the churches.See, for example,the pentagons the pendentives wound markson the side and feet. For the contemporaryaccount left byJesuit representedin the sectionin the Architetturacivile. The geometryis less regular FrancescoAdorno, a member of Borromeo'sentourage, see Pietro Savio, and apparent in the pendentives as executed in the Theatine church. The rose on a Guarini, "Pellegrinaggiodi San Carlo Borromeo alla Sindone in Torino,"Aevum 7 unexecutedproject for San Gaetano,Nice, pentagonalplan. contextsare not as with Passion (1933):423-54, esp. 448. Architettura,pls. 6, 12-13. Becausethe charged 40 GiambattistaMarino, II ritrattodel Serenissimo Don Carlo Emanuello, Duca di imagery,a Christologicalreading of these formswould be less obviousbut still Savoja,panegirico (Venice, 1628), 80 [Ist ed., Turin, 1608]: appropriate. 52 to the locksmithwho fashioned GiovanniPietro E fu legge fatal,forse da Dio The payment of ?80 it, Con caratterid'or lassi scolpita, Farino,is dated 10 April 1683.ASTR, Art. 267, 115. 53 tue victoriosecrucis tuum Che de le piaghe,onde in sanguignorio "Adoremusin nomine tuo, Christe, vexillum, tuo rubentes ac tuo sacro Percinque ampi canaliusci la vita, spineum,tuam SanctamSyndonem, sanguineclavos, From the "MissaSancte in La sacrastampa in biancodrappo impressa lateri immersamlanceam." Syndonis,"published Non fussein terraad altraman commessa. Savio,Ricerche, 229. 54 of 1685 recordsthe demolitionof the Dina O di prezzoinfinito alto thesoro, A diaryentry 24 May reliquary. diFrancesco Ludovico Soleri... O sovr'ognialtra al ciel casadiletta. Rebaudegno,Torino racconta, diario manoscritto (Tu- Non di terrenaman bassolavoro, rin, 1969),26-27. Forthe paymentsto the workmen,ASTR, Art. 201, 1684-86, Non d'oscuromaestro opra imperfetta, reg. 26, 32v- 33r. 55 to the GiovanniAntonio Mossinofor Figurail cui pittorfu Cristoessangue, For the payments painter covering 12 117v. Pennellii chiodi,e fu colore il sangue. these elementswith bronze paint, see ASTR,Art. 197, reg. (1657-73), 56 But Marino'smost sustainedencomium of the Shroudand its ownerappears in On the sun as the personaland familyimpresa of UrbanVIII Barberini, see 650-54. For its the Diceriesacre: "Pittura: diceria prima sopra la SantaSindone, al Serenissimo Giovanni Ferro, Teatrod'imprese, Venice, 1623, 370, 406, Don Carlo EmanuelloDuca di Savoia."Giambattista Marino, Dicerie sacre e la appearanceon the Baldacchino,see SebastianSchutze, "'Urbano inalza Pietro, zu Idee und Gestalt der von stragedegl'innocenti,ed. G. Pozzi(Turin, 1960), 79-201 [Ist ed., Turin, 1614]. e Pietro Urbano':Beobachtungen Ausstattung Hertziana29 41Rudolf Berliner, "Anna Christi," MiinchnerJahrbuch der Bildenden Kunst 4 Neu-St. Peterunter UrbanVIII," RomischesJahrbuch derBibliotheca Antike (1955):35-152; GertrudSchiller, Iconography of ChristianArt, trans.J. Seligman, (1994): 246-48. Eugen von Mercklin, Figuralkapitelle(Berlin, 1962), 2 vols. (Greenwich,Conn., 1971-72) 2:184-97. catalogueshundreds of examplesof variantcapitals from antiquity. 57 A Hadrian'sPantheon 42Giovanni Francesco Blancardi di Sospello, Tesoroceleste, in Discorsimorali KjeldDe Fine Licht, TheRotunda in Rome: Studyof 241. soprala S. Sindonedi N.S. GiesuChristo, reliquia della sereniss. casa di Savoia(Turin, (Copenhagen,1968), 58 TheAmerican 1625),29. Eventhe scourgemarks are visibleon the back. EllsworthPaine Killip, Speciesof Passifloraceae...