FRIENDS OF THE SOVIET UNION

India’s Solidarity with the USSR during the Second World War in 1941-1945

L. V. MITROKHIN

INDO RUSSIAN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE AND INDUSTRIES 74, Russian Cultural Centre, Kasthuri Ranga Road, Alwarpet, Chennai – 600 018.

DEDICATED TO MY WIFE SOUSANNA

AND

MY DAUGHTERS OLGA AND ANNA

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CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 1

Anti-Fascist Tradition in India 6

Indian Support to Anti-Fascist Forces:

FSU Movement Makes Headway 14

THE YEAR 1941 25

German Invasion of the Soviet Union:

Condemnation in India 27

The First All India FSU Meet:

Fighting Solidarity with the USSR 37

Unanimous Admiration for Russian Resistance 50

THE YEAR 1942 63

Consolidation of Anti-Fascist Forces in India:

Left Democratic Sections and the Slogan of People’s War 65

Conference of the Friends of the Soviet Union of

United Provinces, Lucknow 80

Establishment of Direct Contacts with the USSR:

The Story of a Goodwill Mission 86

Day of Solidarity 91

Solidarity with the USSR of the Indian Political Detenus Imprisoned by

British Colonial Administration 9

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The Heroic Struggle of the Soviet Army Defending Stalingrad and the Caucasus:

Reflection in Indian Political Writings, Poetry and the Press. Activation of All India Movement for Immediate Opening of the Seconds Front (August 1942- February 1943) 106

Anti-Fascist Poets and Writers 114

THE YEAR 1943 129

Demands in India for Unity of Anti-Hitler Coalition 132

FSU Activities and Growth of Interest in the USSR

as a Socialist Country 139

The Indian Press Against Anti-Sovietism and

Anti - Communism 157

THE YEAR 1944 173

“Can we Ever Forget this Noble Deed?” 175

First All India Congress of Friends of Soviet Union 181

Order of Red Star for Indian Soldiers 213

Noor-Unnisa — A Brave Daughter of India 224

THE YEAR 1945 231

“With Berlin will Fall into Dust the Entire Edifice of

Hitlerian Ambition” 233

Inscription with Blood of a Glorious Chapter in

Man’s History 248

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY 261

4

INTRODUCTION

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“There is a Beacon shining through the clouds of destiny. That Beacon is Russia.” By Lord Lang, Archbishop of Canterbury, on New Year’s Day of 1942. (See The Heritage We Acclaim, Reyl Army Day 1944, FSU Publication, Bombay, 1944.)

The victory of the Soviet people in the Great Patriotic War (1941-45) has left an indelible mark on world history. Never before had mankind experienced, directlyT and otherwise, a war of such vast and cruel dimensions, a war which caused so much bloodshed. As a result of the Soviet people’s victory over the German fascists, socialism was vindicated and a great concord of socialist states came into being a stronghold of peace on earth. The rout of Hitlerite Germany was an event of historic worldwide importance which decisively determined the course of social and political development in larger and larger areas of the world. The immortal accomplishments of the Soviet people in the years of the Great Patriotic War still attract research scholars of different countries.

The material incorporated in this volume, widely representative in character, reflects the Indian people’s wrath against the fascist marauders as it expressed itself in 1941-45, their anxiety and concern over the fate of beleaguered Leningrad and embattled Moscow and Stalingrad, their unshakable faith in the eventual triumph of the Soviet people and the positive influence that was bound to have on the process of national liberation in the post-war period. The heroism of the Soviet people inspired Indian patriots to step up their own struggle against the colonial yoke. The Soviet Union was fighting for its independence and for the independence of all the peoples of the earth. Enslaved India could not afford not to stand with it and render its support and solidarity.

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Despite the burning hatred for British colonial rule and the not altogether unnatural temptation to treat the enemy’s foe as a friend, the Indian people, by and large, showed full awareness of the stakes involved in the world struggle against fascism’ in which the Soviet Union acted as a vanguard. The Second World War unleashed by Hitlerite Germany, fascist Italy and militarist Japan, was a result of the sharpening- contradictions among the imperialists, contradictions inherent in the very nature of imperialism. The anti-Soviet Munich policy followed by the Western nations, aimed at settling these contradictions, paved instead the way for the Hitlerite attack on the USSR. The leaders of England, France, and the USA hoped that a Nazi attack on the USSR would lead to the destruction of the first workers’ and peasants’ state and also weaken the imperialist challenge posed (to them) by Germany and Japan. With these aims in view, in the pre-war period, they tried to appease Hitlerite Germany at the expense of the interests of the small European states. They hoped finally to turn the aggressors east, against the Soviet Union. Progressive leaders in many countries, including those fighting colonial domination in India, saw all this clearly. Indian public opinion, trained to be on guard against the falsehood and resourcefulness of colonial propaganda, was easily able to understand both the nature of fascist aggression as well as the treacherous Hitlerite invasion of the Soviet Union. Indians saw that the Second World War was the baby of imperialism. In 1940, in a letter to M. K. Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru noted with great prescience that the most perilous feature of the situation emerging in Europe was the “consolidation of the imperialist and fascist powers to fight Russia”. And, he said, “The position is likely to grow much more complicated soon if the Western powers mobilise against Russia. They will call it a holy war against Communism and under that cover not only try to strengthen their own empires but break up the socialist state of Soviet Russia. That would be a calamity from every point of view, quite apart from our agreement with Russian policy or not. I would beg of you to bear this 1 in mind.”

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Even earlier, in 1938, Nehru had said that the USSR was “the only effective

2 barrier in Europe and Asia to fascism and the anti-democratic forces”.

Nehru was right. German fascism, nursed by the imperialists in connivance with the Western nations, sowed death and destruction and caused unheard-of suffering to mankind and threatened the very existence of world civilisation. The Soviet Union, locked in a deadly struggle with the enemy, stood like an invincible wall in the way of Hitlerite aggression. The rout of German fascism was the result of the common struggle of the people of many countries, though the concrete contribution of each constituent of the anti-Hitler coalition was far from being equal and the decisive battles of the war were fought and won on the Soviet-German front.

As the General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party L. I. Brezhnev has stressed:

“The Soviet people’s heroic struggle brought about a radical change in the course of the Second World War. Its battles were fought over a vast expanse, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, from the ice¬fields of Greenland to the deserts of Africa, but it was the Soviet-German front that became the main theatre of military operations. That is where the destinies

3 were decided not only of the Soviet people but of mankind.” The Great Patriotic War proved convincingly the powerful unity of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and the people, the loyalty of the Soviet people to the ideals of socialism and stable national unity which was unshaken during the years of trial.

These are the facts, which the Indian people did not find it difficult to accept, as this book will show.

Objective data make it possible to establish the dimensions and scope of the contribution made by each participant of the anti-Hitler coalition in the victory over fascism. The data also establish the decisive role played by the Soviet Union and its armed forces in inflicting fatal blows on the aggressor and routing the Third Reich. During the entire course of the Great

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Patriotic War, the Soviet-German front was the centre of the Nazi thrust: Hitler’s generals threw in about 57 to 77 percent of their armed forces and weapons there. Almost 507 German fascist divisions were destroyed there alone. Soviet troops also destroyed a large chunk of the war-machine of the enemy: hundred and sixty-seven thousand weapons, forty-eight thousand tanks and up to seventy-seven thousand planes. The Allies of fascist Germany lost not less than a hundred divisions in battles with Soviet troops. The intensity and severity of the battles waged on the Soviet- German front and the way they determined the outcome of the entire war

4 are no longer matters of conjecture. To the Soviet army fell ten million German soldiers and officers — almost three-fourths of the Hitlerite army. The allied forces, in Europe and North

5 Africa, accounted for hundred and seventy-six divisions of the enemy. Hitler’s blitzkrieg dreams were buried in the battlefields of Moscow, Stalingrad and on the Kursk Bulge, and the myth about the “invincibility” of the German army shattered. That marked a turning point in the course of the entire war and ensured the final victory over fascism. The following pages show, how well all this was understood in India.

The sympathy of the Indian people for the Soviet people’s struggle for freedom and independence is entirely understandable and natural. Having themselves suffered colonial slavery for generations, they were able to better appreciate than others the aspirations and the heroism of the people whom the fascist invaders sought to subdue. More significantly, the masses in India were even then deeply convinced that the Soviet Union was their most dependable and powerful ally in the anti-imperialist struggle. They realised that if such an ally was defeated by fascism, they would have to face imperialism turned more barbarous with their chances of achieving freedom, and independence pushed to a more distant and unknown future. The millions of Indians who joined the country-wide movement of solidarity with the USSR and the campaign for the opening of the second front and the thousands of Indians, who perished in battles against axis armies provide a measure of India’s contribution to the common struggle of mankind against fascism.

9

ANTI-FASCIST TRADITION IN INDIA

“.. .today the spectre of a world war haunts the world. Fascist dictatorship has revealed its militarist essence by its offer of guns instead of butter and the lust of empire-building in place of cultural opportunities. The methods resorted to by Italy for the subjugation of Abyssinia have rudely shocked all those who cherish faith in reason and civilisation... On our own and on behalf of our countrymen, we take this opportunity to declare with one voice with the people of other countries that we detest war and want to adjure it and that we have no interest in the war. We are against the participation of India in any imperialist war for we know that the future of civilisation will be at stake in the next war.” From a Manifesto sponsored by the Progressive Writers’ Association of India, which was sent to the Peace Conference convened by Romain Rolland on September 3,193.6, at Brussels, as also to the Conference in Defence of Culture, Paris. It was signed among others by Rabindranath Tagore, Sarat Chandra Chatterjee, Munshi Prem Chand, Prafulla Chandra Ray, Jawaharlal Nehru, Pramatha Chowdhury, Ramananda Chatterjee, and Nandalal Bose.

The leadership of the Indian national movement had a very clear perception of the diabolical nature of fascism and the great danger it posed to the freedom and progress of mankind. Poet Rabindranath Tagore described it, as early as in 1926, as “a menace to the whole world”, and defined it as the “religiously cultivated aggressive spirit of nationalism and imperialism”. Tagore rejected the idea of any people anywhere turning their face away “while an unholy fire was being fed with human sacrifice”. Under Tagore’s presidentship “An Indian Committee of the League Against

6 Fascism and War” was set up in Calcutta in 1937. While Tagore exposed the anti-humanist face of fascism, Jawaharlal Nehru provided a scientific analysis of its socio-economic roots. Even before his European visit in 1936, which enabled him to acquire first-hand information about fascism, in a letter written to his daughter Indira on June

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22, 1933, Nehru explained the forces and conditions which gave rise to it. He identified the lower-middle class as the “backbone” of the fascist movement, which was financed by the big bourgeoisie who hoped to profit by it. The ruling class, Nehru wrote, “resorts to fascist methods when it cannot put

7 down the workers in the ordinary democratic way”. India did not fail to take notice of the growing fascist terror in Europe and express its support for the resistance organised by the working people and the democratic forces of Europe. Jawaharlal Nehru said in his presidential address to the Lucknow Congress in April 1936, “In Europe, the aggressive fascism or Nazism steps continuously to the brink of war and vast armed camps arise in preparation for what seems to be the inevitable, end of all this. Nations join hands to fight other nations, and progressive forces in each country ally themselves to fight the fascist menace. To the progressive forces of the world, to those who stand for human freedom and the breaking of human and social bonds, we offer our full cooperation in their struggle against imperialism and fascist reaction, for we realise that our struggle is a common one.” The experience of imperialist rule had made India anti-fascist. Nehru played a prominent role in giving shape to the anti-fascist stand of the Indian National Congress, which was powerfully expressed in a resolution passed at the Lucknow session. Later, the Congress Working Committee meeting in Allahabad in April 1937 and the All India Congress Committee meeting in Calcutta in October 1937 strongly condemned Italian aggression against Ethiopia, Nazi Germany’s moves to deprive Czechoslovakia of its independence and the Japanese invasion of Manchuria. The Congress Working Committee, meeting in Wardha in September 1939, declared its “entire disapproval of the ideology and practice of fascism and Nazism, their glorification of war and violence and the suppression of the human spirit”. Nehru saw that the defeat of fascism was a necessary condition for the attainment of national freedom. In an interview with The Times of India (May 3, 1939) he declared: “We are anti-fascists and we think that a fascist victory will not only be disastrous for the world as a whole but bad for our own freedom.”8 Later, on April 12, 1942, he condemned the occasional

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expression of pro-Japanese views by certain individuals out of their intense hatred for the British. He said it was “a slave’s sentiment, a slave’s way of thinking to imagine that to get rid of one person who is dominating us we can expect another person to help us and not dominate us later”. Even later on July 26, 1942, the future Prime Minister of Independent India stated: “While we desire independence that by itself is not the chief issue at present. The real issue is how to meet the present situation, how to repel aggression on India and how to help China and Russia and the common

9 cause of the Allies.”

Acknowledging Nehru as his “Guru in these matters”, Gandhi wrote on August 8, 1942; “The coming in of Japan will mean the end of China, and perhaps of Russia too. In these matters, Pandit Nehru is my Guru. I don’t want to be the instrument of Russia’s defeat nor of China’s. If that happens,

10 I would hate myself’. The deep sympathy felt by Indians for the Republic of Spain is well- known: one of the international brigades fighting on the side of the Republic of Spain was named after an Indian communist, Shapurji Saklatwala. Not so well known, however, is one of the Indians, who took part in the battle against the fascist Falangists, is Gopal Mukund Huddar. In December 1938, he said: “Democracy or fascism, progress or reeling back to barbarism, peace or a blood-bath on a world scale — these are the challenges our civilisation faces. The battle where these issues will be decided is being fought by the Spanish people... Democracy extinguished in Spain would entail not only the victory of barbarism in Western Europe; it would also mean that the same weapons would be used for crushing the movement for our own independence. People determined to gain their own freedom cannot allow the freedom of other peoples being submerged through the organised

11 butchery of fascism. Freedom breeds freedom and slavery begets slavery.” Gopal Mukund Huddar was not the only Indian member of the International Brigade, two more Indians, Mr. Noronha and his friend from

12 Bengal Mr. Dutt, also fought the fascists in the Spanish Civil War.

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At the crack of dawn on June 22, 1941, the Soviet Union was attacked by a five-million-strong Hitlerite army that was equipped with thousands of planes, tanks, artillery pieces, and other armour. Hitler and his generals planned to destroy the Soviet Union in a blitzkrieg. The invasion of the Soviet Union represented the beginning of a new phase of the Second World War that had been unleashed by the fascists in 1939. When the Soviet Union entered the war after the treacherous and unprovoked Nazi aggression the entire character and the aims of the Second World War changed. From an imperialist war, it became an anti-fascist people’s war, a truly popular struggle for the liberation of the whole of mankind. Not that the imperialist circles in the west gave up all of a sudden the pursuit of their narrow selfish aims of eliminating their rivals and expanding their own spheres of domination. Nevertheless, under the impact of the Soviet Union such goals as the total and complete rout of the fascist aggressors, the liberation and regeneration of all nations and the extension of the right to national self- determination to them and the establishment of a reliable system of global security in the post-war period came to the fore.

The entire situation underwent a qualitative change. The fascists under the cover of their anti-Communism had sought to unite the world against the Soviet Union, but they only succeeded in uniting it against themselves. The anti-fascist front now became an instrument to unite all the peoples of the world against the vilest and most brutal form of imperialism and to achieve world liberation. Acceptance of this alliance of peoples, which the ruling imperialist circles in the west had all along tried to prevent and sabotage, was forced on them. The Indian National Congress lost no time in expressing its solidarity with the Soviet people’s struggle against fascist aggression. The Bardoli resolution of its Working Committee (December 1941) expressed its admiration for “the astounding self-sacrifice and heroic courage of the Soviet people in defence of their country and freedom” and sent them its “warm sympathy”. It also noted that “the Soviet Union has stood for certain human, cultural and social values which are of great importance to the growth and progress of humanity”. The resolution declared that “it would be a tragedy if the cataclysm of war involved the destruction of this 13 endeavour and achievement”.

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Significantly, Jawaharlal Nehru conveyed in 1942 to the Soviet Ambassador in London Ivan Maisky, through his friend V. K. Krishna Menon, a special message expressing the sympathy and solidarity of the Indian people for the heroic struggle of the Soviet Union.14 It was Nehru again who suggested the sending of a goodwill mission of representatives

15 of the Indian freedom fighters to the Soviet Union that same year (1942). The expression of brotherly solidarity with the Soviet Union, during probably one of the most crucial periods of its existence, assumed many forms. Hundreds and thousands of messages and letters addressed to the Soviet People were released, and at scores of meetings and demonstrations support to the Soviet army was voiced and calls issued for the opening of the second front by the Allies. The Indian Press, and not alone those with leftist leanings, expressed unstinted support and sympathy for the Soviet people in their hour of great peril. To quote from the then Government of India’s secret report on the Press for the second half of October 1941: “The Indian languages newspapers are now beginning to ask why Great Britain has not yet opened another front to take away some (Nazi) divisions from Russia.”16 The demand for an immediate second front was repeatedly and vigorously raised. The Hindu asked for a second front “in order to relieve the strain on Russia and shorten the war”.17 The Bombay Chronicle warned: “If Britain and the USA fail Russia now, the future and even the post-war future are

18 going to.be very difficult.” The death-defying resistance offered by the Russians to the Nazi invaders at Moscow, Leningrad, Stalingrad, and other places evoked unqualified admiration.

The demand voiced in support of the second front was not a demand “born out of desperation” or because defeat was otherwise thought to be prominent. The hope was that the second front would lead to the early termination of the war and the total rout of the fascist forces. The ultimate victory of the Red Army was not in doubt. The Searchlight of October 17, 1941, said the Russian defences would never crumble like those of France because of the “character of the (Russian) people and the extent of popular identification with the state”. “Russia is perhaps the only country in the

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world”, it wrote, “where the people can honestly and proudly claim: ‘We are the state. The Russian fights for his hearth and home in a far truer sense than people anywhere else in the world. Russian patriotism is no longer an abstraction but woven into the life of the people in a very material and

19 concrete form”. And an Indian poet wrote: Only new humanity that has defeated Age-old and modern oppression can fight like this; Only men and women who made November, who rolled back the tide of capitalist intervention, Only such and their sons and daughters 20 know how to fight like this. The war period saw the development of closer ties between the peoples of India and the USSR. The Soviet Union’s entry into the war on the side of the Allied Powers led to some relaxation in the old restrictions on people- to-people contact between the two countries. The cordon sanitaire thrown by the British colonialists around the Soviet Union had to be somewhat loosened. Soviet literature and films began to reach India and a Soviet journalist, TASS correspondent P. Gladyshev, and the trade representatives of the USSR were for the first time officially allowed to stay in India. The war gave an opportunity for thousands of Indian soldiers, engineers, drivers and others who worked under the most trying conditions to keep running a 24-hour supply service to Russia through Iraq and Iran, to come into contact with their Soviet counterparts and acquire first-hand knowledge about their life and struggle. The Indian people knew well of the lofty war aims of the Soviets. The Bombay Home Department correctly gauged the popular mood when it recorded the rising suspicion in the country over the aims of the Western powers as early as in December 1942 when it wrote:

“Now that even the pessimists see clearly that the axis is doomed, apprehensions are frequently expressed, whether genuine or not, of Anglo- American domination of an ‘imperialist’ character in the post-war world. By contrast, the feelings towards the Russians, who have for months been

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regarded as being, in the military sense, the real saviours of India is one of

21 the most genuine admiration”.

It was clear to most Indians that the future of world civilisation depended on the outcome of the war against the fascist powers in which the Soviet people played an outstanding role. The fate of humanity was decided on the battlefields of Soviet Russia. The entire world anxiously watched the struggle. The battle for Leningrad, the cradle of the October Socialist Revolution, was described by Rabindranath Tagore as a struggle in defence of the torch of freedom and civilisation. From his death-bed, he kept asking about the fate of that heroic Soviet city. Jawaharlal Nehru, then in prison, also followed the events on the Soviet front with deep concern. The anxiety felt in India over the security of the Soviet Union was natural. Not merely the fate of the world’s first socialist state, but also the future of India and other Asian countries were being decided in the battles near Moscow, Leningrad, and Stalingrad, in the foothills of the Caucasus and near Kursk. If they had known, which they then did not, of Hitler’s Secret Directive No. 32 later code-named Orient Plan which laid out a blueprint for the conquest of India, their anxiety would have been much greater. But they were well aware of the predatory nature of fascism and could, therefore, see the gravity of the danger to India that the Nazi thrust against the Soviet Union posed. According to the “History of the Second World War,” the Hitlerite leadership was so sure of the success of Operation Barbarossa aimed at the annihilation of the Soviet Union, that from about the autumn of 1941 they started working out detailed plans of world domination. The Service Diary of the Supreme High Command of the Nazi armed forces for February 17, 1941, recorded Hitler’s demand that “after the end of the Eastern campaign, it was necessary to envisage the capture of Afghanistan

22 and organise the invasion of India.” Directive No. 32 was finalised even as the Nazis were engaged in the battles along the Soviet front — on June 30, 1941. The Wehrmacht started planning the operations, intended to be.carried out in the late autumn of 1941 and in the winter of 1941-42. Thenlan was officially identified as the “preparation for the period after the accomplishment of Operation Barbarossa.”

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That the Soviet Union frustrated Hitler’s plan to invade India does not make the plan less interesting. On July 15, 1941, Hitler approved the “Plan of the Reorganisation of Germany's Land Forces after the End of the Eastern Campaign”. This provided for the shipment of 31 German divisions to the Middle-East including 14 to occupy Iran, Turkey and the Arab countries and 17 to invade India. On April 5, 1942, Hitler signed Directive No. 41 which set the aims for the Nazi summer campaign of 1942 on the Eastern front. A breakthrough in the Transcaucasus was listed as the main aim. In the spring and summer of 1942, the propaganda machine of fascist Germany was busy issuing hundreds of articles, booklets and books that praised the “historic mission of Germany in Asia”.

In August and September 1942, German Army Group “A” under Field- Marshal List made frantic attempts to break into the Transcaucasus. But the unyielding defence of the area by the Soviet Army slowed the German advance. And setbacks at Stalingrad compelled the German command to move a tank force from the Caucasus to Stalingrad. Not unexpectedly, the German troops failed to seize the Transcaucasus; and the German war- machine was smashed in the great battles of Stalingrad and Kursk, leading to the unconditional surrender of Nazi Germany. That also ended the Nazi threat hanging over the peoples of Afghanistan and the South Asian

23 subcontinent. Now, more than thirty years later, the significance of the Soviet and Allied victory over fascism stands out in bold relief. The rout of fascism, the most reactionary and aggressive detachment of imperialism, resulted in the weakening of the entire world imperialist system. Imperialism thus suffered a second major blow after the one inflicted on it by the October Socialist Revolution of 1917. The victory of the Soviet people over fascism greatly influenced the entire course of later historical developments and strengthened the national liberation movements. At the Moscow meeting devoted to the thirtieth anniversary of the victory over fascism, Leonid Brezhnev, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, made a significant observation. “In the course of the twentieth century”, he said, “our country twice stood at the source of major changes in the make-up of the world.

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That which in 1917, when the victory of the October Revolution heralded mankind’s entry into a new historical epoch. That which happened in 1945, when the rout of fascism in which the Soviet Union played the decisive role, generated a mighty tide of socio-political changes which rolled across the globe and led to the consolidation of the forces of peace all over the

24 world.” And Marshal of the Soviet Union, G. Zhukov has said that the Great Patriotic War was the greatest military confrontation between socialism and fascism. Quoting him in an article “The War Between Socialism and Fascism” the National Herald (May 2, 1975) had said: “There is no parallel to what is known as the Great Patriotic War in its sweep and fury, in the great devastation it caused and in the number of killed, and it is only those, who lived in countries which were wholly submerged by fascism and Nazism, whole countries like Poland, Czechoslovakia and others who resisted and achieved resurrection, that can know how to hate fascism, how to resist it, how to defeat it... And if India won its freedom in 1947, it was not only because of the people’s long struggle for freedom, the INA or the RIN mutiny, but also the emergence of the Soviet Union as a victorious power. And with the Soviet Union, other powers were rising. The thirtieth anniversary is thus very important... Primarily the greatest effort was the

25 Soviet Union’s, the greatest sacrifice was the Soviet Union’s.. .”

INDIAN SUPPORT TO ANTI-FASCIST FORCES: FSU MOVEMENT MAKES HEADWAY

Deep in the Siberian mine Keep your patience proud The bitter toil shall not be lost The rebel thought unbowed. The heavy hanging chains will fall The walls will crumble at a word And freedom greet you at the night And brothers give you back the sword.

— ALEXANDER PUSHKIN (The Student, Delhi, Vol. I, l^Jov.- Dec. 1941, No. 12, page 53)

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The anti-fascist movement in India took a new turn with the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union. Defence of the Soviet Union became the prime task of all democrats, all anti-imperialist and anti-fascist elements throughout the world. Victory for fascism would have meant the destruction of all democratic rights, which the workers and-peasants had wrested from the unwilling hands of the exploiting classes by great sacrifice. Fascism meant the negation of all democratic rights, all democratic organisations and destruction of world civilisation. This feeling filled the hearts of India’s best writers, teachers, artists, physicians and men of all walks of life. In those critical days of world history, when the heroic Soviet people, along with the people of other parts of the world were fighting against fascist aggression, India, with its great (traditions of anti-imperialism, humanism and anti-fascism could not remain indifferent. Many organisations sprang up in India dedicated to fighting fascism and defending the Soviet Union, the first Socialist State of the world. Voices in favour of socialism and the Soviet Union were heard more and more often from the platforms of the Indian Progressive Writers’ Association (IPWA), the All India Students’ Federation (AISF), the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and the All India Kisan Sabha (AIKS). The organisation “The Friends of the Soviet Union” (FSU; subsequently renamed the Indo-Soviet Cultural Society) was founded. Bengal’s best writers and artists were united under the banner of the newly formed “Anti- Fascist Writers’ and Artists’ Association”. The Indian People’s Theatre Association, which was also formed in this period, rallied gifted people’s artists under its banner; anti-fascist songs were composed, numerous anti-fascist poems were written, dramas staged, meetings and processions were held throughout the country; and popular determination to fight international fascism and defend the Soviet Union strengthened. There are records to show that token collections of funds were also made to be sent to the USSR. In all these activities a very prominent role was played by the Communist Party of India.

The British authorities were sure that the Indian Communists’

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support to the Soviet Union and their hatred for fascism did not mean the cessation or suspension of their fight against British imperialism, of their determined struggle for the freedom of India. In a secret fortnightly official report for the month of January 1942, in the section “Communists and the War”, we read: “Although the views recently expressed by some Communist bodies may suggest a more realistic approach to the war..., it is unlikely that the anxiety of the Communists to ensure the survival of Soviet Russia will prove stronger than their hatred of British imperialism. Their professed change of policy is inspired by no sympathy with Britain’s cause, but looks forward to the eventual destruction of imperialism after the defeat

26 of fascism.” Writing about the resolution passed at the Communist-controlled All India Students’ Federation at Patna which declared that the war should, from then on, be considered a ‘people’s war’ and a resolution moved by Nawabzada Mahmud Ali at the All India Congress Committee at Wardha calling on India to take part in the war for the liberation of India and the world, the report underlined that the support of the war by certain groups of Communist intellectuals “seems to be qualified by their determination to continue agitating for such demands as complete independence for India, the release of all security prisoners, the immediate transfer to India of power at the centre, the redistribution of taxation and the grant of workers’ and

27 peasants’ demands.”

In an article “Fifty years of continuous struggle in the interest of workers and social progress” Mohit Sen, member of the Executive Committee, National Council of the CPI wrote: “The proletarian internationalism of the CPI enabled it to adopt a correct and principled position when as a result of the Nazi aggression against the Soviet Union the character of the war had changed. It is true that the CPI during this period committed a number of serious tactical mistakes that could have isolated it from other patriotic forces. But its basic line of linking our struggle with the world struggle against fascism in which the Soviet Union played a decisive and leading role was unexceptionably correct. There is no doubt that the CPI in this difficult period played an important role and acted correctly but all the same, the party could not command such

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influence as could turn the course of events towards accomplishing the

28 anti-imperialist, anti-feudal and democratic revolution.”

The people of India well realised that the USSR alone, in contrast to the imperialist powers in the anti-Hitler coalitions, believed truly in the liberation of all subject peoples as a principal aim of the war; that for the USSR it was an entirely just war. That is why they unambiguously declared their full support to the Soviet people. In the summer of 1941, Bengal’s progressives led by Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray issued a manifesto urging India to express full “Sympathy and solidarity with the USSR”. The document Stated that “Soviet achievements,

29 unprecedented in man’s history and in man’s interests”, were at stake. As soon as it became known that Hitler had attacked the USSR, many such statements were issued throughout India. And the nationwide movement of solidarity with and support for the socialist state continued to gather momentum under the auspices of the FSU, which had branches in virtually every major city and even in some villages. Prominent political and public figures, including Jawaharlal Nehru, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, Mr. Bhupendranath Dutt and Mr. Hiren Mukerjee were associated with it. In an article, FSU Movement and Our People published in the Indo- Soviet Journal soon after the Second World War was over, the former General Secretary of FSU R. M. Jambekar wrote:

“Hitler’s perfidious attack against the peace-loving peoples of the USSR in June 1941 was a signal to all friends of the Soviet Union in our country to close ranks. During the latter half of 1941, the FSU movement grew spontaneously and almost simultaneously in Bombay, Calcutta, Lahore and several other districts and towns. By the middle of 1944, it was possible to convene the first All India Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union... This Congress elected as President of the All India FSU, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu — one of the foremost leaders of our people with an international vision who laid the foundation of Indo-Soviet friendship.”

Jambekar underlined that in spite “of the turmoil, frustration and general

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apathy of the war years and in spite of the deluge of anti- Soviet propaganda by a considerable and influential section of the Indian Press, the FSU movement took root and built a place for itself in the life of our people” This was due “to the glorious tradition of friendship with our great Soviet neighbour and ally — a tradition built in the teeth of opposition and prejudice by great patriotic leaders like Pandit Nehru and Sarojini Naidu and poets like Tagore, Iqbal, Bharati, Vallathol, Harindranath, Majaz, by the young pioneers of the workers’ and peasants’ movement in the country, who carried the message of Lenin’s thoughts to our toiling people during

30 the last two decades”. In 1943, Prof. Hiren Mukerjee very aptly expressed the feelings of the Indian Friends of the Soviet Union and their devotion to the cause of both Indian freedom and the victory over fascism during the Second World War in an article, The Soviets and Us in these words: “The Soviets are my country. Yes, the Soviets are my country, though, of course, I am Indian to my fingertips and as good a patriot, I hope, as any officer.