(Chicago, for the and Passion 43The reliquary-altarassemblage, with its flanking angels and sunburst 1938),esp. 11-18 generalmorphology; John Vanderplank, above,derives from Bernini's Cathedrapetri in Saint Peter's and fromthe sculpted Flowersand Passion Fruit (Cambridge, Mass,, 1991). 59 AngelsHolding the Instrumentsof the Passionon the Ponte Sant'Angelo,Rome Ibid.,21-24. 60 Passion 66-68. On the (1667-1672). On Bernini'sangels with the instruments,see MarkS. Weil, The Killip,Passifloraceae, 423-26; Vanderplank, Flowers, Plant and the Historyand Decoration of thePonte S. Angelo(University Park, 1974), 31-88. legend, see RichardFolkard, Lore,Legends, Lyrics:Embracing Myths, Folk-lore the Plant 1884), 44See, for example, Lione da Daudet,The Altar of theHoly Shroud, engraving Traditions,Superstitions, and of Kingdom(London, is most common in areas,but as far on silk, 1737, 29 by 46 centimeters,illustrated in CarloLovera di Castiglioneand 181-83, 486-88. The vine tropical spreads where one Carlo Merlo,eds., L'ostensionedella Santa Sindone (Turin, 1931), 60, cat. 54, pl. south as Argentinaand as far north as southern Indiana, species, XLV. passifloraincarnata, has been identified.Ellsworth Paine Killip,"Supplemental of with of New 45The reliquaryis undocumented but probably dates from circa 1604, Notes on the American Species Passiforaceae, Descriptions 35 accordingto the reasoningof LuigiFossati, "Ure e reliquiarinelle vicendedella Species,"in Contributionsfrom the United States National Herbarium (1960): pt.

442 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 1, 19. Aboutfifty species are found in Asia,Australia, and Madagascar.The New 1993)329-41. YorkBotanical Garden Illustrated Encyclopedia of Horticulture, ed. T. H. Everett,10 70Antonio Canali, "Primo discorso nel quale si descrivonoil fiore, e il frutto vols. (NewYork and London, 1980-81), 8:2502-6. della granadiglia,overo della passione de N.S. Giesf Christo,"in Parlasca,Fiore, 61 PedroCieza de Le6n,La Cronicadel Peru, in Obrascompletas, 3 vols. (Madrid, 4. The engraved plate accompanyingCanali's encomium, opposite page 1, 1984), 1:41[ st ed., Seville,1553]. appearsto be the earliestpublished image of the passionflower. 62 Nicolas Monardes,Dos libros, en uno quetrata de todaslas cosasque traen de 71 GiacomoBosio, La trionfante,e gloriosa croce .. . lettionevaria, e divota. . . neustrasIndias occidentales que sirven al uso de la medicina,y el otroque trata de la (Rome, 1610), 163-65. On Bosio (1544-1627), see DBI 13:261-64. Although piedrabezaar, y de la yervaescuerconera . . . (Seville,1569), chap. 66, 17 [Lat.ed., Castelli'sprimary interest was scientific,he, too, subsequentlydiscussed the Simpliciummedicamentorum ex novo orbedelatorum, quorum in medicinausus est, flowerfrom a theologicalperspective. Castelli, Descriptio, 55-56. historia,liber tertius.. ., trans.C. de L'Ecluse(Antwerp, 1581), 16-17; 1stLat. ed. 72JohnParkinson, Paradisi in sole.Paradisus terrestris, or a Gardenof all Sortsof (Antwerp,1574)]. Republishedin Charlesde L'Ecluse,Exoticorum libri decem: PleasantFlowers... (1629;rpt. ed., London, 1904),396. quibusanimalium, plantarum, aromatum, aliorumque peregrinorum fructum historiae 73Bosio, Trionfante croce, 163. describuntur... 74 (Antwerp,1605). For a complete list of the numerouseditions In the flower itself, the five pollen-carryinganthers forming a pentagon and translationsof Monardes'celebrated work, see FranciscoGuerra, Nicolas shape underthe stylesrepresent the majorwounds of Christ(Figure 31). BautistaMonardes: su 75 vidaysu obra(ca. 1493-1588) (Monterrey,Mexico, 1961), On Loyola'suse of the senses for attainingspiritual ends, see George E. 117-74. Monardes bases his understandingof the utility of plants on the Ganss,The Spiritual Exercises ofSaint Ignatius (Chicago, 1992), 163-65. Doctrineof Signatures,which holds that God, in his providence,placed flowers, 76 Pozzi, Orlo, 331-32. and roots in the worldfor the benefit 77 fruits, of humankind.In such plantsGod Forexample, the engravingpublished in 1609 by Parlasca,Fiore, opposite has left a sign to informus of the medicinallybeneficial properties of each, and page 1, also representsthe flowerin moralizedform. those takethe signs shapeof the organof the bodyfor which it is palliative.Thus, 78Giuseppe Olmi, "Science-Honour-Metaphor:Italian Cabinets of the Six- for since the example, granadilla(passion fruit) somewhat resembles the human teenth and SeventeenthCenturies," in TheOrigins of Museums:The Cabinetof stomach,it therefore for possesseshealing potential digestivedisorders. Curiositiesin Sixteenth-and Seventeenth-CenturyEurope, ed. O. Impey and A. 63Samuel Purchas:His 4 Purchas, Pilgrimes..., vols. (London, 1625), 3:959 MacGregor(Oxford, 1985), 12-13. The Savoycourt historiographer Emanuele [ st ed., London, 1613]. Tesaurointerpreted flowers and other naturalphenomena as hieroglyphsand 64 Reprintedin Simone Parlasca,Ilfiore della granadiglia... (Bologna,1609), symbols.Emanuele Tesauro, II cannocchiale aristotelico (Turin, 1670), 73-78. The 9-10. On Botero,see DBI 12:352-62. Doctrineof be seen as the medicalbranch of this same 65 Signaturesmay thinking. GiovanniBotero, Laprimavera (Turin, 1609), 60: 79Paleotti, Esplicatione (see n. 37), 56-58; Solaro di Moretta,Sindone evan- Ma non convienlasciar la Granadiglia gelica(see n. 38), 198-99; FrancoisVicton, Histoire ou breftraitedu S. Suairede honor di Messicani Supremo fiori, N.S. lesusChrist, pretieuse relique de la maisonde Savoye,qui se gardea Turin(Paris, Quivise ben tuavista s'assottiglia, 1634), 16. Vedraidel tuo Giesu dolori gli asperi 80Solaro di Moretta,Sindone evangelica, 13-14. For engravedimages of the La Colonna,e le e la piaghe, vermiglia majorwounds, intended for meditationaluse, see Paleotti,Esplicatione. e che nel la Croce 81 Corona, cio, adori, VittorioAmedeo Barralis,Anotomia per la novenadella Santa Sindone con una I di acutichiodi, coperti sangue coronacomposta d'affetti sopra li principalimisterii della passione. Opera spirituale E (se e funi,e nodi. pieta t'aiuta) (Turin,1685). Followinga briefhistory of the relic (1-12) the main body of the Onde awien santo,incomparabil fiore, text (13-119) is devoted to an essayon the spiritualsignificance of the Shroud Che in terranaschi, e in climasi lontano, entitled "Anotomiasacra divisa in affetti proposta a contemplatividivoti di Co' rei ch'hebbe il tormenti, Redentore, Christoappassionato nella Santa Sindone."On Barralis,see Vezzosi,Scrittori, Da popol disleal,empio inhumano? 