“Perhaps I had better repeat myself. I love every blade of grass in India. I care for nothing so much in life as Indian freedom, real freedom for the masses of our people, who have had through the centuries a lot more than their share of the world’s woes. And with all my attachment and my devotion to the land of my birth, I think also of the Soviet Union as my own country; it guards, I know, the happiness and the future of all mankind; it is, I feel, the living fortress of our own India as of every country that suffers and is heavy laden... the Soviets today are leading the people’s war of liberation and are fighting in a manner which has opened many a jaundiced eye. For as long as it was possible the Soviets strained every nerve to make the world safe for freedom, peace and progress. Alone among all great powers, the Soviets fought earnestly for disarmament and when that was found impossible, for a drastic reduction of armaments. They gave the world the slogan of .‘collective security’ to smash the foul claws of the ‘aggressor’. The People’s United Peace Front against fascism and war was the result of Soviet inspiration.

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The Soviet Union is the fatherland of the world’s workers, their advance guard, their shock brigade. It is the one unfailing fount of hope and inspiration for all who yearn to build on their own soil a new civilisation. It is, in the war against fascism, the people’s incomparable leader. And with fascism beaten to a pulp, the Red trail of glory will blaze the path of the freedom of the world’s peoples. Would it be a surprise, then, if the Soviets at war touch the depths of my emotion and if I affirm my Indian patriotism and say at the same time,

31 unashamed, that the Soviets are also my country?”

The same feelings were expressed by Pandit Rahul Sankrityayana, a well- known Sanskrit scholar and anti-fascist writer, in a letter sent to Leningrad, USSR (dated July 14, 1943), but which was intercepted by British intelligence. He said in it, “I do not want to be a mere spectator in this great struggle against fascist barbarism. In it, the fate of humanity is going to be decided. At least my pen and speech can be of some use there. But a passport is needed before I start for the USSR... I am trying to get it, but it

32 will take time”. The growth of the FSU movement must, in the second place, be ascribed to the great patriotic march of the Red Army from Stalingrad to Berlin, a march that staggered the enemies of freedom and brought forth a flood of admiration from freedom-loving humanity for the immortal heroism of the Soviet people. The unprecedented feats achieved by the Soviet people both on the war fronts and in the rear made people all over the world discard a number of prejudices fostered by imperialist propaganda.

The growth of the FSU movement must be ascribed further to the fact that the Soviet Union, from the very first days of its existence, fought for peace based on the inalienable right of all nations to equality and self- determination. We cannot but agree that the FSU movement in India was “the child of a (patriotism that out of its own experience learnt to relate itself to the- international forces fighting for a new world of freedom and equality of

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nations”. And it was “the child of a patriotism that learned to understand that solidarity with the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was in perfect harmony with the noblest aspirations of our freedom-loving people, a new patriotism that has begun to realise that the equality and sovereignty of nations can become a reality only if it works shoulder to shoulder with the

33 Soviet Union and with the peace-loving forces of the entire world”. Documents and events recorded in the following pages show how a broad and spontaneous movement of solidarity with the fighting people of socialist USSR grew in India.

The aims and objects of the Friends of the Soviet Union were clearly expressed in FSU publications. Calling upon Indians to join the organisation, one of its pamphlets published in 1941 defined its aims as: “To inform all countrymen about the progress of the Soviet state and its wonderful organisations, especially of the progress of the Asian Soviets; (to explain) the root cause of the war, the developments at the war fronts and how the results of the war would affect the entire world; to make our countrymen understand the need, in the present state of affairs in India, to extend as far

34 as possible help and cooperation to the Soviet state.. .” Later these aims were defined even more precisely:

“(1) To develop friendly relations and solidarity between the Soviet people and the people of our country by promoting a close study and understanding of each other’s cultures and achievements; and (2) To maintain solidarity with the Soviet Union in its heroic struggle against its 35 enemies.” These aims and objects were given voice in the slogans issued by the FSU organisations, which gradually began making their appearance in other countries of Asia. The FSU adopted the most broad-based approach in its work, going to people of all political persuasions. Active FSU workers, who were mostly young people, won the hearts of many Indians. Notwithstanding the difficult times, the work and influence of the organisation grew rapidly. Due to the repressive policies followed by the British imperialists, especially in war conditions, it was not easy for the Indian Friends of the Soviet Union to establish direct contact with the USSR and get books, other literature, and material for exhibitions on Soviet life

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and the war, etc. Gradually, contacts were established with VOKS, the USSR Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, and some literature and exhibition material began to be received. A commercial firm called the Soviet Film Distributors was set up in Bombay and the first Soviet films were exhibited through it. The FSU helped in the distribution of these films, and for many months the FSU showed Soviet films every Sunday morning in one of Bombay’s cinema halls. Recalling those days, the famous writer K. A. Abbas said in an interview: “We were shocked at Hitler’s perfidy, and naturally, our sympathies were with the brave Soviet people. We supported them in their fight against fascism. I was with the Bombay Chronicle then. I wrote articles expressing full support of the Indian masses to the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet people. 1 was also among those who ran a clandestine radio station giving free expression to the aspirations of the Indian people. It was run by the Indian National Congress. We used to change its location from place to place to avoid being caught by the British colonial authorities. Jawaharlal Nehru had sent instruction that we should give prominence to news of Soviet victories and should not fall prey to fascist propaganda aimed at 36 demoralising us.” The FSU developed as a platform of all those struggling for the freedom and independence of India, and its main objectives were the extension of the anti-colonial and anti-imperialist struggle to the whole of Asia. Soon after the Great October Revolution, open expressions of support for the Soviet Union were limited — like the appeals by Singaravelu Chettiar, leader of the working class in Madras, and his associates who tried to collect and send help to the famished people of the Volga region. The war saw this solidarity and support acquire a massive, all India character, going beyond the members? and sympathisers of the Friends of the Soviet Union. In a unique manner, the movement embraced political prisoners and freedom fighters representing the most varied political organisations and, at times, holding diametrically opposite views and convictions. It was a time when any expression of sympathy for the USSR attracted repressive action by the colonial powers, as they saw in it nothing else but the growth of the “Red threat” and “Communist danger”.

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In the Indian National Archives, we find a whole series of documents showing how carefully the British colonialists sought to track down and obstruct the distribution of Soviet literature in the country and how assiduously anti-Soviet and anti-Communist progaganda was carried out. But all this was of little avail. The response to repression was greater daring. Thousands of Indian freedom fighters, and activists of the FSU, ignored all risks and drew into the anti-imperialist and anti-fascist movement not only the Indian intelligentsia but also the broad masses. They regarded the struggle against Hitlerite fascism and Japanese militarism as the most urgent and important step in the struggle for national independence. The expression of support and solidarity by the Indian people drew a warm response from the Soviet people. Soviet diplomats, writers and scholars sent messages full of warm gratitude. They expressed the hope that the noble support of the Indian people would serve as a big contribution in freeing mankind from the terror of fascism, that the hour was not far when the united, freedom-loving forces would destroy the Hitlerite tyranny and unfurl the banner of freedom and justice in the entire world. When the anti- fascist forces began pushing the German fascist hordes back, India heaved a sigh of relief with the defeat of fascism ensured India could carry on its fight for freedom with single-minded concentration. At no point of time during the war did the national movement compromise its anti-fascist character; and if India could not play the role it might have in the fight against fascism, it was because imperialism would not let it. However, our account ends with the victory of the Soviet Union and anti- fascist forces in the war against fascism — the victory that paved the way for the liberation of so many countries in Europe and other parts of the world. The hard and sincere work done by millions of the Friends of the Soviet Union in India during the war years did much to build that great friendship between the peoples of India and the USSR which has today blossomed into a mighty partnership in so many fields. After the Second World War, a delegation of Indian intellectuals, journalists, scientists and others visited the Soviet Union in June 1951. To revive the Indo-Soviet friendship movement in a broader way, a preparatory committee for an Indo-Soviet Cultural Festival and Convention was formed with Dr. A. V. Baliga as its Chairman and Mr. Ravi Bakaya as Secretary.

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The convention held on March 14, 1952, was attended by a large number of people from all walks of life. A Soviet delegation led by the famous poet Nikolai Tikhonov attended it. The convention decided to form the Indo- Soviet Cultural Society with Dr. A. V. Baliga as its first President. The war clearly showed that national and social emancipation is possible only in alliance with socialism. Friendship and cooperation between the Soviet Union and independent India since 1947 and the decisive role this has played in strengthening India's national economy, political independence and social progress stands out as a shining example of such a partnership. The rich experience of Indo- Soviet cooperation in the post-independence history of India, climaxed by the signing of the historic Indo- Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation in 1971, all these testify to the creative potential and significance of fruitful all-sided cooperation between the countries of victorious socialism and the emergent countries of the Third World. The idea of writing this book came to me about two years ago when I was returning from a trip to Pithoragarh (U.P.). I went there to interview an old Indian soldier who during the Second World War was awarded the Soviet Order of the Red Star. As the car moved along a mountainous road, curve by curve, Himalaya’s peaks appeared and disappeared. Somewhere to the north was my native country, the USSR, separated from India by thousands of miles but still, it was very near. This book, though written hastily and with many shortcomings, is a token of sincere love for the Indian people, and of gratitude for their whole-hearted support to the Soviet people during the crucial years of 1941-45. Every document I discovered in the course of the research for the book, filled my heart with pride for my country and great sympathy for India and not only once, was I eager to say paraphrasing Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, that “India is my country.” The author is extremely thankful for the assistance extended to him, in collecting material for this book, by Mr. M. Chalapathi Rau. Editor, National Herald, Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, Dr. Devendra Kaushik, Dean, Udaipur University, Dr. Zafar Imam and Prof. Ravi Bakaya, Jawaharlal Nehru University (New Delhi), T. K. Chaturvedi, Advocate, Kanpur, Chinmohan Sehanovis, writer, Dr. V. C. Joshi, former Deputy Director, Nehru Memorial

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Museum, Dr. Tilak Raj Sareen, National Archives of India, Mr. Anand Gupta, writer, Mr. S. M. Mehdi, dramatist, Mr. Munish Saxena, journalist, Mr. Jambekar, former General Secretary of AIFSU; poets Ali Sasdar Jafri, Sri Sankara Kurup, Sri Shiv Mangal “Suman”, Kaifi Azmi, Dr. Rambilas Sharma; Mr. Misri, Advocate, Srinagar, Mr. Rais Mirza, Mr. Dayanand Anant, Mr. Prem Singh, Mr. K. Nilakantan, Mr. V. M. Upadhyaya, Assistant Editor of Hindustan, Mr. K. M. Ahmed and many others. L. V. MITROKHIN

References 1. Socialist Congressman, weekly, New Delhi, May 27, 1967, p. 5.

2. The Indo-Soviet Journal, monthly, Bombay, April 1947, pp. 18-19.

3. L. I. Brezhnev: Friendship with India our Consistent Course. Selected Speeches of the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (November 1973- October 1976), People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, p. 72. 4. Pravda, daily, Moscow, September 1, 1974.

5. Political Self-Education, monthly, Moscow, No. 5, 1975

6. The Amrita Bazar Patrika, Calcutta, March 3, 1937.

7. Anti-Fascist Tradition in Bengal, Calcutta, 1969, p. 21. (The letter is included in Jawaharlal Nehru’s Glimpses of World History.) 8. The Times of India, May 3, 1939.

9. Gandhi Against Fascism, edited by Jag Parvesh Chander, Indian Printing Works, Lahore, 1943, p. 106. 10. Ibid., p. 117.

11. The National Front, CPI weekly, Bombay, December 25, 1938.

12. From the interview with Mr. Noronha, former Chief Secretary, Madhya Pradesh Government, in February 1977. 13. Quoted by Raj Kumar: Background of India's Foreign Policy, AICC, New Delhi, 1952, p. 85. 14. The National Herald, Lucknow, January 9, 1942.

15. The Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta, June 22, 1944, All India FSU Report.

16. National Archives of India (NAI), Government of India, Home Department, Political, fortnightly reports on the political situation in India, File No. 18/W/ I941, Government of Madras Report, November 4, 1941.

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17. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No.18/3/1943, Madras, April 5,1943. 18. NAI, Home Department, Political, Secret, fortnightly-reports for the month of September 1942,-File No. 18/9/1942-, Bombay, October 5, 1942. 19. The Searchlight, Patna, October 17, 1951, NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/10/1941 (see Bihar Secretariat Report, Patna, November 3, 1941). 20. The Communist, Vol. 3, No. 8, October-November 1941, p. 3. 21. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/12/1972. 22. History of the Second World War —1939-1945, Moscow, Vol. 3, p. 242. 23. The Rout of Fascism and the Destinies of the Peoples of South Asia, by Prof. G. L. Bondarevsky, Soviet Land, May 1975, No. 9, pp. 22-23. 24. L. I. Brezhnev: Friendship with India our Consistent Course. Selected Speeches of the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (November 1973- October 1976), People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1976, p. 73. 25. The National Herald, Delhi, May 11, 1975. 26. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/1/1942, fortnightly reports for the month of January 1942, p. 398, confidential, No. B 18(9)-4-S.B., Punjab Civil Secretariat, Dated Simla, February 9, 1942, Lahore. 27. Ibid. 28. Voprosy Istorii KPSS, monthly, Moscow, No. 1, 1976. 29. The Modern Review, monthly, Calcutta, August 1941, p. 128. 30. The Indo-Soviet Journal, monthly, Bombay, Independence Day Number, 1948, Vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 6-7. 31. Under Marx’s Banner, by Hiren Mukerjee, Purabi Publishers, Calcutta, 1944, pp. 237-242. 32. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 7/2/1943. 33. The Indo-Soviet Journal, monthly, Bombay, Independence Day Number, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1947, pp. 6-7. 34. From the last cover of the FSU publication, Soviet Series No. 2 — Three Months of Soviet War, Calcutta, 1941. 35. From the last cover of the FSU booklet, The Socialist Sixth of the World by the Dean of Canterbury, Bombay, 1944. 36. Author’s interview with Mr. K. A. Abbas, Bombay, September 1976.

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THE YEAR 1941

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GERMAN INVASION OF THE SOVIET UNION: CONDEMNATION IN INDIA The unprovoked and treacherous aggression by fascist Germany against the Soviet Union at the dawn of June 22, 1941, was condemned by Indian public opinion from the outset. The treacherous attack overshadowed every other event in the nationalist press. Intellectuals, writers and poets reacted indignantly. Several of them said the Hitler madness followed no known logic.

Leaders of the “Third Reich” had tried to conceal the actual objectives of the “Eastern March” and convince the people of their own country and the world that the war in the East had only one solitary aim — “to save the entire world civilisation from the fatal danger of Bolshevism and to pave the way for a real social development in Europe”. But they could not deceive the Indian people. Even before the attack came, in 1940, famous Bengali poet Bimal Chandra Ghosh had written:

The nazi fuehrer fancies This round earth to be a football That he can dribble And kick in any direction, And loft as he likes In wanton self-will, With the tips of his booted feet... This son of Cain This fratricidal maniac, This Hitler — is a curse Not to Germany alone Not to the world alone But to the history and civilisation of man For all times to come.2

When the attack came, Tamil poet P. Jeevanandan warned that the Hitlerites had “invited their own destruction”. Cautioning the people that among the “fascist devils”.

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Jeevanandan proclaimed the common faith that These devils have invited Their own destruction By attacking the Soviet Union, The land of the Red Army. Press comments were no less forthright. Some of the editorials that appeared in leading newspapers on June 25, 1941, three days after the war between fascist Germany and the Soviet Union began, agreed that “the democracies” must unite with Soviet Russia. A report in The Tribune of Lahore quoted some of them. The Hindustan Times said, “This perhaps is the very last chance which this war is likely to offer for the nations anxious to preserve their freedom against the tyranny which Hitler seeks to establish throughout the world. If Hitler’s attack on Russia becomes the rallying cry for the anti-Nazi forces throughout the world, democracy may yet survive...” The Leader said, “while Britain and the United States have unexpectedly got a powerful ally, Germany has by Hitler’s fatuous action become practically isolated. The liberation of Europe from the Nazi yoke and the downfall of Hitlerism appear to have been brought nearer.” The Pioneer expressed the hope that Soviet Russia would teach Germany the lesson she had long stood in need of. The Hindu said, “In the life of every military dictator there comes a moment when he overshoots his mark. Perhaps this is the turning point in Hitler’s career”. And The Mail, which commented that “with the cunning of the serpent he (Hitler) seeks once more to profit by human prejudice” was sure that “he will not succeed”. It was also sure that “the democracies must unite with Russia in defeating this latest Nazi attempt at domination because if it succeeds the dangers of their being each in turn overwhelmed are greatly multiplied”.

Fortnightly official summaries of press comments and intelligence reports (now available in the National Archives of India) on the political situation in the provinces of Bengal, Bombay, Madras, Bihar, Orissa, the United and Central provinces for the second part of the month of June 1941, made these points:

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Madras: Public opinion in South-India believes that Hitler made a great blunder and that the Soviet army will inflict a crushing defeat upon the GefTffans. Certain circles also thought that “Russia’s fall will endanger the democracies” and that India’s duty was “to give every support to the war effort”. The Andhra Prabha, a Telugu paper usually considered a strong pro-Congress organ, said that “it was the duty of India to give every assistance to the war effort in the interest of the labourers and workers of

4 India and of the world”.

Poona-. The German invasion of Russia was unanimously condemned by public opinion in Maharashtra as a sudden, unprovoked and treacherous attack having for its object the seizure of “the granary of Ukraine and the oil fields of Caucasus”. Many papers thought that Hitler would meet the same

5 fate as Napoleon did.

Calcutta-. Bengali public opinion thought that the entry of the Soviet Union into the war altered its “intrinsic character” and that the fight “became a fight for the liberation of submerged humanity in every country”. The “nationalist” press welcomed Mr. Churchill’s statement in the House of Commons assuring all military and economic help to Russia in spite of there being no “ideological” affinity between the systems of government in the two countries. The press in Bengal called for the adoption by the government in this country of a sympathetic and liberal policy towards Communists and others holding similar views. The consensus of opinion was that though Hitler may achieve some initial successes on this new 1,500-mile front, his

6 “mad gamble” was sure to prove his ultimate ruin. Nainital - The immediate result of Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union was, according to the report, received with a feeling of uncritical relief. It was stated further: “the might of the Red Army has been much advertised by Communists and left-wing Congressmen, who look upon it as their ally against British Imperialism, and among a large section of the public the idea is widespread that Hitler is approaching his Waterloo...”7 Patna- The Indian Nation was quoted as saying: “By attacking Russia, Hitler has taken a jump of whose consequences he is himself not sure”. A day earlier, the daily had said,

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“Those who assist Russia are not necessarily assisting Communism but are doing so to defeat the common enemy, namely Nazism. A spokesman of the Soviet government at Ankara has said that Russia had never based

8 its strategy on outside help”.

Among the first statements in favour of the Soviet Union (some of them were openly sent to the USSR) a cable from the then General Secretary of the All India Students’ Federation, Mr. M. Farooqui may be mentioned. On the cable addressed to Soviet Ambassador in London Ivan Maisky, on June 28, 1941, he requested that the Students’ Federation’s “wholehearted support” be conveyed to the Soviet youth and students.9 On July 2, the National Herald carried a statement by Mr. R. S. Ruiker, President of the Provincial Trade Union Congress, in which he affirmed that “Soviet Russia is the hope of all exploited colonial countries”, and that “India as a nation will naturally sympathise with Soviet Russia”. He explained, “the war is assuming a clear character of a fight between Socialism and Democracy (represented) by Soviet Russia and fascism in its most naked and brutal form... The change of policy which has come over in England in its determination to help Russia is welcome. I hope that England will immediately reverse its present stand towards India and that it will adopt a policy of establishing a people’s government both at the Centre and in the provinces, so that India may play

10 its proper part in the people’s struggle against fascism”.

The well-known poet of Andhra, “Sri Sri” (Srirangam Srinivasa Rao) sent another moving message of greetings to the Soviet people in June 1941. He wrote in the now famous poem, Roar, Russia, roar! Blow thou the conch of Parjanya (Thunder-God) Destroy the forces of daurjanya (Evil) Arise, advance, Oh Russia! Restorer unto the individual his birth right of freedom, Refuge of all the fallen, downtrodden people of the earth, Grand architect of the golden mansion of the future, Arise! come! Peasants and workers, the enslaved and the beaten-down Rise, roused to rebellion like a wave on dancing wave Millions of voices are greeting thee! Prepare to strike for victory!

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Arise, advance, Oh Russia!*

’Sending the text of the poem to the author towards the end of October, 1 *>76, “Sri Sri” wrote: “When the Nazi hordes invaded Russia, and when I read in the newspapers that the Soviet Air Force has gone into action I shouted in song,

Roar, Russia, Roar.

That was in the year 1941

“...I have many friends in the USSR and not a single enemy. That goodness, there is such a place as Russia. It is the one and only guarantee of peace..”

In the development of the Indian people’s solidarity with the Soviet Union, the months of July and October 1941 were very significant: the closeness touched as it were the man on the street in the cities and villages of India. The fascist aggression against the first Socialist state was condemned all over India and there were even demands that Indian volunteers be sent to assist the Soviet army. These sentiments found powerful expression on July 21, 1941, the first All India Day of Solidarity with the USSR. Meetings and demonstrations, evenings of friendship were held in Bengal, United Provinces, Bombay, Bihar, Malabar and elsewhere. The leading role in organising these rallies was taken by trade unions, the Kisan Sabha, some newspapers and journals and by the upcoming centres of the first branches of the Friends of the Soviet Union (FSU). The shift in public opinion from the view that it was an imperialist war to an awareness of its changed character after the Soviet Union was dragged into it was not immediate; it was slow, painful and difficult. The political orientation of various groups in the national-liberation movement in the colonies and dependent countries was to a large extent determined by the fact that with the beginning of the war the colonial authorities had intensified repression and police terror against them. The Communist parties were banned, the most progressive organisations were broken and thousands of freedom fighters thrown into jails and concentration camps. The Indians called the Defence of India Rules promulgated by the British authorities which gave the police emergency powers to suppress mass

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movements, as the Defence of India from Indians Rule.11 The anti- democratic and forcible manner in which the subjects of the colonies were dragged into the war not only made it difficult for many leaders of the liberation movement to choose the right tactics in the war conditions. It was also detrimental to the strategic positions of the Western powers in the colonies, as it strengthened the anti-British and anti- French mood among the colonial subjects.

There were sharp political debates and discussions, and clashes of viewpoints within the Indian intelligentsia, workers and their trade unions and political parties. It is not the main purpose of this book to investigate the evolution and turn of Indian public opinion towards a united anti- fascist front. But it must be mentioned that as early as in- July 1941, a month after the Soviet Union entered the war, clear- opinion was emerging that the war was an anti-imperialist and anti-fascist war, a war for the freedom and independence of the peoples of the world.

Of special interest is an editorial in the July issue of the progressive literary monthly journal Hansa, published in Hindi from Allahabad. Under a two- line caption (probably picked from some poem) — “Humanity will never again embrace the Age of Darkness! Long Live Soviet Russia, the creator of a new culture” — the journal noted that till then it had refrained from expressing its opinion on the war (refrained from taking sides) as it thought “it was an imperialist war between Britain and Germany” and said: “But today, the situation has changed; the European war is no more a conflict between two imperialist powers or parties. The future of the whole of mankind is being decided on the battlefield”. Emphasising that the “new situation” was the result of the attack launched by Germany on Russia, it said: “Russia and Germany are not only two countries, two nations, two governments; they symbolise a reality much bigger than that. Russia is the very bulwark of the exploited and the oppressed of the whole world, the symbol of mankind’s new achievements in the fields of intellectual freedom, arts, culture and science, the creator of the future of man”. Refuting the colonialist propaganda then-current against the Soviet Union regarding the “Russo-German non-aggression treaty” and explaining how it was necessitated because of the ambivalent stand taken by “the politicians of the USA and England from the very inception of the

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war”, it said the Soviet Union knew that there was “no fundamental difference between their (the Allies) ideology and the ideology of the Nazis” and that it “neither hoped to win nor feared to lose because of the help from the bourgeois governments or their treachery”. It recalled how, earlier, the new-born Soviet state had withstood the onslaught of the interventionist forces in its very early years and emerged victoriously; and how now the Soviet Union with its “inexhaustible resources” and “the great Red Army” fighting for “great human ideals” though now “confronted with an axis of mighty powers, is certainly going to triumph ultimately”. And Hansa declared: “The sympathy of a slave country like India fighting for independence is also valuable, and the sympathy of India 12 is with Soviet Russia”. The editorial was an early example of the way Indian nationalist opinion was from the outset on the side of the Soviet Union. Indian public opinion understood that the aggression against the Soviet Union was an expression of the anti-Communist and anti-Soviet policy which the imperialists had pursued since the very first days of the Great October Socialist Revolution, that by unleashing the war on the Soviet Union, fascist Germany was giving expression to the policy of the most reactionary forces of imperialism, that the Hitlerite invaders not only encroached upon the freedom and independence of the peoples of the USSR Stalingrad but also threatened their socialist gains which embodied the hopes and dreams of the workers of the entire world — the future of mankind. So the war of the Soviet people against the German fascist invaders was a revolutionary war in defence of socialism, for world civilisation and social progress. Significant and early expression of support for the Soviet Union came in a resolution passed by the workers of Kanpur, the industrial centre of northern India. A report appearing in the National Herald of July 3, 1941, said the workers of Kanpur by a special resolution condemned the German invasion of Soviet Russia and expressed full sympathy with the latter.13 Among the Congress leaders who demanded the despatch of a token contingent of support to the Soviet Union was Mr. Khan Ghulam Mohammed Khan, member of the All India Congress Committee and a

Government of India (Home Department) report for that month. He is

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quoted as having said: “The Congress was previously justified in refusing to help British war activities. Britain’s declaration that it was fighting for democracy and freedom of small nations combined with its refusal to concede the Congress Poona demand for a National Central Government proved its actions contradictory. But since the German invasion of Russia, labourers, kisans and other progressive elements in India now sincerely want Russia and its ally, Great Britain, to win this war. (It is) time for Gandhi, the Congress, the Congress Socialist Party, and other nationalist parties to consider the question of India’s freedom and defence. The government should either accept the Poona offer or some other proposal acceptable to progressive Indians thus enabling India to give

14 unprecedented aid in crushing Nazism”.

A few days later, as the National Herald reported, an anti-Fascist Day was observed in Quetta under the auspices of the Mazdoor Sabha. At a public meeting “resolutions strongly condemning the German aggression on Russia were passed. An appeal to the Government of India to despatch volunteers and give financial support to Russia and release Mazdoor Sabha

15 prisoners was also made”. In order to mobilise the masses of India in support of the Soviet Union, a two- day session of the Council of the Kisan Sabha held in Calcutta (July 8-9, 1941) decided that July 21 should be celebrated all over the country as “Soviet Day”. (Mrs. Bharati Devi Ranga and Mr. Gopal Haidar were elected President and General Secretary of the All India body till such time as the new All India Kisan Sabha Council met.) A resolution expressing “heartfelt sympathy on behalf of the Indian peasantry for the brave people of the Soviet Union who are so valiantly fighting the Nazi hordes” was adopted by the Council. It recognised that in its fight against Nazi Germany. Soviet Russia was “not only fighting for the defence of the fatherland of peasants and workers but was fighting for world freedom and democracy. ” It declared that “it must not be forgotten that in order to destroy fascism and render real and effective help to the Soviet Union, complete democratic freedom of the Indian people was most essential”. The council appealed to all the

16 progressive forces to unite and organise aid to the Soviet Union.

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The acting General Secretary of the U.P. Congress Socialist Party, Mr. Chandra Bhushan Shukla, said in a statement issued from Meerut: “Our sympathies naturally are with the Soviet Union in this hour of trial. Not only do we wish it a success but we are confident of its victory. In its victory, we see our own, and we in India send them our greetings and sympathy. For what else can we do when we ourselves are groaning helplessly under the

17 imperialist’ yoke”?

A meeting of the Council of the All India Students’ Federation was held in Delhi on July 19 and 20 by Mr. M. Farooqui, General Secretary, to consider the methods by which Indian students could effectively help the Soviet

18 youth in their struggle against fascism.

According to a confidential official report on the political situation in India for the month of July 1941, a meeting of workers and peasants was held in Karachi on July 14, 1941. It decided that workers should contribute one day’s wages to support the USSR.

The Sind Secretariat, Karachi, reported on July 19, 1941, that Mr. N. A. Bechar, M.L.A., and labour leader of Karachi, “who claims Soviet Russia as his spiritual home, convened a meeting which was » attended by about two hundred persons, mostly labourers. The meeting passed resolutions condemning the German invasion of Russia, appealing to the Congress to direct its energies to assist Soviet Russia, requesting the government to release and remove restrictions from all Communist leaders in order to enable them to work for the destruction of Hitlerism and asking the government to permit the sending of volunteers and money to Russia”.19 Such were the demands of patriotic Indians. On the eve of the celebration of Soviet Day, about 70 leading intellectuals of Calcutta wished Soviet Russia well. In a statement20, they said the Nazi attack on the Soviet Union “has opened a new and momentous phase in world history. It is urgent that attention is drawn to the massive, moral and material achievements which the Soviets have to their credit. Some of us have been critical of some aspects of the Soviet regime; some again do not support the theory of Marxism which the Soviet (Union) has attempted to put into practice. But when one remembers the dark legacy of Czarist misrule, which was followed for four years by a disastrous civil war and the

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intervention against this infant Soviet (state) by nearly all the powers on earth, the Soviet achievement can only be described as magnificent”. The intellectuals of Bengal further declared, “in a little over twenty years and in face of the most stupendous odds the common people of the Soviet Union have created what we believe is a new civilisation. We send our good wishes to the Soviets and wait anxiously for the day when they will come victorious over the forces arranged against them”.

The first to sign this statement was Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray (1861- 1944), a great scientist and a great patriot, and one of the outstanding

21 pioneers of scientific research in India.

New appeals for the observance of Soviet Day on July 21, 1941, were issued by Kisan leaders: “The immediate objective of all progressive forces should be to destroy fascism and the Soviet government has now taken upon itself, by force of circumstances, the task of fighting fascism to its ultimate end. It is our duty to lend our support, give our aid and cooperation to Russia in its heroic struggle against reactionary forces”. The General Secretary of the All India Kisan Sabha, Mr. Haidar, said the day was being observed “in order to popularise the Soviet Union and explain its role as the liberator of all oppressed and exploited peoples, as also to condemn fascism in general and the barbarous aggression of Nazi Germany and other

22 fascist states on the peace-loving Soviet Union and its people”.