1:105-6. Quantostaresti meglio entro il mio core, 82 Barralis,Anotomia,11-12. Peropra dell'arteficesoprano? 83 Ibid.,between 12 and 13. Non temerestitu rigordi verno; 84Ibid., 13-14. E destarestiin me fervorinterno. 85 Ibid., 60-61. On Botero'sinfluence on architectureand urbanismin 86 Turin during the early See the reportof the papal nuncio dated 6 April 1650 and transcribedin decades of the seventeenth see Martha 1564-1680: century, Pollak, Turin, Savio,Ricerche (see n. 35), 312-13: "IIpadre Pepe teatinopredicatore in questo Urban and theCreation the Design,Military Culture, of AbsolutistCapital (Chicago, duomo ha di tal manieracattivati gli animidi questeAA. e di tuttala cortecon il 3640. 1991), suo modo di predicareall'apostolica, e per haveristituita una nuovadevotione 66 Pietro Castelli [Tobia Exactissima rariorum Aldino], descriptio quarundam versoquesta Santissima Sindone, che si rende cospicuoa tuttala cittaper il zelo quecontinentur Rome in horto Tobia plantarum, farnesiano, Aldinocesenate auctore che dimostradella salutedell'anime." On StefanoPepe, see Vezzosi,Scrittori (see illustr.miet rev.mi et cardinalis principis OdoardiFarnesii medico chimico, et eiusdem n. 50),1:171-74; Antonio Bosio, Ipredicatori quaresimalisti della real casa di Savoia hortipraefecto(Rome, 1625),49-56. On the OrtiFarnesiani, see DavidR. Coffin, (Turin,1874), 21. Gardensand in Rome Gardening Papal (Princeton, 1991), 69-75, 208. On 87Gaetano Moroni, Dizionario di erudizione storico-ecclesiastica, 103vols. (Venice, Guarini'syears in Rome (1639-47), see Tommaso Del Padre Sandonnini, 1840-61) 17:193-200. Barralis's"Corona" is clearlyderived from the rosary, GuarinoGuarini chierico (Modena, 7-9. The Farnese regolare 1890), specimen which also consistsof decades of Aves interspersedamid the fifteen mysteries, was not the sole to be found in Rome at the time. passionflower Georgina the middle five of which are "sorrowful,"i.e., of the Passion:Agony in the Masson,"Italian Flower Collectors' Gardens in Seventeenth CenturyItaly," in Garden, Flagellation,Crowning with Thorns, Carrying of the Cross, and TheItalian Garden, ed. DavidR. Coffin(Washington, D.C., 1972), 78-79. Crucifixion.Ibid., 59:150-51. 67 GiovanniBattista Ferrari, Flora overo cultura 193 difiori(Rome, 1638), [1st 88The papalnuncio in Turindescribed the chapelin some detailin his report ed., Deflorumcultura, Rome, 1633]. on its consecrationin 1694, indicatingthat the scenesof the "fourmysteries" (of 68 These included lilies, irises, and tulips,jonquils, columbines,carnations, the Passion)had yet to be completed.There is no evidencethat theywere ever poppies.Guarini, Architettura, 108-9, 112, 115, 117, 122, 129. See alsoGuarini's painted.Transcribed in Savio,Ricerche, 329. In the 1840sCarlo Alberto filled the referencesto variousflowers used to createdyes useful for architecturaldrawings spaceswith dynastic tomb monuments. (ibid., 10-11, 13-14). 89As explained in Barralis,Anotomia, 106-8, 117-19. Other scenes (a 69 Castelli,Descriptio, 49, as in 487. Castelli quoted Folkard,Lore, illustrates Resurrectionand Angels Holding the Cross)were to appearjust outside the the in three plant full-pageengravings depicting the entire floweringvine, the chapel on the cathedralchoir walls,as seen in the lower left of the Theatrum and the fruit blossoms, (pls. 50, 52, 58). On Castelli(1570/75-1661), see DBI engraving(Figure 22). 21:747-50. The extensiveliterature produced in the seventeenthcentury on the 90Paleotti, Esplicatione, 50. passionfloweris discussedin GiovanniPozzi, Sull'orlo del visibile 91 parlare(Milan, Like the medicantorders, the Theatinestook vowsof poverty,but, at the

SCO7T: GUARINI'S PASSION CAPITALS 443 same time, their rule forbadethem to seek alms in public.In consequencethe SS.ma Annunziatacoi ceremoniali per la tenuta de' capitoli, cappelle, ed Theatine congregationdepended heavilyon princelybenefaction, not only in esposizioneprivata e pubblicadella reliquiadella SantissimaSindone," BRT, Turin but also in other urbancenters such as Parisand Munichwhere they had StoriaPatria 905. major houses. For the Theatines, the Savoy, and the Shroud at Turin, see 109Samuel Guichenon, Histoiregenealogique dela royalemaison de Savoie, 2 vols. GiuseppeSilos, Historiarum clericorum regularum..., 3 vols. (Romeand Palermo, (Turin,1778-80), 1:97-98 [1st ed., Lyon, 1660].The claimhad been made by 1650-66), 2:358-59,441-44. the Savoymuch earlier,but the titlewas disputed,especially by Venice,and not 92LuigiCibrario, Storia di Torino,2 vols. (Turin, 1846), 2:383-85; Bosio, universallyrecognized. Pierre Monod, Trattatodel titoloregio dovuto alla serenis- Predicatori,16- 29; Savio,Ricerche, 305-32. sima casa di Savoia, insiemecon un ristrettodelle rivolutionidel reamedi Cipri 93Cibrario,Storia di Torino,2:397; Bosio, Predicatori,16-17, 20; Savio, appartenentealla coronadell'altezza reale di VittorioAmedeo ... (Turin,1633); idem, Ricerche,305-32. Coelumallobrogicum, hoc est, VictorisAmedei, serenissimi Cypriorum regis, atque 94 GiuseppeMichele Crepaldi, La RealChiesa di San Lorenzoin Torino(Turin, allobrogumducis potentissimi, corona regia panegyricus (Lyon, 1634). The island 1963), 31-50, 67-74. On the Theatinesand Savoypatronage, see ElwinClark realm had been under Turkishcontrol since 1571, and remainedso until the Robison, "GuarinoGuarini's Church of San Lorenzo in Turin,"(Ph.D. diss., Britishobtained it in 1878, but for the Savoythe title was the substanceof the Cornell University,1985), 70-82, and Susan E. Klaiber,"Guarino Guarini's claim. TheatineArchitecture," (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1993), 200-49. "'?Jeande Joinville,Histoire de S. LoysIX du nom,roy de France.... (Paris, 95 The iconographictradition of Christas king is found among the earliest 1617). 1 majorexamples of Christianart. On the EarlyChristian concept of the crownof Guichenon,Histoire, 2:111-14; George Hill, A Historyof Cyprus,4 vols. thornsas the regaliaof Christ,see KlausWessel, "Christus Rex," Archdologischer (Cambridge, 1940-52), 3:543-616. Charlotte formally ceded her Turkish- Anzeiger68 (1953): 127-29. controlledkingdom to DukeCarlo II of Savoyin 1485. Ibid.,611-13. 96 112 CharlesRohault de Fleury,Memoire sur lesinstruments de la passionde N.