Almost 36 years later, on November 1 1, 1975, at a meeting with the author Gopal Haidar, an outstanding Bengali writer and one of the founder members of the Afro-Asian solidarity movement recalled those days: “The Kisan Sabha was one of the platforms of the CPI. At that time, the party was underground. The majority of the party workers were in jails and some of them were released much later. Those who were not arrested were working hard. I was then an assistant editor in the English daily Hindusthan Standard. I was there up to 1943, and during the war years, I wrote hundreds of articles calling upon the people to support the Soviet Union. Many could not understand us then. They used to say, ‘We ourselves are living in slavery, why should we support the freedom fight of some other country’? It took months for us to explain that the victory of the USSR was

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the only guarantee of our liberation in the future... There were some people who accused us of being in collaboration with imperialists. It was a lie because we were always staunch fighters against colonial rule, communalism

23 and stood for national unity”.

The All India Day of Solidarity with the Soviet Union on July 21, 1941, gave a new impetus to the growth of a broad anti-fascist movement in India. The anti-fascist front was strengthened in Punjab through the organisation of greater help for Russia. The Tribune of Lahore reported from Amritsar that at a meeting of some 50 representatives held in the office of the Students’ Union, two resolutions were adopted. One declared that “under the existing international situation there is a great danger from Hitlerism to the progressive democratic powers”, and therefore the “defeat and destruction of Hitlerism” was essential. It recorded the decision to convene a conference in Jallianwalla Bagh of all the anti-fascist forces of the province in order to formulate a practical programme for the furtherance of the anti-fascist movement in the following September.

The second resolution condemned the government’s policy of “arresting and keeping under detention anti-fascist patriots”, and demanded the clarification of the government’s position vis-a-vis the socialists in view of the government’s earlier declaration that“any friend of the Nazis is their enemy

24 and that every enemy of the Nazis is their friend”. In Kanpur, Mr. S. M. Mittra, president of the Mazdoor Sabha of Kanpur, in a statement appealed to all industrial workers and trade unions of Kanpur to organise a joint anti-fascist labour rally. Mr. A. K. Alwe, president of the National Mazdoor Sabha, supported the decision of the Mazdoor Sabha. On September 20-21, 1941, a meeting of the executive committee of the U.P. Students’ Federation (ad hoc) held at Allahabad (with Messrs Baldeo Singh, Banaras, S. A. Kazmi and Nurul Hasan, Allahabad, A. H. Zuberi and T. K. Chaturvedi, Kanpur, K. D. Sharma, Agra, V. B. Singh and A. M. Bidharthi,- Gorakhpore, K. Kumar, Lucknow and Sultan Ahmad, Aligarh, present) “condemned the attack on the Soviet Union by the German fascists and decided to observe a Soviet Week throughout U.P. from 5 to 12 November”.25

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Rallies of workers, students and peasants were held on November 8. The Andhra Provincial Students’ Federation sent, on August 28, 1941, a

26 telegram of support to Ivan Maisky, Soviet Ambassador in London. THE FIRST ALL INDIA FSU MEET: FIGHTING SOLIDARITY WITH THE USSR A significant feature of the observance of July 21, 1941, as an All India Day of Solidarity with the Soviet Union was the decision to form in cities and provinces local societies of the Friends of the Soviet Union (FSU). Later in 1944, at the All India FSU Congress, Prof. Hiren Mukerjee narrated a moving story about the launching of the FSU movement in India in 1941- 42.27 According to him, the initiative for starting the FSU came from Bengal almost immediately after Hitler’s attack on the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. An organising committee was set up, with Dr. Bhupen Datta (a veteran freedom fighter, a Marxist scholar and brother of Swami Vivekananda — LVM) as chairman and Hiren Mukerjee and S. K. Acharya as joint secretaries. Rabindranath Tagore, the greatest among the friends of the Soviet Union, had agreed to act as patron of the organisation. A manifesto, published over the signature of Sir P. C. Ray, doyen of Indian scientists and patriots, and 72 other writers, artists, and intellectuals of Bengal, denouncing Hitler’s aggression and pledging all support to the Soviet Union had great effect all over the country, and in most provinces, FSU or Soviet Aid Societies began to spring up. Bengal and Punjab set up full-fledged FSU and comparatively tentative units were formed in Bombay, C.P. (Central Provinces) and other provinces. In Delhi, the night before the Soviet Day, the streets were painted with slogans in Hindi and Urdu. Students made huge placards and special posters for schools; and shop assistants excelled all the others: the whole of Chandni Chowk was a blaze of red. There was not a lamp post which did not have a pair of Red Flags. On the morning of the day, the Red Flag was unfurled at the Gandhi grounds by Mr. M. Farooqui. The mills were working but many workers went to attend the function.

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The issue of Communist then published illegally by the CPI said in its October-November 1941 issue that the procession in Delhi on July 21, 1941, was 1,000 strong. Mrs. Satyavati of theC.S.P. spoke in sup¬port of the main resolution, and it was resolved at the meeting to form a Friends of the Soviet Union society at Delhi. One thing was clear, the magazine said, that the

28 Friends of the Soviet Union “could not be bootlickers of imperialism”.

Such meetings were held all over the country. One held by workers and nationalist Muslims of Tellichery was banned. A Calicut meeting, held under the auspices of the Central Trade Union Council, condemned the attack of Nazi Germany on the Soviet Union and expressed support to the Soviet people. In Calcutta, as a result of a successful campaign, preparations were afoot for the setting up of a permanent organisation Friends of the Soviet Union. And Calcutta took the initiative in calling an all India Conference of the Friends of the Soviet Union to be held in November. The Bengal Provincial Trade Union Congress organised a workers’ delegates convention for the support of the Soviet peoples’ war against fascism. In Bihar, July 21 was celebrated with meetings in Patna, Chapra, Bankipore, Muzaffarpur, Fatehpur and Jamshedpur. Most of them were held under the auspices of the Kisan Sabha. The Bihar Forward Bloc also cooperated. In C.P. and Berar, the Kisan Sabhas celebrated the day in Nagpur, Amroati and in several other places with mass meetings which proclaimed solidarity with the Soviets and determination to aid the Soviet people in the manner possible. According to a confidential Home Ministry report for July 1941, “sympathy for Russia was universal”. Soviet Day meetings were held in Maharashtra (in Poona, Amalner, Dulia and other places) in Puri (Orissa) and in several places in Andhra; in Lahore and other Punjab centres (where “paisa fund” collections were also made on the Bombay model). In Bombay, the Marathi Literary Conference (the representative organisation of all Marathi writers of Bombay and the suburbs) endorsed the whole of the manifesto issued by the Calcutta intellectuals. And a Friends of the Soviet Union association

29 was organised.

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The way the association was formed in Bombay is equally interesting. It was organised on the initiative, among others, of Suhashini Jambekar, a well-known Communist leader and youngest sister of Sarojini Naidu and the illustrious revolutionary Virendranath Chattopadhyaya. Assisting her was Shashi Bakaya, a young and talented poet, who had gone to Bombay for higher studies after graduating in April 1941 from Lahore. According to an Intelligence report from Poona, at a private meeting of the Soviet Aid Committee on September 14, a suggestion by Mr. A. M. Hunt, (a master in the Cathedral Boys’ High School, Bombay) for the formation of a Cultural Society of the Friends of the USSR was accepted. It was later decided that the society should be named Friends of the Soviet Union Society with the aim of developing “cultural relations between the USSR and India, to popularise the social reforms made by the Soviet Union in 1917, to explain the emancipation of women and the elimination of unemployment and to organise study circles to hold mass meetings, and to issue fortnightly

30 bulletins”. Thirty years later, in search of material on the FSU movement which played an important role in the development of Soviet-Indian relations in Bombay, I met Mr. Shiraly, one of the initiators of the FSU movement. He told me how Mr. Hiren Mukerjee, former General Secretary of the FSU association, and Mian Iftikharuddin, the well- known Congress leader from Punjab, played a significant role in spreading the movement in the United Provinces and other states of India. In the autumn of 1941, trade union leader Collins Jabwala suggested the collection of money for the movement by selling small Red Flags. Later, a special committee was formed. In November- December, they organised an exhibition of Soviet posters; the posters and photos were brought from the USSR by Mr. D. G. Tendulkar, who later published a book

31 about the Soviet Union.

When the first organisations of the FSU appeared practically in all major centres of India, an attempt was made to coalesce them into an all India body. On November 17, 1941, an all-India conference of FSU was held in Calcutta. Mian Iftikharuddin, President of the Punjab Provincial Congress Committee, was in the chair. According to Hiren Mukerjee’s report, the meeting was attended by a representative delegation from Punjab, important individuals from Orissa and Assam, and of course 4 4

a good contingent from Bengal districts. The report also said that a delegate conference representing more than 75,000 workers principally in the jute industry, met in the forenoon that day and “greeted the progressive intellectuals who had hitched their wagon to the Red Star of the Soviet Union and who had enthusiastically joined the Conference. Those were great days of stress — a real testing time for those who were no fair- weather friends of the Soviet Union. From the front came continuous reports of Soviet retreat; many among our patriots were dubious about the Red Army’s hopes of success; our own leaders like Pandit Nehru were still

32 in jail, unable to key up the spirit of our people”.

It was in such an atmosphere that the first all India meeting of the FSU was held. Messages wishing it success came from, among others, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, Sir B. Radhakrishnan, Prof. K. T. Shah (Bombay), Prof. Gyan Chand (Patna) and Prof. D. D. Kosambi (Poona). The main resolution, later communicated to the USSR said, “This conference of the Friends of the Soviet Union, representing writers, artists, scientists, and intellectuals as well as workers, peasants, students and other progressive elements from different parts of India, sends its greetings to the heroic peoples of the Soviet Union, who are so magnificently upholding the banner of freedom and social revolution in the struggle against the diabolic forces of organised and ruthless reaction, and proclaims the determination of the Indian people to remain ever on guard with the Soviets for the new civilisation which the Soviet peoples have built and which has made the Soviet Union an example and an inspiration to all mankind”. The conference expressed its desire to send a goodwill mission to the USSR, set up an all India committee charged with the task of forming units in every province, and defined the aims and objects of the FSU as follows:

(a) To study and enlighten the public in general regarding the condition of life and the work of reconstruction in the USSR, particularly among its backward peoples; —

(b) To give as direct and practical aid as our conditions and interests allow the Soviet peoples in their fight against fascism and reaction

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The following were appointed members of all India Committee: M. Iftikharuddin, M.L.A. (Chairman); Shibnath Banerjee, M.L.A. (Bengal), Miss Mira Datta Gupta, M.L.A. (Bengal); Gopal Haidar (Bengal); Muzaffar Ahmad Chaudhuri (Chittagong, Bengal); Prof. K.T. Shah (Bombay); Mrs. Bharati Devi Ranga (Andhra); Phulan Prasad Verma (Bihar); Mahadeo Prasad (Bihar); Sadhu Charan Mohanti (Orissa); Acharya Narendra Dev (U.P.); Arun K. Chandra, M.L.A. (Assam); Hareswar Goswami (Assam); Lalita Shankar (U.P.); Srikant Kanthi (Sind); S. Jagjit Singh (Punjab), General Secretary; Hiren Mukerjee (Bengal), Joint Secretary; S. K. Acharya (Bengal), Treasurer.

FSU units were also set up at that time (apart from Bengal and Punjab) in Delhi, Karachi, Guntur (Andhra), Silchar (Assam) and in Nagpur. The All India Students’ Federation issued, as early as on August 25, 1941, a circular asking all students to cooperate with the FSU wherever formed, and “where a branch does not exist, to take the initiative in forming one and to invite the leading pro-Soviet citizens to join in it”. (The first contribution of money to the USSR was sent on behalf of the Bengal FSU (Rs. 100) by Chiranjilal Shroff. Various other FSUs and Soviet Aid Societies which grew spontaneously as evidence of the growing pro-Soviet temper in India sent money and messages.) The All India FSU Committee meeting on November 18, 1941, arranged for the despatch of telegrams to the USSR and to Britain in the name of the Chairman, requesting facilities for an Indian goodwill Mission to visit the USSR. It also authorised the Chairman, the General Secretary and the joint secretaries to prepare a draft constitution for the organisation. On December 10, 1941, the Chairman of the AIFSU sent a circular to all members of the Committee and to all the provinces requesting that provincial conferences be held. He told them that he was in communication with Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who had lately come out of jail, with a view to persuading him to accept the chairmanship. While some conferences were held here and there, there was not, organisationally speaking, much response to the Chairman’s letter. Many of the members of the Committee were unable to function, and the General Secretary himself, constantly hounded by the police, was

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arrested and detained early in 1942. It was felt, therefore, that work in the provinces should be continued and that the time for a full-scale all India organisation had not yet arrived. In February 1942, the joint secretary and the treasurer saw Jawaharlal Nehru who advised them to concentrate on work in the provinces, and keep the all India Coipmittee necessarily in a

33 kind of abeyance.

The release of Jawaharlal Nehru from prison in November 1941, gave a great impetus to the FSU movement in U.P.

A statement issued by Mr. R. S. Pandit, Nehru’s brother-in-law and the husband of Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, and published in the Bombay Chronicle said: “In the university towns of Allahabad, Lucknow, Aligarh, Agra and Banaras there is a move afoot for an association to be called Friends of the Soviet Union. It will extend its work later to all places in the United Provinces. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru was present at the preliminary meeting

34 of the proposed association and helped in preparing a draft manifesto.. .”

When the unique parade took place in Red Square, Moscow, on November 7, 1941 — a parade directly from where the Soviet army went to the front to fight the enemy that stood at the gates of Moscow — Soviet soldiers and others hardly knew that the people of India were thinking of them and wishing them success. But they knew at the same time that there was no way for the retreat because behind them was Moscow, the heart of Soviet land. Educated by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the spirit of the proletarian internationalism they knew fairly well that they were responsible for saving the peoples of the East, and quite possibly the whole of Asia. The feelings of patriotic Indians at that time were brilliantly expressed by poet Awaz in his poem, ‘Front Line Is On The Spot’. “Put me in a uniform, Hand me quick a gun; Soviet Land’s in danger now, I am Lenin’s own son. Got to get to Front Line fast, Strike the bloody foe, All we’ve built for twenty years SHALL NOT ever go! Can’t sit here just looking on Must give all I’ve got — All my strength, devotion, zeal To smash the Fascist plot. Tell me how to get there quick! Tell me — I must know. Tell me where the Front Line is, Tell me — I must go! Steady, Comrade, steady now, Mustn’t lose your head.

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Soviet Land’s in danger — right, Got to keep it Red. Got to strain your every nerve, To fight for Soviet Land, Got to grit your teeth like hell, Give Comrade Joe a hand. But remember, Comrade, well- Best help you can give: Strike the Empire, on its nut, Make free India live! Punch Reaction in the paunch! Give him hell that’s hot! Here’s your job: get down to it! FRONT LINE’S ON THE SPOT!!”35 The Student, of August 1941, said in an editorial: “... Black reaction will spread over the whole world with the victory of fascism over the USSR... Students of international affairs are aware that it was Soviet Russia which tried to create a peace front against fascism and war; it was Soviet Russia which championed the cause of ‘collective security’. It was the Soviet Union which denounced the non- interventionist policy of the League of Nations in the Civil War of Spain, adopted by it under the inspiration of Britain and France, and rendered all help to the Spanish Republic in its fight against rebel Franco. Coming nearer home, we find Soviet Russia’s help to the Chinese people in their fight against Japanese imperialism, even though Britain some time earlier closed the Burma Road to appease Japan. So, this unprovoked attack on this citadel of freedom and —progress by Nazi Germany has made us think. The war against fascism must be made a people’s war against fascism. (And) we must carry on a new agitation for the liberation of our Motherland which is also essential for effective aid to the Soviet people in their fight against fascism”.

The Student also said, “We can help the Soviet people indirectly by creating a pro-Soviet atmosphere in our country”. To create such an atmosphere at a time when Moscow was attacked by the Nazi armies the “Day of the Russian Revolution” was ‘ celebrated in India on the twenty-fourth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. A meeting in Lucknow adopted a resolution that contained brotherly greetings to the Soviet people. The day was celebrated under the joint auspices of the Congress Socialist Party, the Lucknow Students’

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Federation and the Radical Democratic Party. The meeting, congratulating the Red Army and the Soviet people on their heroic resistance against Nazi Germany, said in a resolution: “As the Soviet Union is the bastion of the revolutionary forces of the world, this meeting realises the imperative need of rallying round the Soviet Union in its struggle against the forces of reaction and extends its sympathies to the Soviet people in their hour of

36 trial”.

Workers of Bombay celebrated the day as the culmination of the “Soviet Aid Campaign” they had run for two months earlier. The Communist wrote, “Bombay’s Soviet aid campaign was remarkable for two reasons. First, it was organised and run entirely by the working class comrades. Secondly, it was the first successful paisa fund collection for the Soviets in India...” “Every evening during the Soviet Aid weeks, there were street- comer meetings, chawl meetings and house-to-house collections. The (Soviet Aid) Committee issued three hand-bills in Marathi, Urdu and English. It also brought out beautiful little cards printed in red bearing the hammer and sickle emblem and the appeal: ‘Pay one paisa as a symbol of your love and support for the Soviet Union; to show your burning hatred against the vile Nazi hordes who are attacking the land of socialism; to express your determination to defend the first workers’ raj... Victory to the Soviet people, Victory to the Red Army, Long Live the Unity of the Workers of all lands’. According to the Communist, “...The campaign evoked remarkable enthusiasm and response among the workers;’/20,000 cards were sold; 20,000 workers signed the pledge of solidarity and the

37 message of fraternal love and admiration to the Soviet people.. .”

Campaigns like the one in Bombay for the collection of token aid for the Soviet Union were organised in other, towns and villages of India. Keen public interest was evinced in the address of J. V. Stalin on the occasion of the twenty-fourth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. An official report from Madras said: “Stfilin’s speech has been universally welcomed. But the question is asked whether Great Britain and America are giving all the assistance that is possible to Russia. M. Stalin has asked that another front be opened in the West. There may be practical difficulties in doing so, but cannot a front be opened in North Africa by invading Libya or cannot the Allies counteract Hitler’s designs on the Caucasus by rushing 4 9

armed assistance to that part of Russia”?38 A report from Bengal noted that the Indian people were impressed by the fact that “Stalin made no secret of the great danger inherent in the situation; but that the factors indicated by him as working to ensure an ultimate German defeat are emphasised and taken together are represented as giving grounds for confidence”.39 In December 1941, prominent Indians and members of the Indian National Congress issued a joint statement in Banaras in support of the Soviet Union. This significant statement, signed among others by the late Sarvapalli Radhakrishnan, Babu Sampurnanand, Sri Prakasa and others said: “We are not all socialists and we do not necessarily believe in the economic or other policies of the Soviet Union. But we are convinced that, as a whole, the Soviet Union has stood for human progress and we, therefore, extend to it in its hour of trial our warm sympathy.” “We are of opinion that the Soviet Union has represented and represents certain values which are of importance to the progress and development of civilisation and humanity, and its achievement in the various domains of national life... has been remarkable. We believe that the destruction of the Soviet Union and the consequent paralysis of this great experiment in human progress would be harmful to humanity. We have watched with admiration the magnificent struggle of the Russian people and express our fervent sympathy for the sufferings undergone and the sacrifices made by them in the defence of the ideals. We wish the people of the Soviet Union success in their struggle to maintain their freedom and the values

40 which have given significance to Their country.”

Another important document which appeared at that time was the Manifesto circulated ”by the Committee of the Friends of the Soviet Union, which decided to organise in Lucknow a Friends of the Soviet Union conference to be held towards the middle of January 1942. (It factually took place in February 1942) Jawaharlal Nehru had agreed to inaugurate the conference. The manifesto declared: “The heroic resistance of the people of the Soviet Union in defence of their fatherland against the unprovoked aggression of the forces of the Nazis in control of the vast resources in men and materials of practically the whole continent of Europe, has excited the just admiration of the world... The people of India, irrespective of their political, social and religious opinions, share the universal admiration for the Soviet Union and would like to

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express their sympathy in, active and concrete forms within their power. It is, therefore, proposed to convene a provincial conference of the Friends of the Soviet Union in Lucknow sometime in January 1942. The group of sympathisers that provisionally met. for making preliminary arrangements has suggested the despatch of a medical unit at the earliest possible opportunity”. “But sympathy cannot be enough; it must be based on knowledge. Today, when the Soviet defence is an object lesson in the arts of war, all are curious to know the secrets of its strength. Obviously, they are to be found in the arts and science of peace which the Soviet (Union) has cultivated during the last two decades, through trial and error, but in an unswerving pursuit of the common good of the people. The Soviet (Union) had always been a staunch upholder of the principles of the League of Nations and of collective security. It has proposed complete and general disarmament as the strongest assurance of peace when the foundations of the League were being sapped by the pressures of national interests... The indomitable will grounded in social purpose, trained in the objectives of public good and, may we say, without the impediments of special privileges of exclusive economic and political groups pursuing their own interests at the expense of the rest, succeeded in achieving the seemingly impossible. It is this collective will and this democratic method that accounts for the success of Soviet resistance today... It is felt that all people in this country, irrespective of their political affiliations, could join hands in organising common friendliness with the Soviet Union, when that country, which may be said to have sown the seeds of a new civilisation is facing in all boldness the ruthless Nazi with his philosophy of brute force, of the racial superiority of their nationals, of their ideas of eternal servitude for the coloured races, of their crudities of culture and science applied to the sole task of destruction of everything valuable. We realise our limitations in giving concrete shape to our sympathy. But there are links of parallel possibilities that bind resurgent India with the progressive civilisation of

41 the Soviet.”

Expressing its “fighting solidarity” with the Soviet people “in their magnificent resistance”, the All India Students’ Federation appealed to the students, youth and all the people of India to help the Soviet Union. The appeal published in the Student said: “...The Soviet victory and the fall of

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Hitler are ensured only through the full mobilisation of peoples’ forces against imperialism — the system which enslaves and not aids the Soviet cause... We also declare that we should not merely be content with an extension of our moral sympathy to the Soviet people. We are not in a helpless position today because of our bondage as some make out. It lies within our power to render more powerful, immediate and direct aid than almost any other nation in the world... Whatever our politics, the youth has loved and admired the Soviet Union as the great land placed at the head of the forces of freedom, peace and progress. “We appeal to the students, the youth and all the people of India to play a historic part in this great conflict. A campaign, limitless in its scope, rising like a tide all over our great land is the order of the day. It must express our fighting solidarity with the Soviet people in their magnificent resistance.”42 Documents dating back to December 1941, preserved by a well-known youth and student leader of the U.P. of those days, provide significant glimpses of the anti- fascist activities of Indian students. Among them was Jawaharlal Nehru’s young daughter Indira, the future Prime Minister of the Republic of India. Among the time-worn, white, ant-eaten documents kept by Mr. T. K.

Chaturvedi, now a lawyer (the author met Mr. Chaturvedi in his house in Kanpur on December 26, 1975, when he was offered the use of the papers), are original letters of M. K. Gandhi and Indira Gandhi, a duplicate copy of Mr. Chaturvedi’s own trial proceedings (he was sentenced by a Kanpur court to a year’s rigorous imprisonment on June 25, 1941), resolutions of the Kanpur anti-fascist -youth conference, etc.43 Mr. Chaturvedi, who despite a stroke eight years ago looks remarkably youthful and active, recalls: “I am surprised myself that these papers carelessly and roughly handled by the colonial police have survived. Imagine, they were seized eleven times from me by the police during search raids and returned eleven times. After that, they were tucked away for long years and now somebody needs them again after all...” After serving part of his prison term, T. K. Chaturvedi was released. He worked actively in the anti-fascist movement and among students.

In mid-December 1941, a student conference was organised under the chairmanship of Indira Nehru. In her speech she said:

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“We function in close proximity to vigilant English imperialism. We have no freedom. We cannot do or speak as we wish. But we are tough and we know that we exist in a tense international situation. We have to fight vested interests, as also the prejudices of our masses in the form of customs, traditions, habits, faiths, superstitions and fears. We find that clearness and firmness of purpose, tempered by intelligence, caution, elasticity and above all genuine sympathy are absolute prerequisites for any effective, change, especially on the cultural front.

“On the question of the preservation and development of divergent national cultures within a country, we naturally look towards the Soviet Union. For, that is the only government that has tackled this problem to harmonise the interests of the various nationalities that are scattered over its extensive territory. Many argued that it was folly to encourage the native languages and cultures of all these widely differing nationalities; that in times of crisis they could not possibly hold together. With the invasion of the USSR, the test came and we found the Ukrainians, Tartars, Uzbeks, Tajiks, Armenians, Muslims and others uniting as one in defending their

44 fatherland.” Among T. K. Chaturvedi’s papers is the text of the resolution adopted by the conference. The resolution condemned “the unprovoked Nazi attack on the USSR” and urged “the solidarity of all the popular and democratic forces of the world with the brave people of the USSR”. The resolution said: “For the last twenty years the Soviet Union has stood as the bulwark of freedom, peace and progress... The world has witnessed a phenomenal industrial and educational advancement in the USSR which has placed the USSR at the head of the most advanced countries of the world... The efforts of the USSR towards the maintenance of world peace are not less remarkable. It was the USSR alone which first gave a call for the abolition of all war ministries, army, air forces and navies; and while the- imperialists were engaged in sabotage, it gave practical aid to Republican Spain... This conference, therefore, declares that it is the task of the people of Great Britain and all other countries to turn this imperialist war into a people’s war against fascism.

“In India, this can best be achieved by two methods: (a) organising direct aid to the Soviet aid fund; and by (b) a joint mass struggle of all 5 3

progressive nationalist forces for the liquidation of imperialism and winning independence for our country.”

Along with these papers, T. K. Chaturvedi had with him photographs turned yellow with time which showed the participants of the conference. He said: “For me, these photos and papers of the time of my youth are not only a family relic but documents of our determined anti-imperialist struggle and solidarity with the great Soviet people. Jawaharlal Nehru showed keen interest in our conference and approved its resolution on foreign policy and other resolutions”.

The Soviet Union’s entry into the war radically changed the military and political situation in the world. It marked a new period in the war, which spread beyond the capitalist system. Drawn into the war was the mighty socialist state, occupying one-sixth of the world’s territory with a population of about 200 million people. Besides its great moral and political potential, it had enormous economic and military strength. Transcending the military stakes involved the war became a confrontation between two political systems — socialism and capitalism, a struggle of all people everywhere against the most aggressive forces of the imperialist world. The bulwark of this peoples’ struggle, the main force that was capable of thwarting the aggressors, was the Soviet Union. Thus, it became the rallying point for all progressive and democratic forces, and a mighty stimulus to the further development of the anti-fascist, national-liberation movement of all people. The capitalist states, engaged in a desperate fight against the fascist bloc, could not ignore the powerful country of socialism which swung the balance in favour of the anti-Hitler forces. Under the pressure of the growing threat posed by fascist Germany and its Allies to their national interests, these countries expressed their willingness to unite their war effort with the Soviet Union — though they were not prepared to drop their anti-Communist ideological stance. The fact that states with different socio-political systems had come together in the anti-fascist coalition helped the spread of the national-liberation movement, as in India. The attack by Hitlerite Germany on the Soviet Union intensified the Indian people’s sympathy for the Soviet people, as well as their anti-fascist temper. At the same time, the British government’s refusal to extend the provisions of the Atlantic Charter to India in pursuit of its aim to preserve its huge colonial 5 4

empire sharpened the contradictions between the colonial government and the Indian national-liberation movement. The leading role in this movement was played by the Indian national bourgeoise. The policies of its party, the Indian National Congress, were supported by considerable sections of the urban petty- bourgeoise and working people (workers, peasants, progressive intelligentsia). After the outbreak of the war, the Congress lost no time in announcing its anti-fascist position and expressing its sympathy with the people fighting against fascism. At the same time, the leadership of the party thought that only a free Indian people could make their effective contribution to this struggle. Congress, therefore, demanded independence for India and as an immediate step the creation of a national government. Only on those conditions could it support the war efforts of the British authorities. The British refusal to meet this demand led to the launching of the mass disobedience movement (satyagraha) led by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. A considerable role in combining assistance to the war effort with the fight for the country’s liberation was played by the Communist party of India. After the German fascist attack on the USSR, the Communist Party said forthrightly that the war had acquired a liberating character. It acted to secure wide acceptance of the fact that it had become a people’s war and for the utilisation of all available resources for defeating the Nazi aggression. Supporting the Congress demands for granting independence to India and for the creation of a national government, the Communist party worked at the same time to mobilise decisive and unconditional support for the anti- Hitler coalition including the war efforts of Britain.

There developed, among the workers, peasants, intelligentsia and the national bourgeoise of the country, a movement of solidarity with the Soviet Union. Large sections of the Indian working people took a direct part in the fight against fascism. By the end of 1941, about 900,000 Indians had enrolled in the British-Indian Army whose formations fought the axis states in Africa and the Near East.45 However, the refusal of the British government to concede the demand for Indian independence was a major obstacle in the creation of a united anti-fascist front in the country.

5 5

UNANIMOUS ADMIRATION FOR RUSSIAN RESISTANCE

Developments at the Soviet front received the central attention of most newspapers of the time. They described the heroic struggle of Soviet soldiers day by day, their boundless courage in defending every inch of

46 their socialist homeland.

The National Herald dated July 13, 1941, in its editorial The New Phase wrote:

“The Russians, heirs to the greatest revolution of modern times, have thi$ week added a glorious chapter to the history of their Fatherland...With great self-assurance, they have launched successful counter-attacks and inflicted severe losses on an army which has established its claims to be called invincible. They have offered resistance to an enemy intoxicated with success and inspired by hate. It is evident, in spite of the fantastic distortions of capitalist caricature, that the Russian has, after two decades of planned existence, emerged from the semi-Arctic, semi-barbaric supine Oriental of the Tsars into a scientific man. He no longer fights like a member of a mob; he fights like a cog in a military machine. If the Russians can succeed in absorbing the shock they will have taught the world how to tackle the German army. They will have won.one of the crucial battles of history. Having knocked the blitz out of the war, they will have knocked the war out of the blitz. “Germany has won the first round. The second round will be heavily contested. It will decide whether the Russians will survive to

47 establish their claims as to the leaders of a new civilisation.”

5 6

The reminiscences of P. C. Mahalanobis, the well known Indian scholar who was with Rabindranath Tagore in his last days, are poig¬nant and stirring. As retold by the Banglar Fascist-Birodhi Aitijhya, he used to ask Mr. Mahalanobis to tell him of the developments in Russia almost every day in August 1941. Mahalanobis writes: “Time and again, he said: ‘I shall be happy if Russia wins’. Every morning he used to await the war news. The day the news from Russia was rather bad he turned glum, he used to throw away the newspaper. The day he was operated upon, half an hour before the operation, the last thing he said to me was ‘Tell me the news from Russia’, I said: ‘It seems it is slightly better, perhaps they have temporarily stopped them’ (Gentians). His face brightened. ‘Why won’t it be? They alone can do

48 it. If anyone in the world can, only they can”.