-S. Pingon,Sindon (see n. 36), 16-17; Victon,Histoire (see n. 79), 57-58. 13 J.-C. (Paris,1870), 80, 184; BalduinoBedini, Le reliquiedella passione del Signore Ibid., 13-15, 25-27, 50-53, and esp. 57-58. As Marino put it, their (Rome, 1987),49-62. On the historyof the titulus,see Honor6Nicquet, Historia possessionof the Shrouddemonstrated that the Savoywere "aboveevery other et mysteriumtituli s-crucis D.N.J.C. (Paris, 1648). For its relevanceto the image of house, belovedby heaven."See above,n. 40. the crucifiedfigure of Christon the Shroud,see Paleotti,Esplicatione (see n. 37), 114The earliestof these datesis 7 February1659 (ASTR,Art. 195, m. 1, reg. 1, 39-41. 16r)and the last21 March1667 (ASTR,Art. 197, reg. 12, 87r).The intervening 97Giovanni Battista Corno, II SantoChiodo, tesoro del duomo di Milano(Milan, entries follow in order of document location:ASTR, Art. 179, m. 8, reg. 1 1641);Fausto Ruggeri, I1 Santo Chiodo venerato nel duomo di Milano (Milan, 1989); (1657-66), nos. 78, 83, 97-99, 103, 106, 109, 112-13, 115-16, 120, 125, 139, Rohaultde Fleury,Memoire, 165-81. On San Carloand the Shroud,see Savio, 143, 153, 169, 191, 199, 205, 212, 215, 232, 246, 271, 278, 283, 288, 292, 294, "Pellegrinaggio"(see n. 39),"423-54. 304-5, 315, 322; Art. 195, m. 1, reg. 1 (1667-77), 19r-20v, 32r, 33r, 35r;Art. 98Sauveur-Jro6me Morand, Histoirede la S.te-ChapelleRoyale du palais... 196, reg. 1 bis (1660-61), 26r;Art. 197, reg. 12 (1657-73), 23v-24r, 26r-27r, (Paris,1790); Rohault de Fleury,Memoire, 199-224. In additionto his extensive 28r, 31v-33r, 34v-36r, 37r-v, 38v, 39v, 40v, 43r-v, 45r, 48r, 51r-v, 52r, 54r, verses in honor of the SavoyShroud, Marinoalso composed a canzone, first 55v-56v, 60v, 62v, 67r, 69r, 75r, 77r, 78v-79v, 81r, 83r-84r, 85r, 87r. Also see published in 1627, entitled "La Corona di Spine." GiambattistaMarino, La Cibrario,Storia di Torino(see n. 92), 2:399;Carboneri, "Vicenda" (see n. 1),104; lira... (Venice,1674), pt. 3, 180-81. On the Sainte-Chapelleand its collection Tamburini,Chiese di Torino(see n. 1), 223. On Boucheron,see Baudidi Vesme, of Passionrelics as a model for the Savoy,see Victon,Histoire, 58-59. Schede(seen.10), 1:202-4. 15 99Camillo Balliani,Ragionamenti sopra la SacraSindone ..., 2 vols. (Turin, These paymentsbegan in 1661 and ended in 1666. ASTR,Art. 179, m. 1624) in the dedicationto volume 2 (n.p.),explains that God gave the two most 8, reg. 1 (1657-66), nos. 114, 117, 122, 126-28, 131, 134, 137-38, 140-41, precious relics of his Son, one each, to the two most faithful princes of 145, 147-48, 150, 154-55, 157, 159-61, 164, 168-70, 172-73, 175-77, 181, Christendom,Louis IX of Franceand Duke Louisof Savoy. 183, 185, 188-89, 192-93, 198, 206-7, 211, 220, 233, 238, 242, 248, 252, 100Giovanni Gaspare Craveri, Guida de'forestieri per la cittadi Torino(Turin, 255, 262, 264, 270; Art. 195, m. 1, reg. 1 (1667-77), 21r-35r;Art. 197, reg. 12 1753),25. (1657-73), 37r-v, 38v, 40r-43r, 44r-49r, 50r-v, 52r-53v, 56v, 60v, 63v, 10'Canali, "Discorso" (see n. 70),17-19. 67r, 68r-v, 71r-v, 72v, 73v-74v, 83v-84r. Also, Tamburini,Chiese di Torino, 102On rankand hierarchyin the applicationof the orders,see Onians,Bearers 224. 