Tagore, ever the great friend of the Soviet Union, was converted that country which he described as the hope of humanity, was invincible. His countrymen’s indignation- over the fact that his famous LWers from Russia hr English was banned in India was understandable. Soon after his death, Dr. Bhupendra Nath Dutta, Chairman of the Organising Committee of the Friends of the Soviet Union, said in a statement, “It is a pity that in the many meetings held in memory of Rabindranath Tagore there has hardly been a reference to the ban which the government has chosen to continue on the English translation of his Letters from Russia, One wonders why even today when the Soviet and British governments are acting jointly in so many spheres, our people are deprived of the chance of reading what our

49 greatest poet and humanist thought of the Soviet experiment”.

Those were days when the anti-fascists of India had had to suffer great humiliation at the hands of the colonial administration. But their staunchness and firm belief in victory, their attempts to render the Soviet people every possible assistance for their struggle for the creation of a united world anti- fascist front were admirable. Hansa, the already mentioned Hindi monthly,

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carried a statement by Mr. Ramakrishna Benipuri, socialist leader and author, in which he described the Soviet Union as “the only state of the peasants and workers Of the world” and “the cradle of a new civilisation where there is no exploitation, no poverty and ignorance...” Posing the question, “Will Russia be defeated?” he answered, “No, never at all, Russia is invincible; none can vanquish Russia”. He said the Red Army “is not an army of mercenaries”. It was composed of impassioned youth “ready for martyrdom as they marched in defence of their ideals with smiles on their

50 faces, undaunted by (prospects of) death”.

The strength, character and other satisfying features of the Soviet Army and its soldiers were widely discussed by the Indian press during that period. As early as in July 1941, a series of articles on the Soviet Army appeared in several newspapers. The National Herald, in an article The Red Army wrote editorially on July 12, 1941, that the “democratic origin and structure of the Soviet Army” was “a source of strength and not of weakness. It was the source of victory in the civil war and today it gives the Red Army a unique possibility of utilising talent to the full as well as youth* and elan...”

“The Red Army is not only a military instrument. It is at the same time a school and a political organiser. No army in the world pays so much attention to the education of its men as the Red Army.;. The Red Army is also a political army. It educates the Red soldiers in political ideals and moulds his general social outlook. The relation of the Communist Party to the Red Army is very different from the relations of fascist parties to their respective armies. In the fascist states the army is an institution apart, which cannot be assimilated by the ruling party, despite all its attempts at universal incorporation. Both the Nazis and the fascists took over the old army. They did not create it. The officer’s caste remains isolated and secluded and maintains its own traditions. The Bolshevist party, on the other hand, created the Red Army. A military party organisation embraces the whole army from top to bottom and gives it ideological cohesion. The military party organisation and the education included by it guarantees the absolute reliability of the masses in the army and gives them ideological

51 elan.. .”

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More and more, the Indian people refused to believe that the USSR might be defeated in the war. They were sure that the socialist state, its people, people of a new breed, would not retreat in the face of barbarity and would defend the cause of human civilisation at all costs. Even the secret reports of the Home Department of colonial India for the period could not miss the point. The fortnightly report for the month of July 1941 from Madras speaks of the people’s satisfaction at the Russian success. “Every move is watched with great interest”, it said and noted “a great readiness (to) believe that the Russian claims must be correct”.513 A report from Poona, dated July 19, 1941, said “the press was unanimous in expressing admiration for the Russian resistance and in urging Britain to take advantage of this golden opportunity and launch aggressive action against Germany

52 in order to relieve the pressure on Russia”.

The fortnightly report of the press adviser from Bihar quoted by The Searchlight of Patna hailing Stalin’s broadcast to his people as combining “realism with determination”. The daily said: “He does not mince matters nor gloss over awkward facts”.53 The Bengal press commented that “Russia’s armed forces have proved much stronger, better equipped and better led than was thought generally probable”. The report from Bengal quoted The Capital, The Statesman, the Hindusthan Standard, the Dainik Basmati, the Jugantar and the Azad to illustrate the point. And it quoted The Forward as saying that the Anglo-Soviet Pact “opens a new chapter of international politics...” The Star of India said the “pact with Russia ought to be more stable for the reason that it is a people’s war and not a fight by the Grand Dukes for the security of effete system”. ThzAmrita Bazar Patrika said, “If the war i^not to be regarded as ^ne-of empires and dynasties but of ‘peoples arid causes’ as Mr. Churchill claims, the Indian problem will have to be solved in accordance with the wishes of the Indian people and in

54 conformity with the principle of national freedom”.

It was not as if Indian public opinion was over-optimistic about the war situation. Watching with anxiety the retreat of the Red Army at some points the press of Maharashtra, for example, expressed the fear that the loss of Kiev and Moscow could endanger the Islamic countries and India. In the third week of August 1941, an intelligence report from Poona cited

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the growing uncertainty over the outcome of the battles in Russia and the increasing danger to India. The report said, “There was clear appreciation of the fact that a very critical phase had been reached, the outcome of which would indicate whether the German troops would be bogged down in Russia for the winter, with a possible fatal effect on Hitler, or whether Germany would obtain access to grain and materials of war likely to increase

55 its power to menace the world, and in particular India”.

Newspapers of Central Provinces and Berar expressed concern over the German thrust towards Odessa, anxiety over their advance to Leningrad. The official report for the first half of August 1941 also noted the anxiety felt

56 particularly over the advance to Leningrad.

At the same time, as a report from Punjab (Lahore) dated August 21 noted, Indians were happy that by its heroic resistance Russia had exploded

57 the myth of fascist Germany’s invincibility.

As patriotic Indians watched the fortunes swing in bitter battles between the fascist hordes and the Soviet Army, they repeatedly asked, what about the help promised by the Allies? The spreading doubts about Britain’s attitude naturally irritated the colonial rulers of India. A Home Department report from Lahore for August 1941 noted doubts about the genuineness of Britain’s promise of full support to Russia. Another report from Orissa said the feeling that the Allies were reluctant to fulfil their duty was becoming widespread. A report from Poona said that while the Indian people’s concern over the “gravity” of the situation faced by the Soviet Union mounted with the German armies driving towards the Caucasus and beyond, “there was some criticism of the total absence of any news to show that help is being given to Russia”. The Janmabhumi was quoted asking, “Who would say that Britain and America are render¬ing all possible help to Russia?... Has anyone heard of a British soldier fighting on the Russian front”? The fall of Kiev led to fresh de¬mands from all sections of the press of

58 Punjab “that Britain should despatch immediate military help to Russia”.

The Bihar daily Rashtravani wrote on September 26, 1941, that while it was welcome news “that the British are devoting a whole week for the supply of tanks to Russia”, the British government and the English

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nation both were going about the task of sending help at an elephant’s speed. If Britain had sent timely help neither would Kiev have fallen nor the affairs in Leningrad been in such a critical state, it said. It commented that “Mr. Churchill is repeating the same mistake as was committed by Mr.

59 Chamberlain. If this continues, he (Mr. Churchill) will have to repent”.

A report from Madras spoke of the surprise expressed by the people in the south at the failure of the Allies to open the second front at such a crucial period:- “The utmost sympathy is expressed for Russia, the bravery, perseverance and courage of whose soldiers are being handsomely recognised. This sympathy is, of course, not confined to the papers which may be somewhat leftist in their views. Indian languages papers are now beginning to ask, why Great Britain has not yet opened another front so that

60 Germany could be forced to take away some divisions from Russia”.

The concern about the German advances in Russia, however, was always tempered by the faith in the ultimate victory of the armed forces of socialism over the Hitlerite hordes.

A report from Bengal for September 1941, said: “The violently desperate nature of the German offensive is recognised but confidence in the strength of Russia’s resistance remains unshaken, stress being simultaneously laid on the urgent need for immediate allied help to Russia on a much bigger scale”. The Capital was quoted as saying, “The war on the Eastern front is becoming more and more a war of reserves. At this juncture, a heavy responsibility lies on Great Britain and the United States. They must supplement the industrial production of the USSR”. In the opinion of the Dainik Basumati: “The last ten weeks’ fighting has proved that Germany will never be able to return victorious from East Europe”.61 Most newspapers regarded the success achieved by the fascists in conquering some territories as temporary and it was stated that even the fall of Moscow would not mean die USSR’s defeat in war. On the contrary, according to the papers, the struggle would acquire a more determined and fierce character. This was a view shared by newspapers elsewhere. The Hindustan posing the question whether the Russian government would surrender after the fall of Moscow said: “Surely not; it will shift to the Ural mountains and continue fighting from there. There it has its factories, war

6 1

materials and all that is required for war. It will continue fighting till the enemy is defeated”.62 The Inquilab- i-Jadid asked: “Will Britain still wait and delay striking a mortal blow at the enemy from behind while the German forces are knocking at the gates of Moscow and while Russia’s very existence is in peril.. .?”63 The Hitavada of Nagpur said, “The gravity of the situation in Russia, particularly in Ukraine, no longer permits the people of our country to view merely with curiosity the developments that are taking place in the Russo-German conflict. The Nazis must not be allowed to reach the Caucasus as that would constitute a danger to the countries of the Middle East and India”.64 At the same time, the Indian people’s faith in the final success of the Soviet Union was explained in terms of the changes brought about by’ the Great October Socialist Revolution. The Searchlight of Patna said on October 17, 1941, that “Russia is perhaps the only country in the world where the people can honestly and proudly claim, ‘We are the State’. The individual has been submerged by the mass man and the latter’s oneness with the State, be the method howsoever dictatorial, is unique in the present-day governance of the world. Russia does not groan under the incubus of a ruling caste, aristocratic, arrogant, diseased, corrupt and decadent. The Russian fights for his hearth and home in a far truer sense than people anywhere else in the world.,. Their collapse in the manner of the French is out of the question”.65 The fortnightly government report for the first half of October 1941, noted that more and more Indian newspapers were demanding immediate and effective help to the Soviet Union particularly following reports about the Nazi advance towards Moscow. It also said, “the expedition and unanimity shown in reaching conclusions at the three-power conference held in Moscow are fully stressed and confidence is expressed in the long- term victory of the Russians”.66 In the autumn of 1941, the fascist army drove hard to reach Moscow, the heart of the Soviet Union. The developments on the Soviet- German front were followed by progressive sections of world opinion with hope and worry. “Will the Russians hold o&t?” “Will Hitler be stopped?” The answer to these questions came at the battle of Moscow.

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The Nazis had clearly no prospect of a “walkover” in the east, as they had during their Western campaign. It had taken the Wehrmacht 44 days to occupy France and 19 days to capture Holland and Belgium. On Soviet soil, things turned out differently for them. Their manpower losses during the first 60 days of the war against the USSR were as great as they had been throughout the preceding 660 days of combat action in Western Europe.

The Nazis attached high significance to the seizure of the Soviet capital. The major guideline of the Barbarossa plan said that the capture of the city was meant to be decisive, both politically and economically. The fall of Moscow was to have shown the whole world a triumph of the Blitzkrieg strategy and served as one more indication of the “invincibility” of German arms.

Back at the end of October of that year, the Supreme Commander’s Headquarters of the Soviet Army started preparing a strategic reserve for a counteroffensive. Trainloads of troops, armaments, ammunition, winter uniforms and food supplies flowed into Moscow in a swelling stream throughout November. The headquarters, it must be noted, acted with patience and determination in making up the reserves. In spite of a hard, sometimes crucial, situation, the Soviet Union managed to preserve and build up the strategic reserves brought over into the approaches to Moscow and put them subsequently, to good purpose for a decisive counteroffensive.

The enemy was hurled from Moscow for 100-250 kms by the beginning of January 1942. During the Battle of Moscow the Red Army put to rout some 50 enemy divisions which lost more than 900,000 men. The tank troops, the backbone of the Wehrmacht’s strike force, suffered tremendous damage. The main upshot of the Battle of Moscow was that the danger that hung over the Soviet capital was averted. Hitler’s Blitzkrieg plan thwarted and the Wehrmacht’s ‘invincibility’ myth demolished. The Red Army’s victory at Moscow meant the start of a fundamental change in the course of the entire Second World War.

By December 1941, the Soviet Army, steeled in the fierce battles with the enemy, led by the Communist Party, inspired by its concern for and

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support of the entire people stopped the movement of the German fascist troops on the entire Soviet-German front and launched offensive operations on its flanks.

In India, anxiety was expressed “at the progress of the Germans in the Crimea. Their failure to take Moscow or make any headway in that sector of the Russian front has created a good impression”. At the same time, according to ah Orissa government report (November 19, 1941), there was worry that “the extent of aid to Russia in the matter of materials is not fully appreciated”, and “there is. a general feeling that the supply of these

67 materials should be expedited”.

The Home Department’s report for the month of December 1941, contained ample evidence of the Indian people’s faith in the high morale of the Red Army. In a report from the United Provinces, (December 19, 1941), the victories of the Soviet Army were hailed: “(Russia’s) recent victories, apart from the successful stand before Moscow, at the expense of the Axis powers, are warmly welcomed not only for their own sake but as also promising a complete purge of the enemy from the Russian soil in the not

68 distant future”.

In a report from Orissa (December 12, 1941) it was said, the people considered the German retreat as a turning point in the war: “The declaration of war by Japan is the main topic of the day. The initial successes achieved by Japan have caused some anxiety and, in particular, the tragic fate of the (ships), the Prince of Wales and the Repulse has greatly shocked public opinion. It is realised that for the first time the dangers of war are approaching India, but no one stops to contemplate an ultimate victory by the Axis powers... There is also great satisfaction over the German retreat from the various sectors of the Russian front and public opinion is inclined

69 to regard the German retreat as a turning point in the Russo-German war”.

The press of Bengal expressed the view that the initiative was passing to the Soviet forces and stressed that the German retreat was not due to the severity of the Russian winter but the heroic resistance of the Soviet people. “The general reaction to the progress of the Russo-German war is increased confidence.” “What signifies the positive beginning of a new

6 4

chapter is in the passing of the initiative now gradually to the Soviet forces.” (The Hindusthan Standard.) “Neither typhus nor winter can, we believe, account for the general retreat that is noticeable all along the line on the Eastern front.” (The Amrita Bazar Patrika.) “It is only the conviction of defeat, temporary or permanent, which makes an army look to the rear. For

10 the present that is sufficient achievement for the Russians.” (The Capital.)

According to the ‘’ History of the Second World War, 1939-1945” (Vol. 4, p. 267), major changes in the war and in the international political situation were taking place by the beginning of December 1941. The Soviet armed forces, after five long months of active defence, had switched over to a strategic counter-attack. That marked the final collapse of Hitler’s strategy of Blitzkrieg and the beginning of a fundamental turn in the course of the war against fascism. Almost at the same time, after the Japanese attack on the Pacific Ocean outposts of the USA, America, Britain and Holland entered the war totally. These events had a tremendous effect on the entire course of the war.

For India the year 1941 was a year of the discovery of the USSR, its enormous strength, potential and real, of a deep understanding of the unity and integrity of the multinational Soviet state, of the commitment’ of the Soviet people, its workers, peasants and intelligentsia to the principle of proletarian internationalism, and the interests of the national-liberation movement all over the world.

References 1. Istoriya Vtoroy Mirovaj Voiny (1939-45), Vol. 4, pp. 30-31, Moscow, 1973-75, Quotation from The History of the Great Patriotic War of the Soviet Union, 1941-45, Vol. 2, p. 15. 2. Anti-Fascist Tradition in Bengal, 1969, pp. 75-76. 3. The Tribune (Lahore), June 25, 1941. 4. NAI, Home Department, Political, fortnightly reports on the political situation in India for the month of June 1941, File No. 18/6/1941, p. 8, D.O., P- 4-3. Government of Madras, Report on the press for the second half of June 1941. Ibid., Confidential, No. S.D. 4190, Home Department (Special), Poona, July 3, 1941, pp. 1-2. 5. Ibid., Confidential, Bengal, July 2, 1941, Press adviser’s appreciation for the second half of June 1941. 6. Ibid., Government of United Provinces, Confidential Department, Nainital, July 3, 1941, D.O. No. F2/6/4-C X, p. 1. 7. Ibid., Confidential, fortnightly press report of the Provincial Press Adviser, 6 5

Bihar, for the second half of June 1941, p. 7. 8. The Student, monthly, the organ of the All India Students’ Federation, Vol. 1, 9. August 1941, No. 9, p. 1. ■ . , 10. The National Herald, Lucknow, July 2, 1941. 11. The People of India, by K. Goshal, New York, 1944, p. 265. / 12. Hansa (Swan) (Hindi monthly), Allahabad, July 1941, Vol. 11, No. 10. 13. The National Herald, July 3, 1941. 14. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 33/12/1941. Endorsement from P.C.V. No. 3888-G.G, dated July 9, 1941. 15. The National Herald, July 10, 1941. 16. The National Herald, July 10, 1941. 17. Ibid., July 11, 1941. 18. Ibid., July 12, 1941. 19. NAI, Home Department, Political, Secret, fortnightly reports on the political situation in India for the month of July 1941, File No. 18-7-1941, Political 1, . Sind Secretariat, Karachi, dated July 19, 1941. 20. It was reproduced in the Modern Review, Calcutta, August 1941. 21. The Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta June 23, 1944. 22. The National Herald, July 21, 1941. 23. An Interview with Mr. Gopal Haidar in Calcutta, November 11, 1975. 24. The Tribune, Lahore, August 17, 1941. 25. The National Herald, Lucknow, September 23, 1941. 26. The Student., Vol. I, September-October 1941, Nos. 10-11, p. 44. 27. The Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta, June 22, 1944. 28. The Communist, Vol. 8, No. 8, October-November 1941. 29. Ibid. 30. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/9/1941, fortnightly reports on the political situation in India for the month of September 1941, File No. 18/9/1941, Poona, October 3, 1941, p. 3. 31. Interview with Mr. Shiraly, Bombay, September 1975. 32. The Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta, June 22, 1944. 33. Ibid. 34. The Bombay Chronicle, Bombay, December 26, 1941. 35. The Student, August 1941. 36. The National Herald, November 8, 1941. 37. The Communist, Vol. 7, No. 8, October-November 1941

6 6

38. NAI, Home Department, Political, fortnightly reports on the political situation in India for the month of November 1941, File No. 18/11/1941, Government of Madras, November 18, 1941, p. 7. 39. Ibid., Confidential, Bengal Secretariat, D.O. No. 4373, P.S. November 17, 1941. 40. The National Herald, December 25, 1941.

41. Ibid.

42. The Student, November-December 1941, Vol. 1, No. 12, pp. 2-3.

43. Interview with Mr. T. K. Chaturvedi, on December 26, 1975. The photographs of some of the documents may be found in Nehru Memorial Museum Library, New Delhi. 44. “UP Students’ Conference Addressed by Miss Indira Nehru.” The Belvedere Printing Works, Allahabad (U.P.), pp. 5-6. — 45. Istoriya Vtoroy Mirovaj Voiny, 1939-45, Vol. 4, p. 235, (B. Chakrovorty, People’s Masses in India During the Second World War, pp. 2j 7i) 46. About stands of different Indian parties at that time, see: Against Fascism. Forward to Freedom. India in the War of Liberation, by Hansraj, Anand Press, New Delhi, February 1942. 47. The National Herald, July 13, 1941. 48. Kavikatha: Prashanto Chander Mahalanobis, Vishwabharati Patrika, Kartik Paush, 1350 (from the book, Bangsar Fascist-Birodhi Aitijhya, Manisha Publishers, Calcutta, 1975, p. 9,) Translated for the author by Tapan Das. THE YEAR 1941 49. Tagore Memorial, Special Supplement, September 13, 1941, Calcutta, p. 651. 50. Hansa, July 1941, No. 10. 51. The National Herald, July 12, 1941. 51a. NAI, Home Department, political secret fortnightly reports on the political situation in India for the month of July 1941, File No. 18/7/1941, strictly confidential, Madras, Public (General) Department, Fort St., George, July 21, D.O. No. P. 4/14. 52. Ibid., No. S.D. 4443, Home Department, (Special), Poona, July 19, 1941. 53. Ibid., The fortnightly report of the Provincial Press Adviser, Bihar, ending July 1, 1941. 54. Ibid., Confidential, Bengal, report on the political situation for the second half of July 1941. 55. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (1) Sec., File No. 18/8/1941. Fortnightly reports on the political situation in India for the month of August 1941, confidential No. S.D. 4864, Poona, August 19, 1941.

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56. Ibid., Secret. Fortnightly reports on the political situation in the Central Provinces and Berar, for the first half of August 1941, dated August 25, 1941.

6 8

57. Ibid., Confidential report on the situation in Punjab for the first half of August 1941, dated August 21, 1941. 58. Ibid., Confidential report on the situation in Punjab for the second half of September 1941, dated October 6, 1941. 59. Ibid., fortnightly press report of the Provincial Press Adviser, Bihar, ending September 30, 1941. 60. Ibid., Strictly confidential, Government of Madras, November 4, 1941. 61. Ibid., Confidential D.O. No. 45, P.S.D. Bengal Secretariat, Darjeeling, the second part of October 1941, p. 5. 62. Ibid., fortnightly reports on the political situation in India for the month of October 1941, File No. 18/10/1941, Confidential No. S.D. 5606, Bombay, November 5, 1941, p. 1. 63. Ibid. 64. Ibid., Government of Central Provinces and Berar, Nagpur, October 20, 1941. 65. Ibid., Confidential, Bihar Secretariat, Patna, D.O. No. 4090C, November 3, 1941. 66. NAI, Home Department, Political (I) Section, fortnightly reports on the politi¬cal situation in India, for the month of October 1941, Bengal Secretariat, Darjeeling, October 17, 1941. 67. Ibid., Confidential, Government of Orissa, Home Department, Special Section, D.O. No. 3161C, Cuttack, November 19, 1941. 68. Ibid., File No. 18/12/1941, Political (I), fortnightly reports on the political situation in India for the month of December 1941, Confidential, Government of United Provinces, Lucknow, December 19, 1941. 69. Ibid., Confidential, Government of Orissa, Cuttack, December 17, 1941. 70. Ibid., Confidential, Government of Bengal, January 2, 1942, reports on the political situation for the second half of December 1941.

6 9

THE YEAR 1942

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CONSOLIDATION OF ANTI-FASCIST FORCES IN INDIA: LEFT DEMOCRATIC SECTIONS AND THE SLOGAN OF PEOPLE’S WAR

Soviet entry into the war against fascist Germany and the forma¬tion of the anti-Hitler coalitionS influenced the regrouping of the social forces in the colonial and dependent countries. The struggle against fascism and the concerns of the national-liberation movement of the oppressed peoples were largely similar: the latter could not remain indifferent to the expansionist plans of fascist axis powers — Germany, Italy and Japan and their desire to establish world domi¬nation and super colonial empires.

In the beginning of 1942 the threat of Japanese occupation of India loomed large. Under the pressure of the advancing Japanese forces, British troops continued to retreat and the people’s faith in the ability of the British to hold out fell. In the first months of the war in the Pacific Ocean and South-East Asia in the winter of 1941-42, the Japanese forces inflicted significant defeats on the USA and Britain. The Japanese captured huge territories with the rich strategical raw material reserves and populated by more than 150 million people. (Along with the occupied part of China, by May 1942 the Japanese had taken control of the territory of more than six million sq. kms with a population of more than 400 million people.)1 By May 1942 the Japanese established control of Hong Kong, Malaya, the Philippines, Dutch East India, Burma, New Britain islands, New Ireland Islands, the Admiral islands. They occupied Thailand and entered the approaches to Australia

2 and India.

7 1

All this encouraged the consolidation of anti-fascist forces in India. Various organisations advocated support to the Soviet Union, widening the social and political base of the Friends of the Soviet Union movement. Even more significant was the identification of many sections of the Indian intelligentsia, particularly the students, in different parts of India with the “anti-imperialist people’s war” slogan. A well-argued article published in Hansa in January 1942, under the title “Anti-Fascist People’s War and India” analysed some of the ideological differences that existed among the anti-imperialist forces at that time. The Communist Party of India naturally characterised what was till the Soviet entry in it, an imperialist war, as the anti-fascist peoples’ war. The Congress Socialist Party questioned this assessment and a fierce controversy raged (when the editorial was written). Acharya Narendra Dev issued a statement criticising the CPI’s position. The Hansa editorial joined issue with him and justified the CPI’s position on both the international and national planes in the context of the international correlation of forces and of the national liberation struggle.

It said, “today, compelled by circumstances, Russia and the bourgeois-democratic nations have become Allies against the fascist nations. The anti- Russian forces of imperialism and fascism stand divided, and these nations (i.e., the bourgeois-democratic nations) are obliged to give up their animosity towards Russia and cooperate with her. At least on the international plane, the alignment of forces is such that on one side stands fascism and on the other, allied with the Soviet people stand the (bourgeois — tr.) democratic nations of the world and their peoples, and this is significant. For, fascism is the greatest enemy of progress and its destruction will undoubtedly lead to the consolidation of the progressive forces of the world”.

Arguing along these lines, the six-page editorial arrived at the following conclusion: “It is the organised might of the masses that creates history, and therefore the Congress Socialists and Congress leaders should acknowledge the fact that what is important is not the intention of Britain and the USA since we may undo the imperialist machinations with the cooperation of Soviet Russia and the peoples of the world; and that one of the biggest realities is the involvement of the Soviet Union in this war which

7 2

turns it into an anti-fascist peoples’ war”?

Another Hansa editorial (February 1942) titled, “Why the Nature of the War Changed”, which was in reply to Acharya Narendra Dev’s article published in Sangarsha dated February 2, 1942, developed the arguments advanced in its previous editorial it said,

“As against world capitalism or imperialism, the interests of the working class of the world are common, its struggle for liberation is common... Hence while determining our attitude towards the war, we cannot forget the internationalism of the working class, and if we do forget it we are then no more than a puppet in the hands of national capitalism.”

The editorial then dealt with the question of just and unjust wars and the role of the working class and said: “War against external aggression in defence of the people, or war for freedom from capitalist bondage or for the liberation of colonies from the clutches of imperialism” were just wars. “Russia is the fortress of socialism for the workers of the world — the lone fortress. Consolidating the roots of the November Revolution, that fortress stands unshaken amid world capitalism. The November Revolution cracked the steel wall of world capitalism and created an opening that Soviet Russia is filling. The bourgeois governments had intervened earlier but the working class of the world had opposed such intervention — even the working class of the capitalist countries had deemed it its duty to defend Soviet Russia. Now as two bourgeois governments are also fighting against fascism together with Russia, is it no more the duty of the working class to defend Russia?... If Russia is the symbol of the successes achieved by the world’s working class, then it is the duty of the working class of the world to defend her, to help her consolidate her strength since only thus can it widen the crack in the wall of world capitalism. It should be clear even to an ordinary student of socialism that if Russia is finished or weakened, the might of the world’s working class will also be weakened.”

The editorial reminded Acharya Narendra Dev of the attempts made by the Soviet Union and the world’s working class for the formation of an anti-fascist United Front and the effect it would have had on the cause of the war if the attempts had succeeded. It recounted the earlier phases of the war

7 3

together with political alignments till the time “Soviet Russia, the socialist nucleus of the world working class, was attacked which turned fascism into the main enemy of all progressive humanity and its destruction became the

4 main task confronting the progressive forces of the world”.

This .point of view began finding more and more adherents. Remarkable in this respect was the essay “Soviet Union’s War is Our War” published slightly later in the Bengali fortnightly Janayudha dated April 1, 1942. The article was by Satyendranath Majumdar, “grandfather” of progressive journalism in Bengal, a former editor of the Ananda Bazar Patrika and founder-editor of the famous paper called Arani. He was closely associated with the Bengali Progressive Writers’ Association, the Friends of the Soviet Union and the Anti- Fascist Writers’ and Artists’ Association.

Satyendranath Majumdar wrote: “The day the treacherous Nazis attacked Soviet Russia, the same day the face of the imperialist war changed. This change was at first noticed by the Communists. When they said the Soviet war of self-defense is our war or the war of the oppressed people, many learned persons in our country ridiculed it. Their contention was that the Soviets were fighting for their own country and their people. The involvement of dependent India in such an affair they thought was unnecessary...They were sure that in another two or three months’ time Germany would win. But the fact remained that in the greatest world war ever fought, Soviet Russia made the huge, so-called invincible Nazi army retreat... That the unity, will and indomitable spirit of the people of a great nation can achieve the unachievable was proved. Those who could never think of freedom, those who resigned themselves to fate sure that they would have to surrender to the Nazis, they also could see that people who appear to be weak can dream of freedom and can muster the strength to defeat reactionary forces if they ponder and understand that the war is not limited to a particular country or a particular state. Today we are face to face with that situation. Every country is trying to organise an anti-fascist ‘National Front’. The Communists have tried their best to see this is understood by everyone — irrespective of class, creed or caste; and today this attempt has led to some success after overcoming a great many hurdles. But as ill-luck would have it, in our country the deformed thoughts of the

7 4

awe-stricken, ever doubtful rulers and a section of those of our countrymen who nurture the idiotic hope of getting rid of all their worries with the help of another’s mercy came in its way.

“But this barrier will be set aside in the very near future. To effectively resist being dragged into dependence (as the Japanese imperialists launched their massive attack and advanced) Soviet Rus¬sia’s example is the only way. Taking its cue from Soviet Russia, China is even today fighting for its freedom and digging in. This spirit has broken the stalemate created by the imperialist policy of Britain. Those who could never think of themselves other than as masters are now extending the hand of friendship to other countries. The stream of international cooperation has flooded even the national life of Britain. And the waves reverberate in India. We have no doubts in our minds that the Indian freedom-fighters will have to adopt the methods and the path shown by the Soviets.

“But it is a matter of great regret that not only are our rulers refus¬ing to recognise this, but there is also a group of people who are op¬posing the formation of an all-party anti-fascist organisation in their unreasonable animosity towards Communists. They are busy winning the kudos of the people by voicing their protests against the British rule under the garb of a vague and none-too-sure nationalism. If Soviet Russia had not stopped the advance of the Nazi hordes and if at the head of East Asia there were no Soviet army, then the joint Berlin-Tokyo manoeuvres would have ensured that nobody got the chance to hail any resistance. The tactics of Soviet Russia in fighting the war has raised new hopes in the hearts of Indian freedom-fighters.

It is for this reason that institutions like the National Congress can think of taking up the task of defending the country casting aside Gandhiji’s path of non-violence. The price one has to pay to protect national independence and humanity is the price India also has to pay.

Today we are face to face with this reality, that the anti-fascist war is India’s as well. Britain too is not able to ignore this reality. It is now the duty of all progressive, freedom-loving and vigilant people to forget petty party factions and join the anti-fascist organisation. We are happy to note that to enthuse the nation even prisoners from behind the bars have issued

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appeals to their countrymen. The Soviet Red Flag is flying with pride as the flag of freedom for the oppressed people and is dispelling the doubts of non-believers. India’s national flag will also earn the same proud place as the Red Flag if we join hands, together holding our flags aloft and declare that there is no basic difference between the war of the Soviets and our

5 struggle.”

Sharp differences over the slogan of “people’s war” however continued to find an echo among the students. After continuous debates, a resolution was adopted by the All India Students’

Federation in Patna, which proclaimed that Soviet Russia’s entry into the war changed it from an imperialist war to a people’s war against fascism. A report from Bihar dated January 13, 1942, said:

“The Farooqui section of the All India Students’ Federation held its session at Patna on 31 December and the following day. It was attended by about 70.0 delegates from all over the country...

“Discussions took place as to whether the war was to be called an imperialist war, or a people’s war calling for full participation.

Delegates from Punjab succeeded in persuading the meeting that with the entry of Russia into the war its imperialist character had changed and that it was now a war of the people against fascism. Iftikharuddin, the president, explained that after the war there would be mass awakening and a people’s government. A resolution that was ultimately passed announced unconditional support to the war while referring to British reactionaries as the chief enemy. Demands included recognition of India’s right to independence, the release of all political prisoners and the

6 withdrawal of repressive war-time legislation.”

Debates among the students’ organisations continued even after resolution in Patna was adopted.

Another report from Bihar dated February 6, 1942, stressed: “Lea¬ders of the Communist group in the Patna students’ union have de¬cided to form committees in each college to explain to students the new war policy of the AISF. On January 18 and 19, an anti-fascist Students and Youth Conference

7 6

was held in Purulia... The war resolution of the Farooqui group continues to cause confusion among students in the province and a number of them are said to be ready to join the rival group. In order to counteract this, a proposal has been made that workers should be sent to the province from the central organisation at Delhi”.7 But at last a resolution passed by the students attending the national defence conference held in Delhi in May 1942 clearly stated that the war against the Germans and the Japanese was India’s war of liberation. The resolution declared that it was “no longer a conflict between two rival imperialist blocs fighting for world domination, but a sacred and final war waged by the camp of the peoples led by the USSR against the camp of world fascism, the vilest and most brutal form of imperialism which is seeking to enslave the whole mankind”. The resolution was published in The Student of July 1942. From December 1941 to May 1942, the AISF was engaged in an extensive discussion of the basic features of the political situation. This helped to unify the AISF ranks and the Students’ and National Defence Conference (May 1942, Delhi) took the decision to move into the field of action.

The resolution said: “The war waged by the Socialist Soviet Union, Nationalist China, Great Britain, the United States and other countries against the Axis powers is a people’s war against the fascist enslavers, against the spearhead of world imperialism. The imperialist war has ended; the war of world liberation has begun. The camp of the freedom-loving peoples who have united under the leadership of the Soviet Union are not fighting for imperialist or fascist^world domination but to end such aims

“Hitler’s attack upon the Soviet Union transformed the imperialist war into a peoples’ war. The entry of the Soviet Union into the war created, at one stroke, a worldwide united front of the peoples. The Hitlerites and their Allies sought to unite the world against the Soviet Union and succeeded in uniting the world against themselves. They now face annihilation as the main enemies of humanity. The antifascist front of governments, consisting of the Soviet, the American and the British governments, has become an instrument of the powerful unity of the peoples of every country and on a world scale, to destroy the enemy and to achieve world liberation.

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This alliance which the British and American imperialists tried to sidetrack and sabotage all these years is now forced upon them by the sharpening of their imperialist conflicts and by the fiasco of their reactionary policies. It marks the beginning of the end of their plans for world domination and of the whole system of imperialism itself. As the war progresses, the unity of the peoples under the Soviet leadership grows ever stronger nationally and internationally. Reactionaries are squeezed out more and more from the governments, thus strengthening the front of the peoples and ensuring the destruction of fascism and the liquidation of world imperialism as a whole.

“In short, with the entry of the Soviet Union, the war ceases to be a conflict between two rival imperialist blocs both fighting for world domination. It now becomes a sacred and final war waged by the camp of the peoples led by the USSR, against the camp of world fascism, the vilest and most brutal form of imperialism, which is seeking to enslave the whole of mankind. The entry of the Japanese fascists into this war, their march of conquest in East Asia underlines this fact in the grimmest manner for the subject nations of the East, including India. The war against German and Japanese fascism is one and indivisible, and can and has to be won only as a war of liberation for all the peoples, including the subject peoples of the East.

“We believe, therefore, that this is India’s war of liberation as much as it is the war of liberation for every freedom-loving nation. The Indian people have to win it for securing their own independence in close alliance with the progressive peoples of the world, especially the peoples of the Soviet Union and China. We, students, accept the war aims which the Soviet Union, China, and the advanced sections of the British and American peoples are pursuing in this war. We are proud to take our place beside them. We recognise that the Indian people can now secure their national liberation only by uniting to fight and win the war which has touched our borders.

“If we are to enter and win this war of liberation, our first need is all-in national unity, without which the invader cannot be halted. The existing heritage of national unity as embodied in the National Congress must be guarded jealously against all disruption. Not only that, this unity must be widened by forging the unity of the National Congress and the

7 8

Muslim League, to carry out a united policy of national resistance. The second need is to organise the combined defence of the rear and the front by the popular organisations, the government and the army. For it is our land that is in danger. It cannot be surrendered to the fascists, nor can it be left to be defended by an army and a bureaucracy which are all severely isolated from the people. The third need is to force the establishment of National Congress-League Governments in the provinces and at the Centre. Such power and authority to organise our land for defence can be won with the strength acquired through growing national unity and

8 increasingly effective participation in the defence of the motherland.’’

The executive committee of the All India Kisan Sabha, meeting earlier in Nagpur on February 13 passed a resolution urging the kisans to align themselves on the side of Russia and other progressive forces in “waging a

9 relentless war for the final extermination of fascism”.

A special issue of Party-Letter published by the CPI in March 1942 reported that the Central Council of the AIKS had met on March 12- 13 in Nagpur largely on the initiative of Mr. Indulal Yagnik, who had been released from jail. The meeting was planned in consultation with the President and Secretaries of the CKC. Its purpose was to review the AIKC position on the new phase of the war and to lay down future policy. It was felt that the earlier resolutions passed at the Calcutta and Pakala sessions of the AIKS were no longer adequate nor correct. “A new lead to the kisans of India had to be given as the war situation was rapidly changing especially after the beginning of Japanese aggression in the Pacific,” the document stated.

The resolution, “War and National Struggle” adopted at Nagpur stressed: “...The unparalleled fight of the Soviet forces on a thousand-mile front constitutes one of the most brilliant chapters of courage and fortitude in the history of mankind.

“...The stories of their extraordinary1 exploits should excite the imagination and inspire millions of our kisans, to strive for securing social justice and political freedom in their own country... The brilliant victories and the military might of the Soviet State have already given Russia a

7 9

definitive and distinguished place in the Allied Confederacy and constitute a guarantee of the final victory of the forces of freedom, democracy and progress throughout the world.

“In these circumstances, the CKC feels justified in revising its position on the war, and its attitude towards all war efforts. Warlike peace is indivisible and no artificial distinction could now possibly be drawn between the wars of Russia, China and the Allies who fight together on a worldwide front. The Council has, therefore, no hesitation in exhorting the kisans of India to ally .themselves on the side of Russia, China and the allied forces, in waging a relentless war for the final extermination of fascism. For, all hopes of political freedom, economic advancement and social security for the peasants and people of India will be doomed by the victory of Nazi Germany and her Axis partners and will spell disaster for them.

“A war of this unparalleled magnitude against totalitarian fascist states can only be successfully prosecuted with the willing and whole¬hearted cooperation of all sections of the people in the true interests of their freedom and well-being. It is such a peoples’ war that is being so successfully waged by Russia and China. In England, America and other allied countries the present war is rapidly assuming the form of the peoples’ war for freedom. Similarly, this war can effectively be converted into the Indian peoples’ war only when it is fought under the leadership of a national government and with the willing and hearty cooperation of the

10 people of India.” By the summer of 1942, an especially tense situation developed in India as it became a frontline state. The rightist British forces had torpedoed the talks on the future of the country which were conducted by Stafford Cripps in the spring of that year with the representatives of the Indian political parties. On August 8, 1942, the working committee of the Indian National Congress adopted its famous “Quit India” resolution. It demanded complete independence to India and the formation of a national government for the organisation of India’s defence jointly with the allied powers. On the morning of August 9, top leaders of—the Indian National Congress — M. K. Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and others were arrested, and all Congress activities banned. Stepped up repression by the British was met by strikes

8 0

and agitations. Revolt flared in the country; encounters of the people with the troops in Bihar, Bengal and Assam acquired an especially fierce character.

8 1

The growing prestige of the Communist Party of India forced the colonial powers to lift the ban on it in July 1942. Coming out of the underground the Communist Party published its programme of action which emphasised the party’s decision that the CPI would be in the front ranks of the workers, peasants, students and all people in the battles for freedom and independence of the country. Striving to involve a broad cross- section of the Indian people in the struggle against fascism and Japanese militarism, the CPI worked actively in many social and mass organisations and helped the development of the trade union movement.

The Communists’ also carried out intensive work among the peasants. Under their influence the All India Peasants’ Union called on all freedom-loving Indian people especially the peasants and workers, students and youth, to do everything possible to help the Soviet Union in fighting Hitlerite Germany to the finish.

There was an agreement between the Communists and progressive nationalists that the Soviet Union was a special friend. The Quit India resolution of August 1942 contained passages declaring that the struggle ahead should not jeopardise in any way the resistance of the Soviet Union and China whose freedom was precious for all Indian patriots. The Communists argued that the victory over fascism would not only mean a tremendous strengthening of the international position of the Soviet Union but would directly free more countries from the clutches of the world imperialist system and indirectly create more favourable conditions for the struggle against imperialism and for social progress in all countries that were not yet free. Historically, this position has been proved right: the defeat of fascism paved the way for the victory of the struggle for India’s freedom and that of many other countries of Asia and Africa.

Writing about the CPI’s role those days, the Bombay Chronicle Weekly wrote in September 1942:

“A very distinguished right-wing Congress leader once said: ‘I hate Communism, but I must confess that the Communists are the sincerest

8 2

and most serious and selfless political workers in India.’ To this we may add that, with all our differences with the Communists, we feel that Communism or to be more precise, Marxism — has made a distinct contribution to the development of the Indian national movement. Nehru, Congress Socialist Party. Resolution on Fundamental Rights, Trade unions, Strikes, Kisan sabhas, A new rational outlook on social problems, The realistic trend in Indian literature, The growing divorce between politics and mystical nationalism, The declining influence of orthodoxy, priestcraft and organised religion, The undisputed idea that Indian independence must mean economic betterment of the masses and not merely replacement of White bureaucrats by Brown bureaucrats, Anti- fascism. All these can be traced back to the doctrine of the economic interpretation of history formulated by Marx, practised by Lenin and propagated by the pioneers of Communism in India.”

Commenting on the present isolation of the Communist Party from the main current of national movement the newspaper wrote:

“...Today the Communist Party (the total membership of the Party at that time was only 8,000 — LVM) is legal and its activities can be carried out in broad daylight. This is one of the many contradictions implicit in the present situation — ex-ministers in jail, ex-conspirators free; bourgeoisie papers have to close down while Communist papers flourish and are sold openly even to British Tommies-, the revolutionaries of yesterday, with a price on their heads, are the war- effort-wallahs of today, flattered by the authorities.

“These contradictions bespeak no volte-face on the part of the Communists, no betrayal of the masses or‘sell-out’ to the imperialists; but they are the product of the present war which itself is the greatest contradiction as witness the impossible alignments it has produced — Churchill and Stalin, Chiang and Chu-Teh, Roosevelt and Earl Browder, Rajagopalachariar and Puran Chandra Joshi.”

The newspaper published an interview with Puran Chandra Joshi, the then secretary of the Communist Party of India, which according to the Bombay Chronicle Weekly has always been illegal. Never earlier had

8 3

the Indian press published details about a party “which has been so much talked about, applauded, criticised, condemned, abused, and some of whose members are individually so well known”.

P. C. Joshi said in the interview:

“Indian patriots are in a cruel dilemma. Enslaved under British imperialism, we are threatened with fascist-imperialist enslavement.

Will it be a change of masters or will Indians be able to win India for the Indians? This is the issue. The battle of Indian freedom has to be fought, in the situation of today, as the battle for defending the motherland. It is the British imperialist rulers who stand between our great people and the fascist invaders; they are fighting our people today rather than let us fight the fascists; they want to keep us as their colony, rather than leave our country to us to be defended with our blood, in free and equal partnership with the peoples and armies of the United Nations.

“We are totally opposed to the idea that Indian freedom can come by destroying the existing means of defence, tampering with transport, stopping production or destroying military objectives. Such activities, in the perilous situation of today, instead of helping us to get rid of British domination will land us under the Jap lack-boot instead.

“We Communists suggest national unity as the nation’s only way out today. National unity for a national government and against British autocracy, national unity for national defence and against Japanese invaders. We know some of our patriots think national unity

is impossible or difficult They forget we are faced with the issue of life or death...”

The Weekly wrote: “We asked Joshi if it was true that for two months after the outbreak of the German-Soviet war, his party continued to call this an imperialist war from which Indians should keep aloof. He admitted it, explaining that they took time to fully understand, discuss and clarify the world situation — a task which was rendered difficult by some members being in jails and others ‘underground’. It was only after careful deliberation that they decided to raise the People’s War slogan. He repudiated the

8 4

suggestion, however, that they had received instructions either from the Comintern headquarters in Moscow or from the British Communist Party.

“On the issue of Quit India”, said Joshi, “the Communists are hundred percent with the Congress. Imperialism must end in India and a national government immediately formed to mobilise the people against the fascist

11 invaders”.

The famous Communist intellectual A. S. R. Chari in his Memoirs of an Unrepentant Communist recalled that after Hitler’s armies attacked the USSR he and his colleagues were still in detention in the Nasik central prison. But they “were certain that the superiority of the

“socialist system, not only in production but also in the realm of the human spirit, would inevitably result in a final Soviet victory over Hitler”.

For the Communists, A. S. R. Chari wrote, “the question at once arose as to what should be our attitude to the war in the present phase.

We had, as seen earlier, opposed the war... which Chamberlain had declared so ‘emotionally’... We were opposed to that war on the ground that it was an imperialist war, a war between brigands who had seized the colonial countries and other brigands who wanted a re¬division of the colonial loot. It was obvious that we in India could not possibly side with one or the other because we ourselves were a part of the colonial booty over which the war was being fought. But when the Soviet Union was attacked the whole situation changed. The Soviet Union had no colonial booty. It was not interested in a re-division of the world from the point of view of securing colonies for exploitation. Lastly, the Soviet Union as- a socialist system represented the greatest advance made by toiling humanity, in the field of politics, economics and now in the field of military mobilisation and the fighting of a war.

“The attitude of Communists towards the Soviet Union, or to any developments on the world plane, is determined on the basis of the outlook which is called proletarian internationalism. This phrase denotes that the working class of the world forms one united move¬ment where, regardless

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of various national labels, the working class shares a particular outlook and as a result, its policies and practical steps have to be those which would facilitate the advance of the world proletariat against world imperialism and towards socialism. Proletarian internationalism is a concept opposed to bourgeois nationalism. Secondly, it is opposed to international imperialism, for it must not be forgotten that the imperialists also have an inter¬nationalism of their own which regards an attack on imperialism in one part of the world as an attack on imperialism everywhere and brings them rushing to help a particular imperialist power which may be under attack from popular forces... This particular attitude should lead the Communist to see that victory of the socialist revolution in Russia, the success of socialist construction and the ushering in of the socialist constitution in Russia, even though they were happenings in one country — the USSR — were really advances registered by the international proletariat. 1

“It was its vanguard, the Russian working class and peasants that had made this advance and established socialist society on one-sixth of the earth’s surface. They had thus established a fortress which aimed at (and was) defying the world of imperialism. The defence of this fortress was the supreme duty of the class-conscious proletariat of any country.

“People were deeply incensed against us, but we persisted in explaining our point of view at various meetings. In quite a few of these meetings our speakers would be stoned, and they would continue to speak with blood trickling down their cheeks. It is to be noted that those who were bitterly abusing us in 1942 later realised (by 1944 and 1945) that what we had said was correct, and many of them, in fact, came over and joined the Communist Party, a party that they had criticised two years earlier as being an agent of the British and a traitor to the nation.

“Since we had to work against the national current, the party decided that we should do our best to popularise our policy which was then very unpopular. I led the central singing squad on Sunday mornings (prabhat pherie), shouting revolutionary songs in very loud but quiet musical voices. The new songs characterising the war as a people’s war, and composed by party poets, gripped the attention of the public. The late Makhdoom Mohi- ud-din, who was a professor at the City College, Hyderabad, who at the call

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of the great revolutionary cause had given up his job and became a trade union leader, had composed a fine song with a real Siddhi lilt. ‘Yeh Jang hai Jang-e-Azadi Azadi ke parccham ke tale. Ham Hindke rehnewalon ki Mazdooronki Majbooronki Azadi ke mathwalon ki Dehqanonki Mazdooronki...’ (This is a war for freedom, under freedom’s flag, the flag of all Indians, of the poor, of the workers and peasants, of all those who love freedom.)

“Slowly but surely our efforts bore fruit. People would start with suspicion, be attracted by the force of the verse and our sincerity, and buy

12. the party paper.”

But whatever the differences that existed, however, varied the approaches to the essence and content of the slogan of people’s war adopted by the different political parties and groups, it is valid to say that the thrust of the main wing of the Indian national-liberation movement was clearly anti-imperialist. It decisively supported the Soviet Union, expressed unreserved sympathy for the Soviet people as a whole and admired their heroic struggle against the fascist invaders. Remarkable in this respect was Jawaharlal Nehru’s message to the Soviet Ambassador Ivan Maisky sent through Mr. V. K. Krishna Menon.

The National Herald of January 9, 1942, reported: “Mr. V. K. Krishna Menon called at the Soviet Embassy on M. Maisky’s return from Moscow and, under instructions from Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, conveyed the latter’s message expressing sympathy and solidarity with Russia on behalf of the Indian people. The interview lasted 45 minutes and was most friendly”.

The Soviet Ambassador requested Mr. Krishna Menon to convey to Pandit Nehru his deep gratitude and appreciation and inform him that the message was being sent to Moscow. Mr. Krishna Menon was told at the Soviet Embassy that fighting in Russia would proceed throughout the winter. It is estimated that the strength of the Red Army has been increased

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by hundred divisions in recent months and that participation by Siberian

13 troops on the Western front will not affect Russia’s Far Eastern strength.

That Jawaharlal Nehru’s message reflected not only his personal views but the sentiments of millions of Indian people is clear from reports of several remarkable expressions of solidarity reported in the nationalist Indian press those days. On January 19, 1942, the National Herald reported: “A rally of Indian women to show sympathy and solidarity with women of the Soviet Union will be held here (in Calcutta — Ed.) at the Mahabodhi Society Hall under the auspices of the Indian Women’s Rally of Soviet sympathisers. The aim and object of this rally, according to a manifesto issued by the organising committee, is to place before the women of this country concrete plans for organising aid, however small, for the Soviet Union and to foster the study of Soviet problems among Indian women. This rally is almost unique in its objective, continues the manifesto, and has evoked much sympathy and interest among our sisters in other provinces, who have assured us of their help and cooperation. Messages for the success of the rally have been received from, among others, Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, Lady Wazir Hasan, Mrs. Asaf Ali and Mrs. Sarala

14 Devi, MLA, of Orissa.”

The Bombay Chronicle reported on February 8, 1942, a Punjab Friends of the Soviet Union’s move to raise a fund for medical aid to Russia and collect for the purpose “one day’s pay from all genuine sympathisers so that at least a token payment may be sent from Punjab for bandages and other medical supplies for wounded soldiers and civilians in bombed areas”. A Punjab Friends of the Soviet Conference held in Lahore, under the presidency of Raizada Hansraj. expressed wholehearted sympathy with the Red Army in its heroic struggle and expressed its determination to do all in

15 its power to help them.

The firm faith of Indian patriots in the ultimate victory of the Soviet people are recalled vividly by two former activists of the FSU, Mr. S. M. Mehdi and Mr. Munish Saxena. As they remember, the British rulers, who had by then become “Allies” of the USSR, had set about publicising such incidents of the war on the Russian front as would brighten their own image as partners in the anti-fascist alliance. As part of this propaganda exercise, a

8 8

huge map of the Russian front with red pins stuck on it was set up in the main foyer of the railway station of Lucknow (Charbagh). People gathered around it to see what was happening on the fronts.

8 9

As Mehdi and Saxena recall: “Those were desperate days. Leningrad and Moscow were under siege. The fascist hordes had overrun Ukraine and were heading towards the Volga. On account of intense anti-British feelings in small tea-shops, generally run by Muslims, people would openly ridicule the British war effort and their so-called valour in the battlefield. Still, the map at the Charbagh station, though away from the main town, attracted quite some attention. But the map and the way it interpreted the fortunes of the war did nothing to shake the faith of a large number of people in the ultimate victory of the Soviet forces. One such ‘incorrigible optimist’ was Saeed Mamoon, who though an ordinary government employee, would stake his entire salary over the fate of Stalingrad. He would take a ten to one bet that Stalingrad would not fall. As the battle of Stalingrad progressed, the odds rose to fifty to one: He used to lose fifty rupees from his meagre salary for every one rupee that he hoped to win. Yet he would take the bets with full confidence. And in the end, his

16 confidence paid off ”.

CONFERENCE OF THE FRIENDS OF THE SOVIET UNION OF UNITED PROVINCES, LUCKNOW?

Munish Saxena, one of the participants of the Lucknow conference of the FSU, and now-a prominent journalist, recalls they were the “most inspiring” days. The FSU Conference held in Lucknow early in 1942 was the first concrete manifestation of Indo-Soviet friendship in an organisational form on a state level. In the midst of a lot of doubts and confusion created by the British rulers about the Soviet Union and its socialist system, the conference served as a beacon light, breaking through the darkness created by lack of information, deliberate misinformation and downright slanders about the Soviet Union. The conference owed its inspiration to Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. By sponsoring it he wanted to make it patently clear that in spite of all pressures and cross-currents India’s sympathies were positively in favour of the Soviet Union. He not only personally addressed the conference but also saw to it that prominent leaders of the Congress and

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of the Muslim League associated themselves with its aims. Besides Panditji, those who attended and addressed the conference included Smt. Sarojini Naidu and Maulana Hasrat Mohani, a prominent leader of the Muslim League, a staunch radical nationalist and an enthusiastic supporter of the Soviet Union and its socialist system. Later, when Maulana Hasrat became a member of the Constituent Assembly, convened to draft the Constitution for the Republic of India, he proposed that the ideal of socialism be included in the preamble of the Constitution. Among others at the conference was Smt. Vijayalaxmi Pandit, sister of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, who subsequently became India’s Ambassador to the Soviet Union.

Munish Saxena said: “Apart from being a historically important occasion, the conference was one of the most orderly, well organised public functions that I had ever seen in Lucknow or elsewhere till then. The entire credit for this should go to the exceptional organising capacities of Mr. Feroze Gandhi, whom Panditji appeared to have specially deputed for the job. The exhibition put up in a small hall and perhaps a couple of rooms of the National Herald building, though a very small affair, left a lasting impression on the minds of the visitors”.

For the first time in Lucknow, for that matter anywhere, the Indian Tri-colour and the Soviet flag flew together in a public place: big flags near the rostrum and small flags tied cross-wise on electric poles or bamboo poles specially put up for the purpose. The Tricolor and the Red Flag fluttering side by side have become a more familiar sight now, but way back in 1942 it

17 was a rare thing, and it warmed many hearts.

Events leading to the conference, the manner in which it was conducted and the documents it adopted are significant. In the beginning of January 1942, the National Herald reported a meeting of the reception committee of the Conference held at its office with Mr. Chowdhury Hyder Hussain presiding.18 The committee elected Mr. Rafi Ahmad Kidwai as chairman, and Mr. KidwaLsuggested that the date of the conference to be held in Lucknow be fixed in consultation with Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. A report in the National Herald five days later said Jawaharlal Nehru had agreed to inaugurate the conference and that practically all important political parties supported it. Sunday, February 8, was the day set and Mr.

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S. Radhakrishnan was requested to preside.19 It was decided the conference should represent all political schools of thought; the student community came together on the question of setting aside all internal differences. Mr. Gopinath Srivastava, MLA, and general secretary of the reception committee, said numerous inquiries had been received from friends from far and wide about the conference. It was decided to hold a picture and poster exhibition, illustrating the different aspects of Soviet life, on the occasion of the conference. Mr. Kunwar Bahadur Nigam of Kanpur said that among the many organisations cooperating was the Anjuman-i-Watan, an influential Muslim organisation. The date of the conference was even finally fixed on February 22, and it was confirmed that Jawaharlal Nehru would inaugurate

20 it and that Mrs. Sarojini Naidu would preside.

On the eve of the conference a pictorial exhibition devoted to the Soviet Union was organised by Mr. Feroze Gandhi. Declaring it open, Mr. Purushottam Das Tandon said, “When Britain and America say that they will bring about a new order after the war, nobody believes them. It will not be a new order because the people will have no share in the government. It is only the Soviet Union which can usher in a new order for the benefit of all.” Mr. Tandon said the exhibition aimed at explaining the cultural activities of the Soviet Union which he said was really a democratic country: others who professed to be so were hypocrites. The British government claimed that they were fighting for democracy but it was all tall talk. The plight of India provided an example. India, he said, wanted a people’s government as in Russia, and not the kind of government that ruled either in Germany

21 or Britain.

On February 22, 1942, 15,000 delegates including hundreds of workers attended the open session of the FSU conference in Aminuddaula Park.

Mr. Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, Chairman of the reception committee,

The other office-bearers elected were: Mr. C. B. Gupta, Chowdhury Hyder Hussain and Dr. M. Atal (Vice-Presidents); Mr. Gopinath Srivastava (General Secretary); Dr. Hussain Zaheer (Treasurer); Mr. Rama Kant, Mr. Naseer Hyder, Miss Tazeen Habibullah and Mr. Sibte Hassan (Secretaries). And the following were the members of th£ executive: Dr. K. L. Ganguly, Mr. Harish Chandra Bajpai, Sir Maharaj Singh, Mr. Chalapati Rau, Mr. Pushkar Nath Bhatt, Dr. Jaikaran Nath Misra, Mr. Brij Narain.

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Mullah, Dr. Rasheed Jahan, Mrs. K. Sinha, Mr. D. P. Mukherjee, Mr. Gopal Narain Saxena, Mr. Heyatullah Ansari and Mr. S.T. N. Menon.

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welcoming the gathering, said: “The conference has been organised on non-party lines. On the executive of the reception committee, you will find persons holding divergent and even conflicting views on the current political issue... But a shared admiration for the heroic resistance of the peoples of Soviet Russia to the terrific onslaught of Nazi Germany has drawn us together. The conference is, in fact, a rally of the admirers of the achievements of the Soviet Union and to the peoples of the Soviet land we

22 should extend our warm sympathy in this their hour of trial”.

Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, in her presidential address delivered extempore, thanked the organisers for inviting her to preside (as Mr. S. Radhakrishnan could not come owing to another engagement). Mrs. Naidu paid tributes to the heroic resistance of the Russian people in defence of their country against the unprovoked aggression of fascist forces. Their resistance had excited the admiration of the whole world. She deplored the attitude of some of the imperialist nations which regarded Russia as a purdah-nashin and an uncivilised nation before the war broke out and condemned its ways of life and system of government. But the war, she added, had brought about a change in the understanding and attitude of these nations as far the USSR was concerned. She said: “This has aroused in us a keen desire to learn and understand what has happened in Russia that has, in about 20 years period, transformed that backward Country into such an efficient and modern state. Few of us had followed with care and attention the developments in Russia and even fewer were prepared to believe that in just two decades Communism could work such wonders. We knew that the people of the Soviet Union were not a nation. They belonged to a large number of nationalities with different languages. We also knew that before the 1917 revolution they were on the lookout for an opportunity to break away from the then empire and establish autonomous states. We believed that they were still loosely held and that foreign aggression would break them into separate units. But the war has demonstrated the unity of the peoples of the Soviet Union. Old antagonisms have, it appears, been forgotten.

Conflicting interests seem to have been reconciled. There seem to be no classes. The humblest of them seem to have acquired a vested interest in the existence of the state and appear to be fully prepared to shed their blood

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for its preservation. The system that has made this possible deserves study. Whatever may happen, and even after the present conflict ends, the system that has succeeded in creating a state like the Soviet Union will continue to influence the thoughts and life of mankind”.

Through an irony of circumstances, said Mrs. Naidu, Russia had now become a living banner and beacon of democracy. The sacrifice and suffering of the Russian people had become an object lesson for the people of the imperialist nations. They had now extended the hand of fellowship to the country whose ideals they abhorred a little while before. She did not think that every programme, economic, social and otherwise of the Soviet Union suited the conditions prevailing in India. The younger generation might with its usual fervour be willing to take all that came from Russia, but she said that India must evolve its own destiny according to its needs. But they should assimilate all that was good in the Russian philosophy of life... They were assembled at the conference, she said, to honour the greatness of the Russian people who were destined to influence the emergence of new world order. They were assembled to express their proud gratitude to Russia for its experiments and other achievements, and the way the people of the USSR mobilised themselves in such a short period to face aggression. She appealed to the people of India to emulate the Russian efforts so that India might also become a beacon to others. Indians, she said, had to decide whether they wanted to become the lackeys of dying imperialism or were going to become the founders of tomorrow’s great nation. She appealed to the Indian people never to lower the standard of their nation’s honour in the present perilous times.

Inaugurating the conference, Jawaharlal Nehru said, “Our problems in India today are the same as those that faced Russia some years ago, and they can be solved in the same manner in which the Russians solved theirs. We should draw a lesson from the USSR in industrialisation and in education”. Indians, he said, could go ahead and make considerable headway in improving a lot of their countrymen if they were free to do as they thought fit. Russia, though very much different from India, faced similar problems but it was able to make remarkable progress after the famous revolution because it was free to decide its own fate. It was the

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result of the foundation laid by the revolution that Russia — and only Russia among so many countries in Europe invaded by Germany in the present war — was not only able to face the invaders but had checked them and thrown back their attacks. This was so because their economic structure had a very strong foundation which could withstand such onslaughts...

The conference adopted the following resolution moved by Mr. Purushottam Das Tandon: “This UP Provincial Conference of the Friends of the Soviet Union, which includes men and women of diverse shades of political views is of opinion that the Soviet Union has represented and represents certain values which are important to the progress and development of humanity and its achievements in various domains of national life, especially in regard to liquidating ignorance and poverty, in fighting diseases and in removing invidious distinctions between races, groups and sects, have been remarkable. This conference believes that the destruction of the Soviet Union and the consequent paralysis of this great experiment in human progress would be harmful to humanity. This conference has watched with admiration the magnificent struggle of the Russian people and expresses its fervent sympathy for the sufferings undergone, and sacrifices made by them in defence of their ideals. This conference wishes the people of the Soviet Union success in their struggle to maintain their freedom and the values which have given significance to their country. In the opinion of the conference, it is not necessary for one to be a socialist or to subscribe to all the economic or other policies of the Soviet Union to be convinced that as a whole the Soviet Union has stood for human progress. This conference extends to the people of the Soviet Union in this, its hour of trial, its warm sympathy”.