116 columnsand ofMeaning,162-70. The galleryand the profileof the portalappear in the lower The documentsin this earlyperiod referonly to capitalsfor to di rightof the 1682 section(Figure 22). Blaeu,Theatrum sabaudiae, :pl. 19. for the piersfacing them. The paymentof 7 February1659 refers "capitelli 103 This portalwas conceivedas the principalentrance to the chapel.See the bronzo che mancano alli grossi colonne..." (ASTR,Art. 195, reg. 1, 16r); report of the papal nuncio dated 4 June 1694: the chapel "ha la sua porta anotherdocument records the completionof 14 pier capitals("contracapitelli") and a maggiorenella galleriaal piano dell'appartamentodel palazzonuovo del signor between24July and 22 December 1659 (ASTR,Art. 197, reg. 12, 24r); Duca...." As transcribedin Savio,Ricerche, 329. later payment of 1 December 1661 (Ibid., 39v) indicates "capitellie basi di '04Guarini,Architettura, pl. 11. On the history and incidence of inverted metalloche fa per le collonnedi marmoalla capella..." volutesin Corinthianand Compositecapitals, see Leo Steinberg,Borromini's San 117ASTR, Art. 179, m. 8, reg. 2, no. 8, as cited in Carboneri,"Vicenda," 106 Carloalle QuattroFontane: A Studyin MultipleForm and ArchitecturalSymbolism and n. 38; also see ASTR,Art. 197, reg. 12, 87v. (New York, 1977), 208-17. For Borromini'suse of the motif, see ibid., 201-7, 118The pilastersappear clearlyon the plan, markingthe entrance in the and and IngamajBeck, "II capitello composito a voluteinvertite: saggio su una forma galleryconnecting the chapelto the palaceat pianonobile level. For capitals anticanella strutturaborrominiana," Analecta Romana Instituti Danici 6 (1971): other bronzework for the entrancefrom the palace(both inside the chapeland 225-34. outside in the palace gallery),beginning 6 February1668, see ASTR,Art. 179, 105 bis On the SupremeOrder of the SantissimaAnnunziata, see LuigiCibrario, m. 8, reg. 2 (1667-69), nos. 6, 8, 18, 31, 35, 37, 41; Art. 195, reg. 1 Notiziastorica dell'ordine supremo della Santissima Annunziata ... (Florence,1869). (1667-77), lv, 2r;and Art. 197, reg. 12 (1657-73), 96v, 97r-98r, 106r-v, 107v, The order was the Savoyardequivalent of the HabsburgOrder of the Golden 110r,11 v-112r, 144r. 119 see Fleece and especiallythe FrenchRoyal Order of the Saint-Esprit.The knots of For the capitalsof the left stairlanding beginning on 12June, 1669, the chainare devicesof the Savoy. ASTR,Art. 197, reg. 12 (1657-73), 144v-145r. For capitalswithout specified the 106Lovera di Castiglioneand Merlo,Ostensione (see n. 44), 55, cat. 9, pl. 26. locationbut because of documentdates, probably to be associatedwith either 107The numberof knightsrepresented the fifteenMysteries of the Virginand palace entry portal or the left stairlanding, see ASTR,Art. 179, m. 8, reg. 2 the fiveWounds of Christ.Francesco Cognasso, "Ordine della SS. Annunziata," (1667-69), nos. 2,12,15,27,28,33,36,40,42,44-45,54,64; Art. 195, reg.1 bis in Enciclopediaitaliana discienze, lettere ed arti, 35 vols. (Rome, 1950), 3:409-11. (1667-77), lv, 5r; and Art. 195, reg. 12 (1657-73), 92v, 97r, 98r, 102v, 105r, 108See the late eighteenth-centurymanuscript history of the order and the 107r-108r, 109v, 110v, 112v, 113r-v, 114v, 115v-116r, 117r, 119r-120v, function of its members in cermonially exhibiting the Shroud. Giovanni 121v-122r, 125r, 142v-143r. Domenico Pisceria,"Memorie storiche compend.te sull'OrdineSupremo della 120Falconi received ?1080 for metalfor the "grancapitelli delle due colonne