The conference resolved to send a delegation of representative Indians to the USSR to strengthen the ties of friendship between the peoples of India and the USSR. The resolution was moved by Mr. Dhulekar and supported by Mr. S. Dhawan and K. J. Abbasi.

By another resolution moved by Dr. Aleem the conference set up a committee of the Friends of the Soviet to enlighten the public regarding the conditions of life in the USSR particularly the achievements of the Soviet in raising the cultural level of its backward peoples and national minorities

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and the factors that went into the heroic resistance of the people of the Soviet Union. The committee included Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Mr. Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, Babu Sampurnanand, Maulana Hasrat Mohani and others. The proceedings of the conference were covered widely by other newspapers

3 besides the National Herald?

ESTABLISHMENT OF DIRECT CONTACTS WITH THE USSR: THE STORY OF A GOODWILL MISSION

In May 1942, as the national-liberation movement in India gained strength and as the advance made in the struggle for independence promised the country the chance to fight the axis powers as an equal member of the anti-Hitler coalition, the movement for friendship and cooperation with the Soviet Union acquired new ways and forms. In the Indian press, more and more often demands were voiced for direct contacts between India and the Soviet Union, and even for the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries.

The National Herald of May 6, 1942, wrote: “It is good that the UP Committee of the Friends of the Soviet Union has decided to make the necessary arrangements for despatching a goodwill mission to the USSR, thus demonstrating the solidarity of the Indian people with the people of Russia. The government is obviously not prepared to carry to its logical limits its policy of collaboration with the Soviets. We had a mission established last year in the US and recently we have had one established in China. The fact that these ministerial posts are filled by bogus representatives does not minimise the concern shown by the government for these countries. Why should Russia, the most powerful and successful perhaps of the Allies, be still treated as an untouchable? Does Viceregal Lodge consider it beneath its dignity to receive representatives of Lenin’s successors? With Moscow and London having the full benefit of diplomatic friendship why should there be a barrier between two neighbouring countries which have so much to give to each other in these critical times? Vichy and Washington, Russia and Japan have their diplomatic relations, but not India and Russia. It is both

24 funny and stupid.” 9 7

An important indicator of the political developments in the country then was the widening of the anti-fascist movement. The Hindustan daily reported on May 7, 1942: “A public meeting was held in Lahore on May 5, 1942, in which an effigy of fascism was burnt. Speakers called for a guerrilla force of 10 lakhs people to be raised. The meeting, held on the occasion of Anti-Japan Day, passed a resolution demanding that a national government

25 be formed in India”.

The beginning of the Japanese aggression in Southeast Asia, the Japanese occupation of Burma and the barbaric raids on India shocked the Indian public and political figures. A note in Hansa in May 1942, under the caption “Anti-Fascist Cultural Front and National Congress of Indian Writers, Artists and Scientists” (which was, in fact, a statement issued by the Progressive Writers’ Association, Varanasi, on May 10, 1942) said that at the time the Japanese occupied Burma and launched air raids on Indian cities, the British rulers had rejected the demand for the formation of a national government in India. “The country was faced with a complex situation: of fighting for national liberation on the one hand and defeating the onslaught of Japanese fascism on the other. Japanese fascism does not differ from Nazi or Italian fascism. Fascism is the enemy of art, literature and culture. Hence the responsibility of the writers, artists and scientists. A call is given for active anti-Japanese propaganda work, for the formation of a strong front against fascism at the forthcoming All India Progressive Writers’ Conference (Delhi, May 19 and 20) and for the convening of a

26 National Congress of Indian writers, artists and scientists.”

A growing volume of opinion held that a decisive role in the defeat of fascist Germany and militarist Japan could be played by the Soviet Union alone, that without the victory of the Soviet Union the objective of liberating peoples everywhere suppressed by imperialism could not be achieved.

Mr. Indulal Yagnik told the All India Kisan Sabha Conference at Patna on May 30, 1942: “We the workers of the Kisan Sabha are with Russia. We are afraid that if Russia is defeated then the light that Russia has spread throughout the world will disappear from the world. Then all workers will

27 have to bear greater difficulties”.

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No wonder that in this situation Indian patriots did their utmost to establish direct contacts with the Soviet Union. On the initiative of Jawaharlal Nehru, concrete steps were discussed. The Nehru residence in Allahabad, Anand Bhawan, became a sort of headquarters of the Friends of the Soviet Union. The National Herald reported on May 4, 1942: “A meeting of the UP Committee of the Friends of the Soviet Union was held at Anand Bhawan on Saturday last. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru presided. Among those present were Mrs. V. L. Pandit, Mr. Rafi Ahmad Kidwai and Mian Iftikharuddin, President of the All India Committee of the-FSU”.

Dr. S. Hussain Zaheer, of the Lucknow University, and an MLA said it was decided that the meeting “to make the necessary preparatory arrangements for the despatch of a goodwill mission to the USSR”. The committee authorised the secretary to contact the Government of India and the Soviet Ambassador in London for passports and transport facilities. The personnel of the mission was provisionally chosen and the secretary was asked to announce the names after securing the consent of the persons concerned. As the National Herald reported, the committee also decided to encourage the holding of meetings and exhibitions in the districts in support of the Soviet Union. Mr. Feroze Gandhi agreed to help the organisation of

28 these meetings and exhibitions.

Such moves were not limited to the United Provinces. As the Hin¬dustan &&\\y reported on July 23, 1942, the Punjab Workers’ Conference decided to invite a delegation from Russia and requested the

29 government to allow an Indian workers’ delegation to visit the USSR.

An appeal to the Soviet Youth to send a youth delegation to India was published in the July 1942 issue of the Student. It said: “Comrades, leaders of students of the world! For the first time since the rise of the fascist danger, your people have taught the nations of the world how to hold the fascist onslaught, and not only to hold it but how to beat it back. To the nations of Asia, you have been a shining light. You have halted the German fascists at the borders of Asia. Your sacrifice, heroism and skill have warded off the danger of an invasion of Asia from the West... We appeal to you, comrades, to honour our land by sending a delegation to inspire us, to teach us, to let us listen to the tales of glory won by the mightiest nation of warriors in

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30 history”.

The British authorities were nervous over the growing anti¬imperialist movement and the sympathy of the Indian people for the USSR. Their apprehension was reflected in the arrest of Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, one of the leading FSU figures in UP and in India, on the eve of the Pratapgarh Conference of the FSU. The conference was conceived as a continuation of the Lucknow conference. The National Herald of May 9, 1942, reported a statement issued by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru on the conference to be held at Jalesarganj, Pratapgarh district, on May 16 and 17 under Mr. Kidwai’s presidentship.

The statement said: “Such conferences are desirable as they draw the attention of our people to some of the magnificent achievements of the Soviet Union. People may differ on many matters, political or economic, but few can withhold admiration from the Soviets for their human and cultural achievements. It would be a tragedy if their achievements ended in the storm of war. Therefore, it is right that people holding different opinions on other subjects should meet together on a common platform to pay tribute to the Soviet Union for the great human advances it has made. I wish success

31 to the conference”. Mr. Kidwai was arrested a few days before the conference started under the Defence of India Rules. The provocation caused a storm of protest: the arrest was described as an “unwise and arbitrary act of the government”. Warning that it would have serious political repercussions in the United Provinces, Dr. Abdul Aleem, Dr. Hussain Zaheer and Messrs. Sajjad Zaheer, Mahmuduzzafar and Shah Abdul Faiz said in a statement, “Rafi Ahmad Kidwai is an outstanding people’s leader of these provinces. He is loved by millions of our peasants. He is a staunch anti-imperialist. He is no friend of fascism either. He took a leading part in organising the Friends of the Soviet Union movement in the UP. Only this week he was to have presided over a Friends of the Soviet Union Conference in Pratapgarh district. The government has committed a very grave blunder in detaining him. At this grave hour of crisis when the entire strength of the people of this country should be mobilised to resist the Japanese invaders, we find the UP government acting in a manner which can only embitter t h e

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popular feelings against them which will still further widen the gulf between the people and the government. Only a government, completely out of touch with popular sentiment, could have arrested Kidwai at this juncture. Let millions in the UP demand that Kidwai must be released at

32 once.”

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In spite of such actions of the authorities, the FSU movement was clearly gaining momentum. The Pratapgarh conference took place as scheduled on May 16. In the absence of Mr. Kidwai, the conference was presided over by Dr. Z. A. Ahmad, Secretary of the UPCC. In its main resolution, the conference expressed its solidarity with the people of the Soviet Union and its firm belief that the USSR would succeed in its noble struggle. A resolution welcoming the move to send a goodwill mission to

33 the Soviet Union was also passed.

By October 1942, the names of members of the mission were finalised. They included Prof. Hiren Mukerjee of the Friends of the Soviet Union, S.

K. Acharya of the Bengal Friends of the Soviet Union, Mian Iftikharuddin, President of the Punjab Congress, Miss Mumtaz Shah Nawaz of the Punjab Friends of the Soviet Union, Bankim Mukerji, kisan leader of Bengal and

B.T. Ranadive of the Communist Party of India. Writing on October 25, 1942, The People’s War said: “The goodwill mission leaves this week. It is going out at the most critical moment in the lives of our two peoples. Its task is to forge bonds of fraternal solidarity between the Indian and Soviet peoples in the common struggle against the Hitlerite world enslavers. The great Soviet people are bearing single-handed the full brunt of Hitler’s man and machine power. At Stalingrad and at the gates of the Caucasus, the Red Army is resisting with death-defying heroism and stubbornness Hitler’s last desperate bid for smashing the Soviet forces and for bottling them up beyond the Volga. It is the continued absence of a second front which creates a critical and serious situation for the Soviet people. Single- handed and at stupendous sacrifice, the Soviet forces are resisting Hitler’s bid for world domination and saving the peoples of the world.

“The Indian people also, are facing a serious situation. The danger of foreign invasion from the West and from the East grows every day greater... The ruthless, fascist invader is whetting his knife on our very doorstep...

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“The departure of the goodwill mission at such a time is of great significance both to the Indian people as well as to the Soviet people... The mission is going on behalf of the Friends of the Soviet Union. Nonetheless, it represents the entire national movement. The proposal, as is well known, was sponsored by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. The decision was hailed by him as well as by the entire press. Panditji was to lead the delegation himself; but even in his absence it will worthily represent his staunch anti-fascism, his ardent love for the Soviet Union and its achievements, his desire to see free India line up with the Soviet Union in the common struggle against aggression, and his dream that free India should work out its destiny in close alliance with the USSR...

“What will the delegation tell the Soviet people? It will tell them that our great national movement and its leaders are not fifth columnists nor pro-fascist, as the spokesmen and propagandists of the British government persist in telling the world. Our-national leaders are. demanding freedom so that they may be able to inspire and mobilise the people for national defence, shoulder to shoulder with the peoples of the United Nations. They want to line up with the great Soviet Union in its great struggle for its own and for world freedom. It will tell them that our national movement recognised the Soviet Union in peace time, as the standard-bearer of a new social system and of a new civilisation in which there is no exploitation of man by man and in which a truly collective endeavour is building a real human culture. It will tell them that now in war time, our national movement recognises the Soviet Union as the vanguard army of world liberation...

“It will tell them that our national movement has grown into a mighty mass movement, embracing the vast masses of our peasants and workers, mainly under the influence of the November Revolution and under the inspiration of 25 years of Socialist construction... It will tell them that the Indian people are beginning to realise that it is the’• unparalleled heroism, stubborn resistance and stupendous sacrifices of the Soviet people which

34 has saved their motherland from fascist invasion.”

Unfortunately, the goodwill mission was prevented from going to the Soviet Union at that time by the colonial administration which was afraid of the growing fraternity between the representatives of the Soviet Union and

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the people of India.

DAY OF SOLIDARITY

Twenty-second June 1942, the day of the treacherous attack by Hitlerite Germany on the Soviet Union, was observed at many places in India as the day of solidarity with the Soviet people. We shall describe in this chapter this one day. Meetings were held, and poems and articles full of admiration for the Soviet Union were published in newspapers.

The Bombay Chronicle carried on June 21, 1942, a poem by D. P. Madan entitled To the Men of USSR: “Record, O Lord, in judgement book this land that through the purgatory of its blood Designed on earth the prophet’s brotherhood, And made first observance to Christ’s command.” ‘Peace on this earth, goodwill to men’; this band of workers that for other workers’ good Against all hatred without hatred stood A lasting monument on Time’s shifting sand; Record how when the powers of darkness came with blasts of doom that shook the neighbouring towns And made light shuttlecocks of ancient crowns, These men alone bowed not their heads in shame, But proud Of their new heritage, full glad, Gave in high sacrifice all that they had.”35 In another poem, He will Smash the Power of Exploitation, Song of the Red Army, famous Hindi poet Bharat Bhushan Agrawal said: We stood up and the walls of capitalism collapsed, We created people’s governments by our valour and vigour,

36 We will smash the power of exploitation.

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In an open letter to a Russian entitled Salute to the Soviet which was published in Bombay Chronicle on June 21, 1942, K. Ahmed Abbas wrote: “Dear Comrade, Greetings from India. On this the first anniversary of your war with Nazi Germany, we salute you. We salute you for the magnificent stand you have made against the gigantic military power of Hitler’s hordes...

“Your heroism will serve as a model and an inspiration to the entire world. We salute you. We congratulate you. We envy you.

“Yes, we envy you, your historic role in this great struggle for the preservation of human liberties and your own national freedom. But we are not unmindful of the terrible sufferings you have had to undergo during the past one year. We mourn with you the death of your gallant sons who died so that others should live free and unafraid. To those who have been widowed or orphaned we send our heartfelt condolences. We share their grief.

“Ever since your historic October Revolution in 1917, many of us in India have closely followed the developments in your country.

“Under the guidance of your great leader Lenin, you laid the foundations of a new order based on real equality, and social justice...

“An increasing number in India keenly studied your great experiment because we found in it a key to the solution of our own problems in poverty, ignorance, inequality and exploitation. A revolutionary Indian labour movement found inspiration in your history and many of the young intellectuals were fired with Soviet ideals. Indeed, our national movement itself took a leftward swing, integrating the ideal of social justice with the ideal of national freedom.

“That is why, comrade, many in India changed their attitude to the war the moment your great country was attacked. The mere fact of your being involved in it, according to them, has changed it from a war between rival imperialisms into a people’s war. Not many subscribe to this view but every one of us wants you to win. Whatever our own difficulties, we are ever ready to demonstrate our sympathy and goodwill to every victim of imperialist or fascist aggression or exploitation. We are ever more eager to

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demonstrate our whole¬hearted sympathy with you. You are not only a victim of aggression, but you are also the pioneer of the proletarian revolution. With your future is linked to the future of world socialism. We

37 cannot afford to see you lose.. .”

In another article published in the Student the importance of the heroic Soviet resistance for the entire world was underlined: “In Soviet victory, they (the slave nations of the world) see their hope of liberation... The hopes and aspirations of these countries are centered on the Soviet Union not only because the Red Army is the mightiest armed force in the world. They know that the Soviet Union alone will safeguard their national independence... We in India owe an unpayable debt to the Soviet Union. We recognise that in defending our Western frontiers, the Soviet Union has saved us from the most barbaric form of slavery ever known to man, the slavery under Hitler... We are strong because we are not alone. We backed by the might of the great Soviet people. Our unity, our valour, our hard work, our patriotism, these are our weapons of freedom, and by our own efforts, we must win it. Only by driving out the foe and winning our freedom in that process can we to a certain extent pay back our debt to the

38 Soviet people”.

The People’s War dated July 19, 1942, reproduced the following extract from a cablegram sent by the All India Committee of the Friends of the Soviet Union, on June 22 to Ivan Maisky, the Soviet Ambassador: “Indian workers, peasants, students and intellectuals are jointly holding meetings and demonstrations to proclaim their solidarity with the Soviet people and their confidence in the Red Army... Friends of the Soviet Union are celebrating all over India the anniversary of the Soviet-German War. The Soviet Union represents the consolidation of the people’s own revolution, the Red Army is the people’s own instrument of deliverance, the Soviet

39 people are the leaders in today’s world struggle against fascist barbarism”. Independent demonstrations and meetings were also organised throughout the country to pay India’s homage to the Soviet land, and pledges were taken to emulate its glorious example to realise India’s freedom in a free world. The Bengal FSU organised ‘Soviet Days’ for three days from June 21 when meetings and processions were organised throughout Calcutta, climaxed by big park rallies every evening. On June 21 at 1 1 0

Shradhanand Park, Dr. Bhupen Dutt described the birth of the Soviet State to which he was an eye-witness and recounted the achievements of the Great October Revolution. On June 22, workers overflowed Wellington Square from where they marched to another meeting at Hazra Park. The main meeting was held on June 24 at the University Hall, attended by workers, students and citizens. They came marching from all corners of Calcutta. Each speech was followed by a patriotic song. Dr. Shyama Prasad Mukherji, Hindu Mahasabha leader and Finance Member of the Government of Bengal, presided. He paid warm tributes to the epic heroism of the Red Army and urged the Indian people to emulate the example of the Soviet peoples and get ready to resist fascist aggression against India.

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In Bombay, which was in the grip of the monsoon, three public meetings were held — at the Damodar Hall for workers, at the Marwari Vidyalaya for students and at the Neighbourhood House for Muslim workers and citizens. Meetings were also held all over Maharashtra. Poona had an all- parties meeting presided over by Mr. Vaize of the Servants of India Society. In a resolution, it greeted the Red Army and expressed confidence in Soviet victory. In Amalner, a huge procession was held in the morning and a large public meeting in the evening. The half-a-mile long procession was led by two volunteers on horseback carrying the Red Flag. It halted at every street corner, where the processionists shouted, “Soviet Union Zindabad, Give Us Arms”. At the evening meeting where about 10,000 people were present, Bhalerao, the chief speaker, exhorted them: “Unite the people against the foreign invader; the Soviet example is before us!”

In Gujarat, successful meetings were held at Ahmedabad, Surat, Baroda, Rajkot, Mohamadabad, Godhra, etc., under the auspices of the Kamgar Union Kisan Sabha and the Students’ Federation. A meeting at Nagpur hailed the USSR as the leader of the world peoples’ struggle against

40 attempts at world domination by fascism.

Workers and students of Lucknow took out a procession through the city and held a public meeting at Aminuddaulah Park under the presidentship of Dr. Rashid Jahan. Glowing tributes were paid to Soviet Russia and the Red Army for its heroic resistance against Nazi aggression. A poem on the Red Flag was recited by Mr. Majaz. Proposed by Mr. Harish Chander Tiwari and seconded by Dr. Abdul Aleem, the meeting passed a resolution placing “on record its fullest sympathy and solidarity with the people of the Soviet Union who during the last 12 months have put up a heroic resistance against fascism.

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Their united and determined fight has won the admiration of freedom- loving people of the entire world. The Soviet resistance has not only proved beyond doubt the unity of the people of Soviet Russia but the fact that only a people’s government can inspire people to fight and defeat Axis aggression”.

Red flags were prominent at the meeting. One fluttered above the presidential chair. Placards bearing the slogans “Down with Imperialism”, “Down with Fascism”, “Release Political Prisoners”, “Arm the People”, “All aid to USSR” and “Freedom, Peace and Progress” were prominently displayed.

The Soviet Day was also observed in Banaras, Amraoti, Jhansi and other centres.

A resolution congratulating Russia on its historic fight against Nazism and promising fullest cooperation was passed at a meeting of workers in Madras. The meeting was held under the auspices of the various labour and students’ organisations to celebrate victory in the- anti-fascist struggle and peace based on social justice, progress, and prosperity. Mr. T. Krishnamachari, MLA, who presided, exhorted the workers to stand united and help Russia in its hour of trial. Similar meetings were held in different parts of the city.

Soviet Day was observed in Karachi at a public meeting held under the presidency of Mr. Hatim Alavi, a former Mayor, and a resolution was passed conveying greetings to the Red Army for its heroic resistance against the Nazis. While pledging the solidarity of the Indian people with the war, the meeting expressed its confidence in the ultimate victory of the forces of freedom, peace and progress.41

Such expressions of solidarity and support to the Soviet Union continued even as events at the fronts of the Great Patriotic War, during the latter half of 1941 and the beginning of 1942, held the centre of attention in the Indian press and~of public opinion. According to a report from Bombay,

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dated June 3, 1942, it was generally thought that Russia would successfully withstand the German attacks. The Vande Mataram said: “We need not entertain any doubt that the Russians who survived the first vigorous attack made by Hitler against them during the last year will also successfully meet

42 Hitler’s new spring offensive against them”.

Developments in the fighting near Kharkiv and the Caucasus, and especially at Sebastopol, were followed closely. A report from Bombay said: “The press continued to give close attention to fighting on this front, especially in the Kharkiv region. It was generally agreed that Russia had achieved its object of delivering a successful blow to the left flank of the German forces advancing towards the Caucasus and had compelled them to go on the defensive”.43 There was anxiety but also much admiration for the stubborn resistance offered by the Russian forces, especially at Sebastopol. Britain and America were urged to open a “second front” as speedily as possible. In the words of one paper, they were told: “Give up your defensive policy and mount an offensive against Germany... The present moment is opportune for that purpose”. As regards Sebastopol, it was thought that if this fortress fell, the whole of the Caucasian coast would pass under Germany’s influence and “half the Russian war would be won”. On the other hand, it was not thought that the Germans could conquer the Kharkiv area.

A confidential government report from the United Provinces, dated July 19, 1942, said: “All sections of the press warmly and. enthusiastically praised the Russians for the tenacity and the grim determination with which they held on to Sebastopol, and were united in demanding the opening of a second front’ very early in order to relieve the pressure on Russia. Towards the latter half of the fortnight, as news began to come in from Russia, grave anxiety began to be expressed in the press and the demand for a second

44 front became all the more urgent and insistent”.

The Searchlight dated July 14, 1942, wrote: “For about a whole year Russia has been the mainstay of the Allies. Russian resistance had localised and stemmed the Nazi tide. Russia has been the one purple patch on an otherwise wholly black surface. She has given breathing space and time for the United Nations -who found themselves confronted with a formidable

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and ruthless wat^-machine with the halter of woeful unpreparedness round their neck. The present menace to Russia will cause world-wide

45 disquietude”.

During those stormy and grim days, in September 1942, the Central Committee of the CPI sent its warm greetings to the heroic people of the Soviet Union. The message reported in The People’s War of September 6, 1942, said: “We greet the heroic people of the Soviet Union fighting titanic battles upon which depends the fate of humanity... Our people owe a particular debt to you. By the superhuman resistance with which you are stopping the Hitlerite hordes at the gates of Stalingrad and at the foothills of the Caucasus, you have held them from bursting through to our country. We mourn with you the loss of the brave fighters who have fallen in. the struggle and the many millions of women and children who have suffered torture, outrage and atrocity at the hands of fascist beasts. We pledge to rouse our people to see that your unprecedented sufferings have saved our people. Your sacrifices are sacrifices for all people of Europe in the West and

46 of Asia in the East”.

On November 1, 1942, The People’s War published the following report about a Calcutta rally held in support of the Soviet people and the demand for a second front. It said: “The epic defence of Stalingrad and the call of the Soviet Union for an immediate second front has stirred people to action all over the world. Indian patriots have heard the call. They see in it a call for action against the very same clique of reactionaries who are today throttling Indian nationalism and laying India low before the advancing Jap invaders. Such a historic call for action was given at the Calcutta rally of October 11 convened by the Bengal Committee of the Friends of the Soviet Union. Present at the rally were delegates from the Provincial Trade Union Congress, Kisan Sabha, Students’ Federation, the Anti-Fascist Writers’ and Artists’ Association, the Calcutta Tramway Workers’ Union, the Communist Party of Bengal and Its Women’s Front...

“A white monument was erected with the epitaph: In Memory of the Fallen Soviet Heroes. It was indeed a moving sight as the chairman laid a wreath on it, and paid Bengal’s homage to the martyrs in the cause of world freedom. The conference opened with a message from a British

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Air Force man-voicing the support of British soldiers of all ranks to the Soviet demand (for a second front). A resolution was placed before the house demanding the immediate opening of a second front. The mover of the resolution explained the relation of this cardinal demand to our own struggle for freedom and called for the biggest mass mobilisation of public opinion through organising and widening the FSU movement all over the

47 province.”

In November 1942, meetings and exhibitions were held in connection with the twenty-fifth Soviet anniversary at many places in India. A leaflet issued by the Indore FSU those days and preserved in the Moscow’s Central State Archives of October Revolution reads:

“Today the USSR is defending the cause of democracy in the world. The world has realised that society based on old traditions cannot stand up to the attacks of fascism. The USSR is the only hope of the people for the establishment of lasting peace and real progress... The Friends of the Soviet Union, Indore, have decided to organise an exhibition of the achievements and progress of the USSR in all aspects to show why the people of the Soviet land are inspired to defend not only their motherland but all the freedom- loving peoples of the world”.

The December 1942 issue of the Student reported that Bombay FSU organised an exhibition of Soviet posters, charts and cartoons. Writing on November 8, 1942, the Bombay Chronicle Weekly said: “This week is the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Russian Revolution, the October Revolution, that really took place in November 1917! This historic paradox was created by the Russian calendar according to which it was the month of October while in the rest of the world it was November! Today, therefore, our thoughts naturally turn to that revolution and its leaders, to its causes and its results, and in particular to those gallant millions of Soviet citizens who today are defending with their lives their revolutionary heritage.

“Our thoughts go back to Lenin, that colossus of the proletarian revolutions; to the countless heroes and martyrs who suffered indescribable tortures in Czarist prisons and spent their youth in the frozen wastes of Siberia; to the intellectuals who used their pens as a weapon to attack

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tyranny, to the organisers who put through the three five-year plans and transformed a backward, poverty-ridden country into a modern industrial state; to the teachers, artists, writers, playwrights, film-makers, singers and dancers who opened a vast store-house of culture and made them available to the teeming millions of the Soviet Union... to the people — the men, women and children — of the USSR who are fighting so valiantly for the defence of their fatherland, holding Hitler’s hordes at bay beyond the

61 battered walls of Stalingrad.”

In January 1943 in many provinces of India Lenin Day and Solidarity with Leningrad Week were widely celebrated. According to the confidential government report from Central Provinces and Berar dated February 5, 1943, Lenin Day was celebrated on January 21 at Nagpur, Jabalpur, Hoshangabad and Amravati. At the Amravati, meeting satisfaction was expressed at the defeat of the Germans at Stalingrad and the need for national unity was emphasised. At Jubbalpore, leaflets were distributed containing the statement of the Communist Party criticising the government for the acute shortage of essential commodities and advising the people to form grain committees in order to check hoarding and to ensure a fair distribution of available stocks.49 The fortnightly report from Karachi dated February 3, 1943, said that Lenin Day was observed on January 21 in Karachi at a meeting held under the auspices of the Indian Federation of Labour. The meeting passed resolutions eulogising Lenin and praising the Russians for their resistance against the Germans. A fortnightly report from Orissa said that “during Leningrad Week, Communist workers were active in various areas. The day, 21 January, was

50 observed as Lenin Day”. SOLIDARITY WITH THE USSR OF THE INDIAN POLITICAL DETENUS IMPRISONED BY BRITISH COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION

By the time the Soviet Union was drawn into the war, many Indian political leaders and rank and file activists of the anti-imperialist struggle had been arrested and kept in detention camps and jails. One of the most

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notorious of these camps was in Rajasthan, called the Deoli camp. A former detenue at Deoli, the famous Indian revolutionary Shaukat Usmani, who much earlier (in 1920) had participated in the Civil War in Central Asia fighting against counter¬revolutionaries, has described the conditions in the camp these days graphically.

He said in an interview in February 1976: “In the Deoli camp there were different elements belonging to the Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP), Babbar Akalis, the Forward Bloc, the Congress Socialist Party and the Hindustan Socialist Revolutionary Army (HSRA). They were put in one group with some individuals not belonging to any group. Another group consisted of members of the CPI. When on June 22, 1941, Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet UniohTthe attitude of the CPI was what it could only have been. There was a move among them _to help the war effort. When the CPI members were released, I drafted an application which amounted to an ultimatum that I should be allowed to go and fight for the Soviet Union and said that otherwise, I would resort to a hunger strike. I sent similar letters to Gandhi, Nehru and Sampurnanand... Most of the CPI men were released but those with a revolutionary past were kept in prison. The government was angered by my letter and transferred me to Fatehgarh jail. I was adviced

51 by Nehru and Sampurnanand not to take a drastic step”.

There was passionate interest among the political prisoners in the developments along the various war fronts. It was an interest felt in equal measure by most Indians. The official fortnightly report of the Home Department for March 1942 said: “The Russian counter¬offensive against the Nazi invaders continued to be the chief centre of attraction on the European front and the very fact that the initiative passed definitely from the German into Russian hands was viewed as a particularly promising factor. Nevertheless, apprehensions conti¬nued to be expressed regarding the final outcome and Britain and America were urged not only to render the greatest possible help in war material to the Soviets but also to open a second European front, if only to provide a safety valve to Germany’s

52 expected spring offensive”.

In India’s prisons their forced inactivity and their inability to express or convey their sympathy for a support to the Soviet Union, made the

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political prisoners restless. And then an idea was born. They decided to collect out of their meagre resources a symbolic amount and send it to the Soviet Union. That is how a small fund was raised by the “security prisoners” of the Deoli camp.

A memorandum (No. X-123, dated January 16, 1942) from the Superintendent of the Deoli camp, to the Commissioner of Ajmer- Merwara, Ajmer (a copy of which is preserved in the National Archives of India) stated: “Security prisoners in the three camps here have raised about Rs.245 by subscription from their private cash and have asked me to send this money either to the Soviet Ambassador in London or to M. Kalinin in Moscow for the aid of the Soviet Union. Please let me know as to whom this money is to be sent”. The money was later sent to the Viceroy’s House, New Delhi, which acknowledged on February 27, 1942, the receipt of a letter and a che¬que for Rs.247.50 from the Superintendent of Deoli. It s^id, “the amount is being passed on to the Soviet Ambassador in London in

53 ac¬cordance with the donor’s wishes”.

H. D. Malaviya, an inmate of the Deoli detention camp in 1942, sheds some interesting light on how the money was raised. Talking to the author recently he said «very security prisoner was entitled to eight annas a day to cover the cost of food, cigarettes, etc. “But in spite of everything our call to collect a token sum was met with great enthusiasm and joy. We were ready to starve, but even in the smallest way, we were happy to help the first socialist country of the world which was being bled by the Nazis. First, we collected Rs.245, and by the time permission for remitting the amount to the Soviet Union was received, we managed to collect some annas more, and

54 the total rose to Rs.247.50.”