444 JSAH / 54:4, DECEMBER 1995 grosse per la capella..." (ASTR,Art. 179, m. 8, reg. 2, no. 50), with similar The wordingmakes clear, as does close examinationof the capitalsthem- paymentson 5 October 1669, 12 February1670, and 4 October 1670 (ASTR, selves,that theywere not castas a unit but are made up of manyindividual parts Art. 197, reg. 12, 113v-114r, 115v, 120r). On 5 October 1669 he received pieced togetherand held in placeby pins and screws(Figure 29). 125 another?900 for "grancapitelli di metalloche fa fare per li pilastroniet grosse ASTR,Art. 199, reg. 10, 77v-85r. colonne per la capella..." (ASTR,Art. 179, m. 8, reg. 2, no. 49; see also ASTR, 126 Ibid., 186v-187r. Art. 197, reg. 12, 113v,at same date),with similar payments on 15July 1672 and 6 April 1673 (ibid., 143r).The fullyrounded capitals of the two fluted columns havethe titulus.On Falconi,see Baudidi Vesme,Schede, 2:448-51. 121 "... Capitellitriangolari disfatti che non havutopotuto servireconforme IllustrationCredits al dissegno del PadreD. Guerini,e percio rimessiliper reffondere..." (ASTR, Figures1, 10-11,26,32, 38,40. BAV Art. 197, reg. 12, 143r). Figures2, 15. MarioPassanti, Mondo magico 122The bronzefounder received an advanceof? 1500.ASTR, Art. 199, reg. 9, Figure3. AFMCT 3r-4r and 31v-36r; ASTR,Art. 193, 43r-52v. By 11 October 1688 Falconihad Figure4. SBAAP completed two of the capitalsand finished the molds of the other four. ASTR, Figure5. GiuseppeDardanello, "La scena urbana," in Torino1675-1699 (Turin, Art. 199, reg. 9, 88r-89r. 1993),83 123 On Bertola,see Baudidi Vesme,Schede, 1:127-28; Braydaet al., Ingegneri Figure6. ThomasGordon Smith, Notre Dame, Ind. (see n. 10), 16; Nino Carboneri,"Antonio Bertola," in DBI 9:562-63; and Figures7, 16, 19, 41. SBASP Millon,"Guarino Guarini," in MacmillanEncyclopedia ofArchitects, 1:265-79. Figures8, 12-13, 21,25, 27,29-30,35-37,42. Author 12426 May 1688:"Instruzione da osservarsinella constructtione delli capitelli. Figure9. PaoloRobino, Turin Li capitelli che si devono construereper li sei pilastroninella Capella del Figure14. FrancoBorsi, Bernini (New York, 1984), 246 Sant.mo Sudario sarano di quel med.mo ordine Corinto ornato conforme si Figure 17. APRMN vedono li gia fatti.... Che li fiori o chiodi, e corona di spine in luoro vece sii Figure18. Brogi(Alinari/Art Resource) ricercato,e ben rillevato... Che le foglie siino attacatealla campannacon viti o Figure20. CIST chiavi;et in tal manierache facendo un homo forzacon la mano non le possa Figures22-23.Johann Blaeu,Theatrum sabaudiae (Amsterdam, 1682) staccare.Che ogni parte del resto de capitellisudetti habbi li suoi angoli ben Figure24. KB proffillatirillevati, limati, puliti, e lustriin modo che tuttala fatturade medesimi Figure28. ACT non sia inferiorealli piii belli;che si trovanoin opera nella dettacapella." ASTR, Figure31.John Vanderplank, Passion Flowers (Cambridge, Mass., 1991), 68 Art. 199, reg. 9, 31v-36r. Figures33-34,39. BRT

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