Apart from the contributions made by the inmates of the Deoli camp, there were a number of individuals and institutions which collected money for the Red Army during the war. One was Dr. Guha, who sent Rs.500 and the other his wife, Mrs. Phulrenu Guha, who sent Rs.250. According to a letter written to Mr. Anand Gupta, an ISCUS activist, by Mrs. Phulrenu Guha on April 6, 1974, she received a cable of thanks from Moscow for Dr. Guha’s contribution. The contribution was reported in

55 Calcutta’s newspapers but the Moscow cable is lost.

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The index of the External Affairs Department, Government of India for 1941 records a gift of £2,000 from Hyderabad for the Russian Relief Fund, sent to the Soviet Union through the British Ambassador. Unfortunately, this file has not been transferred to the National Archives of India and we do

56 not know the name (or names) of the person who sent the amount.

Political prisoners in India observed with great enthusiasm the Day of Solidarity with the Soviet Union, Lenin’s Day, October Revolution Day, etc. Reports from Bareili Jail, dated June 26, appearing in several newspapers, said Soviet Day was celebrated with great enthusiasm in the security prisoners’ ward of the Bareili Central Prison. A meeting was held under the presidentship of Mr. Rafi Ahmad Kidwai, former Minister of Jails. Speeches were delivered by Messrs. Shaukat Usmani, R. D. Bhardwaj and Dayaram Beri, paying glowing tributes to the heroic resistance of the Russian people and the Red Army against Nazi aggression. A resolution was also passed expressing sympathy with the Russian people. A Tri-colour national flag

57 and a Red flag were unfurled.

Reminiscences of Nalini Das, who spent all the years of the Second World War in the Andaman political prison which has been aptly called by my friend and revolutionary Bejoy Kumar Sinha as the Indian Bastille, are revealing. Mr. Das’s reminiscences were recently published in a Bengali monthly Parichay under the title, “Against Fascism: From Inside the Prison Cell”. Introducing Nalini Das, the editor of Parichay wrote: “The revolutionary leader of Bengal, Nalini Das, is an immortal character. In his adolescence, he served a term of imprisonment on the charge of being a revolutionary who took part in the freedom struggle against the British. He escaped from Hijli jail in 1931 but was rearrested and transported to the Andamans. Under the pressure of the people’s movement in 1938, the government brought him back to the country and put him behind the bars

— in Dum Dum and Alipore. He served the entire period of the Second World War in jails. The student movement of 1946 led to the freedom of Nalini Das and his fellow-fighters. While in the Andamans Nalini Das joined the Communist consolidation and after release from there joined the Communist Party ’ of India. When India became free and was partitioned, he worked in his homeland Barisal. He was arrested there and spent six

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years in Pakistani jails. Released later, during the Ayub regime he was declared an absconder. He worked underground till the Bangladesh war of liberation in 1971. His views about fascism and his association with the world-wide anti-fascist movement even when he was in the Andamans and in Indian prisons are contained in this crisp short account of that period, written especially for Parichay.”

The following is Nalini Das’ account of his Andaman days, the reaction of the prisoners to the fascist invasion and the Soviet resistance to it:

“In 1930-31 when we were arrested, we the revolutionaries did not know the real meaning of the word imperialism, not to speak of fascism. We knew the British empire was our enemy, it represented our oppressors and plunderers. We knew they must be driven out, the shackles of dependence must be broken. These were our feelings when we were transported to the Andamans. In the Andamans, we tried for the first time to understand things more deeply and correctly. The constantly changing developments in the world, our own bitter experience and our undimmed urge to help free the country — all these spurred us in our effort to understand what imperialism was, what socialism was and which was the way to freedom. In our initial days in the Andamans, we were not allowed newspapers, magazines, books or other things. Later, after three of our friends died during a hunger strike, the jail authorities allowed local and foreign newspapers, magazines and books to come to us. We thus came to know of some current world events.

“When we read that fascist Italy, led by Mussolini, had invaded undeveloped and poor Abyssinia in Africa with troops, cannons and bombers we identified ourselves with Abyssinia and against Mussolini.

The havoc Hitler wrought in Germany, the usurpation of Austria, and his attempts to grab Czechoslovakia — all that left a deep imprint on our minds. But the event that moved us most during the thirties was the brave fight put up by the Spaniards, their Popular Front Government and the formation of the International Brigade against fascist Franco and his Allies in Germany and Italy. In the jail every evening we used to produce a wallpaper known as the Andaman Bulletin. In it, we reported news about

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Spain, how the revolutionaries of the world were joining the International Brigade and were laying down their lives in Spain — these and many other facts.

“...We read whatever few books that reached us secretly on the Communist movement outside India. Notable among those was Comrade Dimitrov’s famous anti-fascist United Front war tactics and policy which was adopted at’ the Seventh Communist International Congress. We realised at the beginning of the Second World War that the final battle would be between the fascist hordes and the socialist Soviet Union. Hitler attacked the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941.

From the jail, we wrote to the party that the party must now change its position on the war, for the imperialist civil war had turned into an anti- fascist war for freedom of humanity.

“Inside the prison, we did not miss a single news bulletin over the radio. Who knows what would happen? We firmly believed that the land of socialism was invincible, but the Hitlerite hordes seemed unstoppable. One night the radio flashed the news — Hitler says his army would enter Moscow the next day. We were stunned. After some time the radio broadcast another flash — of Soviet Information Minister Lozovsky declaring: ‘To the last man, we shall fight for the protection of Moscow — the fascist hordes will not find it easy.’ With tears rolling down our cheeks, we embraced each other in joy.

“Week after week Stalingrad continued to fight with its back to the wall. Many faceless fellow-prisoners were going about saying mockingly, what now, your Russia is gone. A few of us long-term revolutionary prisoners grit our teeth. We did not reply. And then in February 1943 the radio broadcast the news — Stalingrad was no longer besieged. Rather, German Commander-in-chief Paulus and a few lakhs of his army were surrounded — their surrender was imminent. That day our joy knew no bounds; hundreds and hundreds w of poor prisoners embraced us; we sang in chorus, shouted slogans — Soviet Union Zindabad. Down with Hitler

58 fascism!”

Calls for the support of the Soviet Union were made by many

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other political prisoners. A letter from the Chittagong Armoury Raid case prisoners held in the Dacca Central Jail sent to the Home Secretary and the Prime Minister of Bengal, Mr. Fazlul Huq, dated February 19, 1942 (and published in Arani on March 27, 1942)59 stated: “We can say without any hesitation that human civilisation will end in total destruction if the fascist aggressors win. Victory for fascism will bring undescribable sorrow and suffering to human society. The same calamity will befall India, like other nations. We must help the fight against fascism in every way, and utmost importance has to be given to this effort. It is improper to sit with folded hands at this hour of a terrible crisis. We will have to take our proper part in this historic drama. This is our first political duty.. .”2

Twenty-seven other prisoners held in Dacca jail in connection with the same case wrote to the Friends of the Soviet Union requesting that a message be sent to the Soviet people through the goodwill delegation which was then preparing to leave for Russia. It read: “Heroes of the Soviet Union, we salute you and Comrade Stalin and express our felicitations. The battle that you are waging against fascism is the battle of all mankind. So this struggle is ours too. The future of entire mankind is being determined on your soil. The object of achievement for which you have taken up arms is also our object. We know that not only you will be victorious but also all nations of the world will be liberated. Our country will be liberated too. The oppressed and subjugated men of all countries are looking to you for liberation. Allow us to express our deep love for and send our greetings to the Red Army, the Navy, Air Force and the guerillas. We rejoice in their glory. Their astonishing heroism has instilled courage and inspiration in the minds of the freedom-fighters in every country... We are counting the days when jointly with you arid other peoples of the world we will celebrate the festival of freedom and

60 liberation”.

2 The letter was signed by Ganesh Ghosh, Ananta Sinha, Prabhat Chakrabarty, Sachin Kargupta, Haripada Dey, Ananda Gupta, Priyada Chakrabarty, Purnendu

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Guha, Sukhendu Dastidar, Subodh Chowdhury, Haripada Bhattacharya, Kamakhya — Ghosh, Narendraprasad Ghosh, Brajmohan Deb, Jagadananda Mukerjee, Sahyram Das, Sukumar Sengupta, Benoybhusan Roy, Mokkhoda Chakrabarty, Narendra Chandra Ghosh, Kalipada Chakrabarty, Madhusudan Banerjee, Hrisikesh Banerjee and Amulya Ray.

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An outstanding freedom-fighter, Swami Sahajananda Saraswati, in a letter written to Mr. Indulal Yagnik from Hazaribagh Central Jail on January 5, 1942, (Arani, March 20, 1942) said: “When Hitler treacherously attacked Russia without any provocation my apprehension proved to be correct and I understood clearly that the direct struggle for our independence has become secondary for some time to come. The task of defeating by the utmost effort the Hitlerite marauders and their accomplices’ attempts to set up innumerable concentration camps all over the world is the first and primary task. I was clear in my mind then and I have no doubt today that Hitler has created a monster of a war-machine. We shall have to checkmate and destroy this monster with the united power of the people of the entire world and with our best ability and valour. This is because the country which has sacrificed most for its freedom and raised its voice and is still doing the same for independence, will itself have to be prepared all the more to face the Nazi hordes and their accomplices’ disgraceful conduct,

61 cruel tyranny and ruthless attack. Herein lies inseparable comradeship”.

Influenced by the heroic struggle of the Soviet people, the people of Ballia declared independence on August 19, 1942. Mr. Durga Prasad Gupta, Editor of Dainik Bhrigukshetra, Ballia, UP, who recently published a book Ballia Main San 42 Ki Jankranti (Liberation Movement of 1942 in Ballia) recalls those days. He has said in part: “The people of Ballia, particularly the youth, were greatly under the influence of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and they were all attracted to socialism. In 1942, the Soviet people were offering strong resistance to fascist Germany. The degree of self- renunciation and valour displayed by the Soviet people in their fight against fascism was a great inspiration to the people in India. Among the youth of Ballia in 1942 the majority was greatly inspired by the October Revolution and they wanted to conduct their freedom struggle in the same manner. The youth of Ballia was in perfect agreement on the need for a concerted struggle against British colonialism in unison with the revolutionary struggle of the Soviet people. Lenin had pleaded openly for the independence of India and had vehemently condemned the exploitation by British imperialism. This

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was yet another reason why the people of India, particularly the youth, had

62 developed great faith in Lenin and his socialistic ideals and achievements”.

THE HEROIC STRUGGLE OF THE SOVIET ARMY DEFENDING STALINGRAD AND THE CAUCASUS: REFLECTION IN INDIAN POLITICAL WRITINGS, POETRY AND THE PRESS. ACTIVATION OF ALL INDIA MOVEMENT FOR IMMEDIATE OPENING OF THE SECOND FRONT (AUGUST 1942-FEBRUARY 1943)

The period from August 1942 to February 1943 represents a very significant phase in political developments in India. In August 1942, the campaign for the immediate grant of national independence and withdrawal of the colonial rule, known as the Quit India movement, began. But even at that dramatic and interesting stages of the Indian national movement, the international factor did not cease to command attention. The national press and periodicals, political writings and literature reflected this awareness. This received sharp expression in the form of demands for closer solidarity with the Soviet people, with the world anti-fascist front headed by the Soviet Union. The situation on the Soviet front was regarded as grave following the suicidal attacks launched by the Nazi armies during the summer campaign of 1942.

Indian nationalist opinion was convinced that if the German fascists overran Stalingrad and invaded the Caucasus, the fascist threat to India would become very real. In that case, it was thought, the Hitler hordes, passing via Iraq, Iran and Afghanistan could easily hit the borders of India. With the Japanese aggressors also advancing rapidly in the East, the danger of India facing a war on two fronts was not minimised. The heroic stand taken by the Soviet forces in the Caucasus, especially the battle for Stalingrad, was therefore followed with great attention in hundreds of Indian newspapers and periodicals.

In August-December 1942, the campaign for the immediate opening of the second front in Europe by Great Britain and the USA was stepped up. Newspapers in South India, as elsewhere, thought that the German advance should be stopped at any cost as the consequences of a German

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conquest of the Caucasus would be disastrous. They strongly urged the opening of the second front in Western Europe to compel Hitler to reduce

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his pressure on Russia.63 The Bombay press strongly supported the second front demand, underlining that the final victory of the Allies depended upon the strengthening of Russian resistance. The Bombay Samachar, commenting on the German drive to Stalingrad, observed: “The railway from Astrakhan to Saratov and Moscow will be cut off if the Germans succeed in occupying Stalingrad. Moreover, Russia will find it difficult to get oil to prosecute the war”. According to a Bombay government report (of August 18, 1942), newspapers published in all regional languages expressed similar views. Commenting on the urgent need for opening the second front the Lokamanya wrote: “It is a misfortune that the Allies do not think of opening a second front in Europe when Russia is in such a mortal danger and when the final victory of the Allies depends upon the maintenance of Russia’s resistance”. The Nutan Gujarat stated that “people are now tending to believe that the ruling class of Britain and America, being opposed to socialism, is playing a political game and is placing impediments in the way

64 of opening a second front so that Russia might be defeated”.

The press of Orissa (according to an official report from Cuttack, dated September 5, 1942) gave prominence to the meeting between Churchill and Stalin and “there has been much speculation as to whether it portends the opening of a second front... All the newspapers are unanimous in pressing for the maximum aid possible being given to Russia”. The Samaj referred to the possible fall of Stalingrad and Astrakhan and expressed the fear that if the Nazi army succeeds in crossing the Caucasus, it will March into Iraq, Persia and Afghanistan arid will ultimately threaten India”. With the news of enemy reinforcements reaching Burma, the paper anticipated “the possibility of war on both frontiers of India within the next few months”. Editorials in other newspapers stated that the Soviet Union was, as a matter of fact, facing almost the entire Europe, and increased allied aid to Russia was urged without delay. At the same time, the majority of the newspapers expressed the conviction that Hitler’s dream of enslaving Russia would never be realised.

Confidential reports from Bombay, dated September 18, 1942, and October 5, 1942, said: “While continuing to express admiration for Russia’s heroic efforts to stem the German advance in the south, most newspapers

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believed that if Stalingrad, the vital strategic city in Russia, and Novorossisk fell, the line of the Volga would be cut, Von Bock would be able to concentrate on his Caucasian drive, and other German forces would be freed for use in the Rzhev and Izium sectors. However, despite the gloomy outlook, no paper expressed the view that the loss of Stalingrad meant the collapse of Russia. The Iqbal said ‘Hitler’s scheme regarding Russia cannot succeed this winter’. Other appreciative references were made to the counter-offensives launched by Russia in the Moscow and Leningrad sectors and to the Russians bombing of Berlin and other important German towns, but the plea most commonly urged was that the Allies should

65 greatly increase their aid to Russia without delay”.

Another report from Bombay quoted the sincere admiration felt by the people for the heroic defenders of Stalingrad and indignation expressed against the hypocritical policy of the Allies. The report said, “There is, in all sections of the community, the most genuine admiration for the Russian stand at Stalingrad, but in many quarters this feeling tends to be accompanied by one of disdain towards Britain. The latter feeling has been accentuated by recent discussions on the second front. The view generally held by Indians in this province is that England will not embark on a second front until Germany is so exhausted in its fight with Russia that it will be un¬able to make a sustained stand in Western Europe. It seems highly improbable that mere propaganda such as has been undertaken by the National War Front and the War Publicity Committees will do anything to remove this feeling. The only thing that will revive confidence is a real smashing victory either in Egypt or in Burma... The Bombay Chronicle also referred to the appeal made to the Western Allies... on the Moscow radio for immediate action in this direction (second front) and stated that it was clear that there were differences between the Allies. The paper also said: The position is that the Russians are now bluntly and publicly criticising their Allies... The problem has now become one with dangerous far-reaching consequences. If Britain and the United States of America fail Russia now, the future and even the post-war future are going to be very difficult”. The Roznamah-e-Khilafat wrote: “Russia is, as a matter of fact, facing almost the entire Europe arrayed against it today and despite its

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unparalleled bravery, Russia cannot successfully stem the storm all alone. Russia wants that like the Nazis and their confederates, its Al¬lies too should

66 take concerted action to defeat their common foe.”

The press of Orissa (as stated in a report from Cuttack on October 3, 1942) criticising the failure of Britain and America to open t^ie second front compared the Soviet and allied efforts in different sectors: “The Russian stand at Stalingrad continues to evoke unqualified admira¬tion; in fact, contrast is drawn between that and the collapse of Singapore, and the more recent collapse of Tobruk. Those making this comparison, unfavourable to British forces, appear to have forgotten the gallant stand at Tobruk sustained for eight months in 1941. The failure of Britain and America to

67 open a second front has also evoked criticism”.

According to a report from Bombay of October 20, 1942, the Lokamanya, condemning the delay in starting an offensive in Western Europe, commented: “The Anglo-American policy about the opening of a second front seems to be as follows: to go on making preparations till Russia and Germany exhaust each other. As soon as Germany is weakened Britain and America would seek to inflict a decisive defeat on it in Europe before Russia enters Europe. In this way the destruc¬tion of the fascists could be brought about at the hands of the Bolsheviks, Europe saved from the latter and then the Atlantic Charter applied to Europe. In pursuing this policy it seems to be Bri¬tain’s object to maintain its empire intact and to prevent a socialist revolution from taking place in Europe”.

The Bombay Samachar considered that Germany was making the best use of the allied delay in opening the second front by strengthening its fortifications in occupied France Denmark and Norway. The Inquilab- i- Jadid was positive that Stalingrad would not fall. It wrote: “Hitler’s last stand to achieve victory at Stalingrad has also failed. His embarrassments are now due not only to his defeats in Russia but also in the German-occupied countries which he had enticed and won over to his side. The resistance of Russia has created panic in all these countries. This internal disruption will

68 prove most disheartening for Hitler”.

The battle for Stalingrad was considered in India as the most exciting

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page in the history of mankind. The Bengal press stressed in November 1942: “No matter what the fate of the city (Stalingrad), the story of its fight for survival will forever remain one of the most inspiring chapters in the history of the world. It proves finally that the spirit of Russia cannot be broken” (The Hindusthan Standard). “After more than three years of continued struggle the Nazi forces are facing defeat for the first time in Stalingrad, and if the city succeeds in defending itself till winter, Germany’s

69 military prestige will suffer (the Dainik Basumati).”

Indian patriots continuing to pay close attention to the Stalingrad and Caucasus battles greeted the Russians as the “real saviours of India in the military sense”. They gave their unstinted praise to the wonderful and determined opposition of the Russian forces and welcomed all news of Russian successes. The Vishwamitra held that the Russians had “frustrated Hitler’s plans to take possession of Stalingrad”; and the Vividh Vritta had no doubt that “Russia is inflicting defeats on the enemy in Stalingrad and the Caucasus” and the Nava Kai pointed to the Russian offensive in Tuapse and the capture by them of “important places” in that region, endangering

70 the rear of the German forces.

The heroic fight of the Soviet Army in the Stalingrad sector evoked appreciation of the special character of the Socialist state and the Soviet people. According to the official report for the month of December 1942, “Now that even the pessimists see clearly that the axis is doomed, apprehensions are frequently expressed, whether genuine or not, of Anglo- American domination of an ‘imperialist’ character in the post-war world. By contrast, the feeling towards the Russians who have for months been regarded as being in the military sense the real saviours of India is one of most genuine admiration not complicated, as in the case of the United Kingdom, by political passion. There is growing curiosity about a country

71 which can hit back so hard after receiving such terrible blows”.

The Hitavada said even more clearly: “...The magnificent defence of Stalingrad continues to draw admiration” and “Russia is bravely stemming the tide of German advance towards India”. The paper asked Indians “to see that the valiant Russians do not suffer for the lack of aid that they deserve”.

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A Bihar secretariat memo noted the influence of the victory in Stalingrad on the spirit of Indian patriots and said: “The feeling of optimism which I mentioned in my last report has been definitely strengthened by the Russians’ resolute defence of Stalingrad, which is exciting general

72 admiration”.

A special Orissa Government report dated November 18, 1942, said, “The local press is all equally loud in its praise of the Russian resistance at Stalingrad. The Samaj considers that this will prove to be one of the decisive events of the war. While the Asha remarks that Stalingrad has exploded the myth of Nazi invincibility. The Samaj also comments on the effect which the Russian resistance may have had on events in North Africa, in respect of which all local newspapers express equal gratification at the Allies’ successes, which they regard as a major military defeat for Hitler’s African

73 forces”.

In an editorial entitled “Long Live Stalingrad!” the Hindi monthly Hansa underlined the significance of November for the Soviet Union, the month in which the Great October Revolution took place and commented that after the Nazis having been routed in the Moscow battles, “three lakhs of German fascist troops are under siege”. Written in November 1942, the editorial continued: “Stalingrad is invincible, Soviet Russia is invincible, since the state of peasants and workers is unconquerable, since the people’s might is the might of Soviet Russia, the might of the Red Army, since every child of Soviet Russia is defending his land, since Stalingrad is the symbol of power of the November Revolution which ended the capitalists and made masses the masters, which demolished the fortress of conceited superiority of man and put women and men on equal footing, which conferred on little nationalities, small nations, the right of self- determination so that they may uplift their culture, and which bestowed on the individual freedom for his

74 religious faith”.

The victories of the Red Army were considered “fantastic”, “unbelievable”, “incomparable” in world history by the Bombay Chronicle Weekly. In its. issue of January 24, 1943, it wrote: “If the victory of Alexander’s army was a massive feat of arms, what of the successes which the Red Army is scoring at breath-taking speed like taking Kharkiv in its

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stride. It is difficult even for a critical student of the war to keep a coherent track of the numerous moves, offensives and pincers on the Russian front. They seem to be developing at all sorts of unconnected and unlikely places but somehow they gradually merge into a strategic picture. The Red Army verily seems to be marching on the legs of a centipede. Long-held German positions are falling like nine-pins and even the famous hedgehogs which saved Hitler’s last year seem to have lost their immovable character. Rosoch, Millerovo, Valuiki, Voroshilovsk — it seems a big bag for one brief week; yet these are only a few of the numerous names that flit before our

15 eyes in the war news — as if we were witnessing a newsreel!”

The fulsome admiration for the Russian generals’ organising talent and power, and the enthusiastic welcome for the raising of the siege of Leningrad and successes of the Red Army in Stalingrad, and the Caucasus were the common feature, of press comments in South India. The Home Department fortnightly report for the month of January 1943 from Madras stressed that the newspapers in South’

India wrote very enthusiastically and “in high praise of the Russian counter-offensives and the successes which the Red Army has achieved in recent days...” It has been noted that “the remarkable organising power and the foresight of the Russian High Command and of the Generals are responsible for these achievements. The Russian successes form one bright feature of the war situation, but in other theatres of war, the outlook does not yet seem to be that bright.

“The favourable turn in the tide of the war for the Allies has been the theme of articles in all newspapers. The storming of Schlusselburg and the consequent raising of the siege of Leningrad after a heroic struggle of 16 months and the series of successes of the Red Army in Stalin¬grad and the other theatres of war especially in the Caucasus have been welcomed with great enthusiasm. The future of the war against Finland and the prospects of the Allies’ invasion perhaps somewhere in the North-west of

76 Europe have been particularly emphasised, the report said.”

The press of Bengal greeted Russia’s winter offensive as the “beginning of the end of Hitlerism”. A report from the Bengal Provincial Press Advisor 1 3 0

for the period said: “The continued success of Russia’s winter offensive holds the attention of the press. There are a greater drive and purposefulness in this winter’s Russian counteroffensive than was apparent last winter. It is Moscow’s avowed aim to free the whole stretch of the country’s east of the Dnieper. It is an ambitious plan, but Russia has begun well and has a further three months’ spell of winter in which to accomplish it”. (The Amrita Bazar Patrika.) The raising of the Leningrad siege is not so pregnant with catastrophic possibilities as the southern sector events, but besides serving a military purpose it serves also to emphasise German frustration. It is still unsafe to prophesy what may happen in the spring, but it is tremendously heartening to see the war of

’1’1 quick, large-scale movements carried to the enemy’ {The Statesman)”.

The press of the United Provinces was sure that Russia would prove to be “the grave of Hitler’s ambition for world domination”. A report said: ‘Russia received a lot of attention and very enthusiastic praise from all quarters... The Leader expressed the belief that Russia would prove to be the grave of Hitler’s ambition for world domination’ and in another article said that the Soviet High Command’s grand strategy was succeeding

78 ‘beyond all expectations’ ”.

(Even more enthusiastic were the comments in the Indian press in February 1943. Describing the victory of Stalingrad as an “unparalleled feat” in military history, the press of Bengal (according to the fortnightly report for the month of February 1943) “kept up the rising tone of confidence”. “Generous tribute’ was paid to Russia’s military^strength”, its leadership and “ability to turn the smaller immediate aim into the larger”. The liquidation of the Germans in the Stalingrad area was repeatedly referred to as “an unparalleled feat” in military history. Stress was again laid upon the necessity for an early opening by the Allies of the second front in Europe

79 “to exploit the Russians’ successes for their own benefit”.

The Sind press said that thanks to the Soviet successes against Hitler, the danger to India had vanished.

A report from Karachi dated February 20, 1943, said: “The newspapers give full publicity to the Russian successes and widespread admiration for

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the Russian armies are expressed. It is generally accepted now that all

80 danger to India has vanished”.

A remarkable tribute to the outstanding heroism of the Stalingrad defenders and an appreciation of its significance for India was expressed by the Student of February 1943. In an article entitled “Stalingrad Zindabad”, it said: “The epic of Stalingrad is complete. It calls upon all nations to rejoice. The people of Stalingrad have not only saved Stalingrad, but they have also saved the world. All Indian patriots wanted Stalingrad to win. Few expected Stalingrad would, in fact, win. They thought it would go down after a heroic stand, betrayed by the same Churchill who betrays India.

“How did it happen? Above all, how does this miracle affect me, an Indian, and my country India? Stalingraders fought for India — as fiercely as any Indian patriot. Stalingraders love and respect India. They consciously defended India. Kalinin said so in his speech in the thick of the battle... Stalingrad gave us time — for what? Time to create Indian Stalingrads! If we stand up and fight the Stalingrad way, we shall be safe and free for all time. If we waste this precious time we shall go down in shame under new masters.

“How must we build Indian Stalingrads? What are the lessons Stalingrad teaches us? Look at Stalingrad and look at India. August 1942; immediate threat to Stalingrad, immediate threat to India. To meet the threat, Stalingrad needed a second front in Europe as desperately as India needed a national government.

“Who stood in the way of the second front? The same Churchill who stood in the way of our national government. Why did Churchill refuse to open the second front? Because the second front meant the arming of the peoples and a revolution in Europe. (It) means the final liberation of Europe from all foreign domination, fascists or any other. Churchill opposes our national government for exactly the same reason. A national government means the complete unity of an armed Indian nation. It means we become masters of our own destiny. It means no power on earth can enslave us again. It means the final liberation of India.

“...The peoples of Britain and America are determined to defeat

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fascism but do not yet see that the only way to victory over fascism is through a second front in Europe and a national government in India...

81 Churchill has no arguments left. The second front is not far off.”

ANTI-FASCIST POETS AND WRITERS

The high valour of the Soviet armed forces, the deep commitment of the Soviet people to the ideals of Communism and the heroism displayed at the war fronts inspired many Indian poets and writers. Their poems and other writings were published in numerous journals, read and sung at many gatherings and at mushairas which often tur¬ned into moving anti- fascist manifestations. One such evening, on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the October Revolution, was reported by Sajjad Zaheer in a despatch from Bombay to The People’s War of November 22, 1942. Headed, “An Inquilabi Mushaira —Poets Sing for Freedom against Tyranny”, his report said, “On the night of November 9 an event of considerable political and literary significance took place in Bombay”. The unity week campaign was rounded off by a mushaira of a unique kind, an Inquilabi Mushaira, a gathering for the recital of revolutionary Urdu poems specially composed for the occasion, on themes of national unity, the heroic deeds of the Red Army, on Indian freedom and the need of national defence against the fascist aggressors... Who were the poets? Except for a few like Makhdoom from Hyderabad and Sardar Jafri from Lucknow none of them were known. More than eighty percent of them were Muslim labourers from Bombay and Ahmedabad, they recited their compositions, melodiously and passionately. One poet wrote: “On Hitler’s head, the crown of tyranny and violence A crown that draws its prime lustre from blood, And the most horrible sins, Whose decoration is the anguish of the poor...” Emphasising the world-wide significance of the Red Army’s heroic struggle, he said, ‘ These lions, these fearless Russian heroes, Whose breasts are bare to the Nazi Swords;

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...Let every Indian hear and understand Every drop of their blood on the Russian soil, Brings the message of freedom to enslaved people...”

Other poems recounted the ravages of Hitlerism in the lands of occupied Europe and how the Red Army was proving to be a beacon of hope for all of them. One poem said the day was not far off when:

“.. .the funeral procession of Nazism, Borne on Hitlerian shoulders Shall proceed from Russia to Berlin.”

All the poems called for unity in India to resist the threatened Japanese invasion. The people were called upon to fight “for the honour of

82 Mother India”.

The August issue of the monthly Hansa published a Hindi poem by Narendra Sharma which, dedicated to “Red Russia”, said in part:

“Comrades, Red Russia is the shield of all workers and peasants. The enemy of Red Russia is the enemy of peasants. He is the enemy of workers and the enemy of all mankind.”

In “An Anti-Fascist Poem” written in the Awadhi dialect, poet Haladharji celebrated the fact that “the fascist toughs breathed their last”. It was published in the October issue of Hansa with a poem by Shri Krishna Das, “The Candle of Hope”, which was dedicated to “the memory of those

83 valiant warriors of Stalingrad who stand steadfast at their post at all costs”.

Probably the most famous poem of that time belonging to this historic genre was written by Shri Shiv Mangal Singh “Suman”, who is now the Vice-Chancellor of Vikram University, Madhya Pradesh.

On the eve of the thirtieth anniversary of the victory over fascism, the celebrated poet and intellectual recalled the days of the Moscow and Stalingrad battles and said (in a letter to the author): “I am overjoyed to learn that the thirtieth anniversary of the victory over fascism is being celebrated the world over on May 9, 1975.1 still remember how moved I

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was when to stem the Nazi advance, the Red Army took recourse to the scorched earth policy and how it was realised that the Soviet Union was the only country where Hitler found it impossible to establish his Fifth Column. I had full faith in the invincibility of the Soviet Union, but war was war. Every fibre of my being throbbed with unrest. I could not but give voice to my feelings of anxiety and hope. I wrote and recited a number of poems at mass rallies and at huge protest meetings. The ovation the poems received reflected the anguish of the downtrodden over the onslaught of fascist barbarians. My first poem was written a month after the invasion of the sacred soil of socialism by the Hitlerite hordes wherein I declared that the attack on the Soviet Union was an attack on the oppressed millions of the world. I was sure history will bear witness that all the reactionary forces joined together will not be able to hurt even a hair of the dauntless fighters in the cause of socialism. My second poem, ‘Moscow is still far off’ — ‘Moscow Ab Bhi Dur Hai’ which became very popular with the masses was composed on June 22, 1942. The third poem followed soon after, when after the heroic defence of Leningrad, the battle of Stalingrad and the unparalleled bravery of its people dazzled the world, ultimately turning the tide. It was during this period that I composed the poem ‘The Red Army Marches on’ — ‘Chali Ja Rahi Hai Badi Lal Sena’. My fifth poem was written when the victorious Red Army marched towards Berlin, on the same lines as the poems Moscow Ab Bhi Dur Hai. The refrain of this poem was, ‘Moscow ke to Baten Chordo, Berlin Ab Nazdik Hai’ (Forget talk of approaching Moscow, now Berlin is nearby}. “We were shocked when Hitler declared war against the Soviet Union, and highly disturbed by the. initial victories (of the fascists) though our unfailing faith in the ultimate victory of the Soviet Union remained unshaken. For us, this did not merely mean a victory of one nation over another but the victory of socialism over fascism, the victory of the socialist economy over the capitalist system, the triumph of the Marxist-Leninist ideology and the safeguarding of the hopes and aspirations of the oppressed millions.

“When Hitler’s dream of occupying the sanctum — sanctorum of the socialist land remained unfulfilled, on June 22, 1942, the first anniversary

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of Hitler’s declaration that he would occupy Moscow in 10 weeks, I wrote: “The world has never witnessed Such a war before Each soldier of Red Army Is equal to a million; Here we find the unique combination Of the workers and peasants With sickle and hammer in their hands; If any one dare challenge His neck will be chopped off by The sickle and the bones Powdered by the Hammer; The proud imperialists Have licked the dust, for the first time The world has witnessed The first people’s war; Here there is no place for defeat in the Regime of the Proletariat Every individual becomes fearless Here even Death is Challenged at its face; Ten weeks have turned into Ten years And Moscow is still far off; The children are chanting the world over ‘Workers of the world unite’; We are proletariats No power on earth Can stem our March; It is good the old ruins are falling Because the New World is being born The flag is Red, the soldiers are Red And their eyes reflect The redness of the vow; Ten weeks have turned into ten years Moscow is still far off.

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“It looks so easy today but if the Red Army had not been victorious, the history of mankind would have been quite different. India and other colonies owe their independence to the victory of the Soviet Union to a large extent. With this victory began the new era of the economic prosperity of the people, of peaceful coexistence, of the spirit of detente and redoubled faith in building the brotherhood of democratic and socialist forces. This

84 victory day is a great festival for the whole of humanity.”

Shashi Bakaya.

Today, if he lived he would not have been 60. But he laid down his life at the young age of 25. In the annals of Indo-Soviet friendship, his name will never be forgotten, as will not be forgotten the flaming lines of his poems glorifying the heroism of the Red Army, the sacrifices of the Soviet fighters for freedom and independence against imperialism and fascist tyranny. There are brilliant images and deep conviction in most of his poems. In his poem, “Promise, Comrade!” he wrote:

I will carry the flag But promise me, That if I fall You will take it from my weakening grasp, And keep it flying even as I fall, Promise Comrade, And if you fall, you will pass it on to someone else. I will carry the flag, But promise me, That if I fail To keep it flying for fear of death You will shoot me dead. Promise Comrade, And if you fail you will shoot yourself

85 And pass it on to someone else.

One of the untiring organisers of the FSU in Bombay, a stormy petrel of the Indian freedom movement, Shashi Bakaya (January 5, 1921-September 13, 1946) was the general secretary of the FSU in Maharashtra. His life was cut short under tragic circumstances. Shashi’s brother, R. M. Bakaya, now Professor of Russian language at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi

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(who was himself an activist of the FSU in the past and later of the ISCUS) recalls the circumstances. After a police firing at a workers’ demonstration in Bombay in 1946, the FSU members were trying to assist the victims of the terror. Striving to save the life of one of the wounded workers, Shashi Bakaya offered his blood for transfusion. But even as blood was being drawn from his frail body, his stout heart stopped beating. Writing on Shashi Bakaya the Indo- Soviet Journal said in September 1948: “On September 13, 1946, our people lost a poet and song writer of rare talent and great promise and the Bombay Friends of the Soviet Union their beloved general secretary. Shashi Bakaya was only twenty-five years old when he died. But the rich collection of poems he has left behind assures him a foremost position among the new poets of India, poets who sang with the utmost confidence and love of the power of the common people and the great future awaiting them. He took his stand on the new values of our era and was influenced greatly by the socialist humanism of Soviet writers and poets. Even at his youthful age, he had already come to mature conclusions regarding the function of literature and words were to him, as he wrote himself,

Weapons Which shall suffice As arrows, bullets, shells in these our hands, Lovers of freedom in all lands.

Shashi wrote a glorious page in the history of the Bombay FSU in the most difficult period of its life, the period in which it was put on its feet in the teeth of opposition and prejudice, when large sections of our leaders, our people and the intelligentsia insisted on interpreting the Anglo-Soviet- American coalition against fascism as a surrender on the part of the USSR to imperialism. The FSU movement will forever guard that page as a sacred trust — for that page spelled the birth of the Bombay FSU.86

One of the most touching poems written by Shashi Bakaya during the war was the one devoted to the heroic daughter of Soviet Russia Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya:

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‘Girl with a broad square face, Thin close-shut lips, cropped hair, Willful and tall, Zoya, A handsome woman And a heroine. We saw her, when and where Before the Germans gloomed Houses and villages, tortured Human flesh with bayonets, gouged out Young Mishka’s eyes, raped women On collective farms, goose-stepped On live red bones, to dead heart beats, Extinguished peaceful lamps In terror-haunted streets And crumpled flowers unbloomed With flabby hands In concentration camps. Then with the people she arose, The redness of the rose Gone from her lips, the blue of skies Gone from her eagle eyes; Instead, a hatred, an alacrity, As swift as leopard’s, cold as steel, Leading her on, and like a flash Of lightening plunged Into the rear. And then explosions, Dynamite, snipers, grenades, Ammunition dumps, supplies. Bridges, vigilance And ceaseless raids, Men or women Guerrillas do not fear. Foul fascist hanging dead from barbed wires, helmeted swollen-headed sentries, Lifeless lieutenants, captains, colonels... Rapers and children’s murderers, Afraid of sound and silence, dusk and light, Nervous and panicky, Death-haunted men, doomed To a bullet in the frost, A dagger in the night Zoya is in the atmosphere. They hanged her then, Brutal and callous men, Hanged her then. They have ingenious ways of finding out the names, locations of fighting men and secret stations. 1 3 9

They tried them all, But in the Soviet Union Women do not fall to physical fear, They have their freedom to defend. Willful and tall, she stood Stupid and senseless men Girl with a broad square face, Thin close-shut lips, cropped hair, A Soviet woman, Freedom’s child, Aflame with love and hate. Zoya. Remember, fascist, She was one, A million Zoyas shall arise!

We cannot but remember another anti-fascist poet, Somen Chanda, who died as a martyr at the hands of the enemies of India’s anti-fascists. Terroristic acts against FSU activists by the pro-fascist, reactionary elements could not be hidden even by the colonial authorities. In one of the fortnightly government reports from Bengal,87 it was stated that on February 20, 1942, during an anti¬fascist meeting two Communist students were injured by hooligans who wanted to break-up the meeting. At an anti-fascist meeting in Dacca, one of the members of the FSU was killed. The document did not mention the name of Somen Chanda. But it was he who was killed. A recently published article on Somen Chanda in Kalantar daily (June 7, 1976), written by Souri Ghatak, tells more about him. Somen was born on June 7, 1920, in a lower-middle-class family in Dacca, now the capital of Bangladesh. A brilliant student, he had to give up his studies immediately after his admission to a college of medicine due to the poverty of his family. He soon came into contact with the Communist Party which was then illegal. He started working in the literary field and took a leading part in the formation of the progressive writers’ and artists’ organisation in Dacca. He also worked devotedly among the railway labourers and became the secretary of their union soon. This was in the early forties when anti-fascist movements were being organised all over Bengal.

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An anti-fascist conference was to be held in Dacca on March 8, 1942. On that day, poet Somen Chanda while leading a procession of railway labourers to the conference was brutally killed by political enemies. The heinous killing created a strong wave of protest among the Bengali intelligentsia. Protest meetings and processions were held all over Bengal by students and other mass organisations. Janayudha and The People’s War wrote comparing his death to those who fell in Spain and in the Soviet Union defending freedom against fascism. The newspaper The Wall, published by the Calcutta Students’ Federation said the political assassination of the young poet would not be forgotten. Distinguished writers and artists of Bengal joined to protest against the murder of Somen Chanda. In fact, that inspired them to join hands and building up the Anti-Fascist Writers’ and Artists’ Association. The People’s War, November 15, 1942 issue, reported: on March 28, Ramananda Chatterjee, the doyen of Indian journalism, presided over a largely attended public meeting where the various diabolic aspects of fascism and the role of the writer and the artist in the fight against fascism were discussed by well known literary fighters. A committee was set up to organise the Anti-Fascist Writers’ and Artists’ Association. It included such significant names as Jamini Roy, one of the most creative among India’s painters; Atul Gupta and Ayyub, leading critics; Satyen Muzumdar, Hiran Sanyal and Sajani Das, all the editors and prose writers; Naresh Sen Gupta, Manik Banerjee and Tarashankar Banerjee, masters of the fiction-form; Buddhadev Bose, Amiya Chakravarti (of Santiniketan), Bishnu Dey, Subhas Mukherjee and other poets.88 Somen Chanda’s killing was followed by other provocations against progressive intellectuals in East Bengal. On July 24, 1943, Mr. Ramesh Dasgupta, the founder of the Progressive Writers’ Asso¬ciation of Dacca and editor of Pratirodh, was seriously wounded by a secret assailant. Condemning the attack, Mr. Tarashankar Banerjee, President, Anti-Fascist Writers’ and Artists’ Association of Bengal, Mr. Monoranjan Bhattacharjee, President, Indian People’s Theatre Association of Bengal, Mr. Satyendranath

Maiumdar, Prof. Hirendranath Mukherjee and Mr. Bishnu Dey said:

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“There are reasons to believe that behind this murderous attack are those who think of bringing about the liberation of the country with the help of fascist powers and are, therefore, engaged in secret violent activities. We do not believe for a moment that a country can win her freedom with the help of fascist powers. We urge upon all those who indulge in this violent intolerance and suicidal policy to eschew it without further delay. We resolutely protest against such perpetration and condemn this sinister

89 policy”. Those were days when the anti-fascist movement in East Bengal was gaining strength. Kiran Shankar Sengupta (writing in Parichay in 1975) has recalled how, much before 1939, in Dacca and other cities a new political ferment was visible. Political prisoners in the British jails leaned towards Marxism and after their release joined the Communist Party. Based on trade unions and the Kisan Sabha, “a lively progressive movement gathered momentum”. Many writers and intellectuals were enthused by the progressive thrust being given to art and literature. There were those who believed in the Communist ideology, and also non-communists, humanist writers. With the help of those writers the Progressive Writers’ and Artists’ Association was formed in the year 1939.

When the Nazis attacked the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, the writers organised a series of student and youth meetings to explain to the people why it was necessary first to defeat the Hitlerite army to crush imperialism. A unit of the Friends of the Soviet Union was formed, with Kiran Shankar Sengupta and Deboprasad Mukherjee as the secretaries. A week-long exhibition of photographs was opened, depicting the progress of the new society and civilisation in the socialist Soviet Union had made.

As Kiran Shankar Sengupta has recalled, the poems and songs of Tagore and Nazrul were the main sources of inspiration but people’s songs were necessary: “I still remember young Sadhan Dasgupta who used to compose and sing his songs. He composed one immortal song in the folk style on martyr Somen Chanda. There were not many progressive, anti- fascist journals and magazines in Bengal in those days. The role of Parichay, Agrani and Arani published from Calcutta was memorable. Besides

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there were Abhibadan, a literary magazine published from Howrah, and Pratirodh.

Kiran Shankar Sengupta and Achyuta Goswami attended the All Bengal Anti-Fascist Conference held in Calcutta on December 19-20, 1942, as delegates of the Dacca Progressive Writers’ Association. Around midnight on December 20, Japanese bombers shattered the calm of night. The writers and the artists suddenly saw the enemy close, face-to-face. The anti-fascist movement grew in strength from 1941 to 1945. Its resistance to reaction

90 helped it to build communal unity also. As a demonstration of the unity of the anti-fascist forces in India, an anti- fascist conference of progressive writers in Delhi may be mentioned here. At the conference, probably held in April or May 1942, as poet Sajjad Zaheer recalls in his reminiscences, “not only progressive writers but other important writers were present”. They ’ Unanimously passed a resolution which declared that the sympathies of the Indian writers and artists were with the Allied Powers and that writers were against fascism. They condemned British imperialism which was refusing to grant independence

91 to India even in these critical days.

Prominent Urdu poet Josh Malihabadi in a statement (published in The People’s War of December 1942), said: “If fascism wins in this war instead of a luminous future a dark age will begin for the whole world. Freedom of thought and opinion will be extinguished and arts and science would perish. Under the circumstances, no civilised and cultured human being can remain neutral. India too is threatened with an invasion by the same barbarians who* have taken cruelty and animality to its furthermost limits. It is the duty of every Indian to defend his country from these brutes. Our greatest misfortune is that a foreign, irresponsible and autocratic bureaucracy prevents our great nation from doing its patriotic duty to defend itself by refusing to part with power. It imprisons our leaders and provokes our people to senseless acts of destruction and sabotage...

“In these critical times, great and important duties fall on the shoulders of the writers. They must fight against moods of defeatism and despair; they must make known to the people the dangers with which they are threatened; they must rouse the patriotic sense and help to build the

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revolutionary unity of our people so that forgetting petty quarrels every Indian gets up to defend the culture and civilisation of this great land of ours.”92

References 1. Vtoraya Mirovaya Voina, 1939-45, Vol. 4, p. 402 (M. Sladkovsky, China and Japan, Moscow 1971, p. 182). 2. Ibid., p. 403. 3. Hansa, January 1942, Vol. 12, No. 4, Editorial. 4. Ibid., February 1942, Vol. 12, No. 5, Editorial. 5. This article was reprinted in Parichay, Anti-Fascist Number, Calcutta, May- July 1975. 6. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/1/1942, fortnightly reports for the month of January 1942, Confidential, Patna, January 13, 1942. 7. Ibid., Confidential, D.O. No. 444C, Bihar Secretariat Patna, February 6, 1942, pp. 418-419. 8. The Student, July 1942, Supplement, pp. 1-2, 5. 9. The National Herald, Lucknow, February 16, 1942.

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10. Party-Letter, Vol. 2, No. 6, March 24, 1942, Nagpur Session of the AH India Kisan Council, February 13, 1942. 11. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly (Bombay), September 13, 1942. 12. Memoirs of an Unrepentant Communist by A. S. R. Chari, Orient Longmans Ltd., Bombay, 1975, pp. 93-94, 95-96, 106-107. 13. The National Herald, Lucknow, January 9, 1942, p. 7. The contacts between J. L. Nehru and former Ambassador of the USSR to Britain (1933-43), Ivan Maisky, were established even before the Second World War. About Maisky’s meetings with Nehru, see our book, India’s Great Son, Allied Publishers, New Delhi, 1975, pp. 18-20. 14. The National Herald, February 9, 1942. 15. The Bombay Chronicle, February 8, 1942. 16. From interviews with Mr. S. M. Mehdi and Mr. Munish Saxena, April 1975. 17. Ibid. 18. The National Herald, February 8, 1942. 19. Ibid., January 13, 1942. 20. Ibid., February 19, 1942. 21. Ibid., February 22, 1942. 22. Ibid., February 23, 1942. 23. Besides the National Herald and The Leader the proceedings of the Conference were covered by the Bombay press, the U.P. press and the South Indian papers. 24. The National Herald, May 6, 1942. 25. The Hindustan, May 7, 1942. 26. Hansa, May 1942. 27. The Hindustan, May 31, 1942. 28. The National Herald, May 4, 1942. 29. The Hindustan, July 23, 1942. 30. The Student, Supplement, July 1942, p. 12. 31. The National Herald, May 9, 1942. 32. Ibid., May 14, 1942. “ 33. Ibid., May 21, 1942. 34. The People’s War, Bombay, October 25, 1942. 35. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, June 21, 1942. 36. Hansa, July 1942. 37. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, June 21, 1942. 38. The Student, Vol. 2, No. 7, July 1942, pp. 12, 28. 39. The People’s War, July 19, 1942.

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40. Ibid. 41. The National Herald, June 24, 1942. 42. NAI, Home Department, Political (I) Section, File No. 18/5/1942, fortnightly

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reports for the month of May 1942, Bombay, June 3, 1942. 43. Ibid., File No. 18/6/1942, Bombay, June 18, 1942. 44. Ibid., File No. 18/7/1942, Lucknow, July 19, 1942. 45. Ibid., D.O. No. 2939C, Bihar Secretariat, Ranchi, July 21, 1942. 46. The People’s War, September 6, 1942. 47. Ibid., November 1, 1942. 48. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, November 8, 1942. 49. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/1/1943. a secret, fortnightly reports for the C.P. and Berar for the second half of January 1943, February 5, 1943, p. 3. 50. Ibid., Confidential, Government of Orissa, D.O. No. 327C, Cuttack, February 5, 1943, p. 2-3. 51. From an interview with Shaukat Usmani in February 1976. 52. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/3/1942, fortnightly reports for the month of March 1942. Confidential No. D.O.N.F. 1/3/4-CX, Government of United Provinces, Lucknow, March 19, 1942. 53. Ibid.. Home Department, Political, File No. 43/6/1942. 54. From an interview with Mr. H. D. Malaviya, MP, February 13, 1976. 55. The original letter of Mrs. P. Guha is with the author. 56. NAI, External Affairs Department, 1941, File No. 40(28)-W. 57. The Hindustan Times, June 29, 1942. 58. Parichay, Anti-Fascist Number, Calcutta, May-July 1975. 59. Banglar Fascist Birodhi Aitijhya (Bengal’s Anti-Fascist Tradition). Manisha Publishing House, August 15, 1975, pp. 124-125. 60. The Arani, Calcutta, October 30, 1942. Translated from Bengali into English by Tapan Das. 61. Banglar Fascist Birodhi Aitijhya (Bengal’s Anti-Fascist Tradition), Manisha Publishing House, August 15, 1975, p. 124. 62. From a letter of Mr. Durga Prasad Gupta. 63. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/8/1942, fortnightly reports for the month of August, Government of Madras, D.O. No. P- 4-16, Appendix 1, report on the press for the first half of August 1942. 64. Ibid., Confidential No. S.D. 3109, Home Department (special), Bombay, August 18, 1942, Appendix I, appreciation of the attitude of the press. 65. Ibid., Government of India, Home Department, Political (I) Section, fortnightly reports for the month of September 1942, Confidential No. S.D. 3438, Home Department, Bombay, September 18, 1942, p. 19-20. 66. Ibid., Confidential, Government of Bombay, Home Department, Bombay, October 5, 1942. — 67. Ibid., Confidential, Government of Orissa, Cuttack, October 3, 1942.

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68. Ibid. Home Department, Political, File No. 18/10/1942 fortnightly reports for the month of October, 1942, Appendix I, Confidential No. S.D. 3858 (Special) Bombay, October 20, 1942.

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69. Ibid., Home Department, Political, File No. 18/11/1942, Confidential, N.D. 3699/1942, Political, Bengal Secretariat, Calcutta, November 3, 1942, Appendix I, P- ?• 70. Ibid., File No. 18/11/1942, Political, fortnightly reports for the month of November 1942. 71. Ibid., Confidential, D.O. No. S.D. 4263, Home Department (Special), Bombay, December 3, 1942. 72. Ibid., Confidential, D.O. No. 5080C, Bihar Secretariat, Patna, November 23, 1942. 73. Ibid., Confidential, D.O. No. 4037C, Government of Orissa, Home Department, Special Section, Cuttack. November 18, 1942. 74. Hansa, November 1942. 75. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, January 24, 1942. 76. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I) Section, Secret File No. 18/1/1943, fortnightly reports for the month of January 1943, Strictly confidential, D.O. No. P;26, Public (General) Department, Madras, January 25, 1943. 77. Ibid., Bengal Provincial Press Adviser’s Report on the press for the second part of January 1943, Bengal, Calcutta, February 4, 1943. 78. Ibid., United Provinces, February 5, 1943, Appendix I, the Press, p. 3. 79. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/2/1943 Political, fortnightly reports for the month of February 1943, Bengal Press Adviser’s appreciation for the first half of February 1943, p. 4. 80. Ibid., Confidential, No. P. 25, H (S) 43, Government of Sind, Home Department (Special), Karachi, February 20, 1943. 81. The Student, Vol. 3, No. 2, pp. 39-40, February 1943. 82. The People’s War, November 22, 1942. 83. Hansa, August and October 1942. 84. Shiv Mangal Singh ‘Suman’ to L. V. Mitrokhin, April 1975. The poem Moscow is still afar was first published probably in Hansa, August 1942, Vol. 12, No. 11; the poem “Stand High, O Stalingrad” in Hansa, October 1942, Vol. 13, No. 1. 85. The Student, No. 3-4, Vol. 1, February-March 1941. 86. The Indo-Soviet Journal, Vol. 6, No. 11-12, Bombay, September 1948, p. 12. 87. NAI, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/3/1942, fortnightly reports for the month of March 1942. Confidential, D.O. No. 908-P.S, Calcutta, March 17, 1942, p. 42. 88. The People’s War. November 15, 1942. 89. See Anti-Fascist Tradition in Bengal, p. 72. 90. Parichay, Anti-Fascist Number, May-July 1975, Calcutta. 91. Ibid. 92. The People’s War, December 20, 1942.

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THE YEAR 1943

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Autumn 1942 to spring 1943 saw fundamental changes taking place in the course of the Second World War. The Soviet-German front remained the main decisive oneA as much for its vast scale as the significance of the outcome of its engagements. Two-thirds of the land forces of fascist Germany and the bulk of its satellite forces — 266 divisions were deployed along this front. They were equipped with fearsome armour: 52,000 weapons and mortars, 5,080 tanks and 3,500 combat planes. It was a concentration Unique in the history of that war. But by the autumn of 1942, the menace posed by this concentration was greatly blunted by the gallantry and skill of the Soviet army, navy and the increasing guerilla activities in the rear of the enemy in occupied territory. Suffering huge losses on the eastern front, the Hitlerite command was forced on October 14, 1942, to switch over to survival tactics — even as the Soviet armed forces stepped up their pressure..

The fiercest battles were fought around Stalingrad, where steadily the Soviet defence turned into a counter-attack, marking a decisive turning point in the war. The three-pronged counter-offensive which began on November 19, 1942, turned in January 1943 into a general offensive along seven lines stretching across 1,200 kilometres of territory. By February-March, Soviet operations developed along eleven lines.* In the five months of the offensive, the Soviet forces pushed the enemy back 600-700 kilometres and inflicted heavy losses and damage in men and armour. It virtually demolished the core of the fascist military machine. The German and satellite forces lost their initiative. And to a large extent the course of the war in other theatres changed as well. In a desperate attempt to stabilise its eastern front, between November 19, 1942, and end of March 1943, the Hitlerite command moved 33 divisions and three brigades from the west. Its air power was also considerably stepped up, squadron based on the Atlantic Coast and the Mediterranean basin being moved east. Expectedly, this weakened Germany’s ability to meet the thrust of the western Allies of the USSR.

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Having postponed the opening of the second front in Western Europe, the USA and Britain had concentrated their main efforts in breaking the two-year stalemate along the North African and Mediterranean fronts. By mid-May 1943, they succeeded in liquidating the Italian-German pockets of resistance in North Africa and achieved domination in the Mediterranean basin.

The ensuing actions launched by Soviet troops in other theatres transformed the basic change brought about in the fortunes of the war on the Soviet-German front into an irreversible tide.

The inherent strength and stability of the Soviet Socialist State, the heroism of its working people ensured for the Soviet Union by 1943 the support of a well-organized and growing war industry with the ability to equip its forces better than before and more ade¬quately.

In the USA and Britain, the successes of the Red Army enabled the expansion of defence production in relatively safer conditions. All this helped swing the economic balance in favour of the anti-Hitler Allies and strengthen the consolidation of the anti-Hitler forces.

However, the final assault on the Hitlerite axis expectedly ran into complications due to the delay by the Allies in opening the second front in Europe. Plans for the invasion of Sicily practically excluded the landing of allied forces in France for yet another year. Nevertheless, by the spring of 1943, the military-political situation changed decisively in favour of the anti-fascist coalition — brought about in great measure by the victories of the Soviet armed forces. These, especially the historic Stalingrad victory, had totally changed the complexion and thrust of the war and ensured that

1 the change became an irreversible factor,

DEMANDS IN INDIA FOR UNITY OF ANTI-HITLER

COALITION

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Nineteen forty-three was a significant year for India also. Strong demands began to be made for an open commitment of their forces by England and the USA in the eastern theatre of the war; and-especially that they mount an offensive against the Japanese invaders iij Burma. The Japanese had by then begun threatening the borders of India.

In its report for March 1943, the colonial department of foreign -affairs in India, noted that a section of newspapers in the south like The Mail, The Indian Express, and the Dinamani “criticised the Allied War strategy insofar as the postponement of operations against

the Japanese occupation of Burma is concerned. They pointed out the need to remove the existing threat of invasion of India and to rush supplies to China”. The Dinamani recalled the Casablanca conference decision that “the main attention of the Allies should be directed to defeating Hitler”, and wondered if that was why the invasion of Burma had been postponed. If that were so, India could not appreciate the Anglo-American strategy. It said, “If India becomes a battleground, supplies to the Allies will be greatly interrupted. It is not statesmanship to allow the political deadlock in India to continue in the midst of all these difficulties”.

At the same time, criticism of the Soviet Union by allied spokesman was deplored, the report noted. Admiral Stanley’s reported statement critical of the USSR was characterised “as being very unhelpful and as far from bringing about happier relations between the Allies as possible”. If closer understanding was not reached between Russia and the other Allies, it would “seriously affect the solution of post-war problems upon which the

2 future peace of the world so largely depended”.

More open criticism appeared in the Bengal press. Commenting on a statement of Mr. Henry Wallace about the inevitability of World War III, the Hindusthan Standard said, “The speech lays its finger on the soft spots of the United powers”. The Amrita Bazar Patrika was outspoken: “Difficulties are likely to arise whenever any nation begins to talk of its special responsibilities and claims to regu¬late the affairs of other nations as their heaven-appointed trustee and protector. The question of future conflict will, therefore, depend not so much on what Soviet Russia may believe in

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and practice, but on how far the capitalist democracies are prepared to adjust their systems to the twentieth-century conditions and permit their colonies and dependencies to enjoy the freedom on which they themselves set so much value.” Even The Statesman said: “We must as realists trust Russia to the limit and Russia has to trust us, not, as Mr. Wallace argues, primarily to avoid World War III but to win World War II which is still far from won. Russia is doing as much as can reasonably be expected of it, and more. When the Russians can say the same thing of their Allies, then victory will be within sight and future understanding well on the way. Without such understanding, the long-term prospects for the human race are not cheerful.”3 The Sind Observer emphasised that distrust of the Soviet Union would be suicidal. It said, “Without the opening of a second front, a Russian triumph over Germany is not certain.”4 Commenting on Admiral Stanley’s statement, it said it would be very suicidal to distrust Soviet companionship in arms.

Despite the temporary setback at Kharkiv, which was briefly recaptured by the Germans, the confidence of the Indians in the final victory of the Red Army was unshaken. At the same time, the Kharkiv setback evoked new demands for the opening of a second front. Newspapers in South India, a government report noted, feared that a stalemate could result. Commenting on Mr. Churchill’s reference to the probability of Hitler’s downfall within the next 24 months, The Hindu said the opening of a second front was necessary to that triumph. It was already overdue and further “failure to do so will lead to all sorts of unpleasant possibilities”. The paper doubted whether a unified war strategy was being pursued by the allied command, and said, “Relations between Russia and the Allies are more of a diplomatic variety than of warriors in arms. Such loose relationships are profoundly unsatisfactory at a moment when the world struggle nears its climax, and it is to be hoped that closer unity will be forged before a crisis

5 is reached.”

Many newspapers said that fierce battles continued all along the Soviet fronts showed that the war would be prolonged. The Berar Herald, for example, wrote on April 13, 1943: “... No final decision can be reached on the Russian front soon. The two huge armies will remain locked in a death- grip over a 1,500-mile front, from Karelia to the Caucasus, 1 5 4

for many more months yet, if not years... It is practically certain that the German offensive this summer will not be able to show any spectacular successes like those of 1942. The Russians have now got the measure of the Germans and no more blitz by fast-moving panzer divisions are possible in

6 Russia.. .”

The Searchlight (Patna) wrote on April 19, 1943, that in the circumstances the “second front” was the supreme weapon in the armoury of the allied nations... “Nothing except an immediate liquidation of axis resistance in Tunisia, followed by an early opening of a second front somewhere in Europe can save Russia from another ordeal of blood and fire. The second front is the supreme weapon in the armoury of the united nations; the very fear of it has been influencing axis strategy to a considerable extent as evidenced by the reported order for the evacuation of French west coast towns, and its actual commencement will change the whole pattern of

7 Hitler’s battle strategy in favour of the Allies.”

In the midst of all this, the Indian people never gave up belief in the

8 victory of the Soviet Union

A new wave of support for the USSR became evident in June 1943 when the second anniversary of the heroic struggle of the Soviet people was marked in India. As the Hindusthan Standard said, “History that is marching forward sees in the two years of the people’s war of the( Soviet Union a hope and a prophecy of human destiny.” Other papers wrote: “Today Russia enters the third year of the war with Germany, better equipped and with brighter prospects” (The Star of India). “Last summer’s great onslaught in the south crumpled into catastrophe before Stalingrad in the last autumn, and the invaders seem to qualify for another such failure this year unless they abandon some of their territorial spoils and retire to a defence line nearer home.” (The Statesman) “In the third year, Russia is

9 more than ever a nation working for others.”

The German summer offensive along the Soviet front did not cause much anxiety as Russia’s strength to withstand the attack was not doubted. A confidential report from Orissa dated July 19, 1943, said:

“The subdued tone in which German speakers refer to this offensive

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has given rise to the belief that they themselves are not confident of the success in that theatre... The dominant mood is one of optimism and faith in the ultimate victory of the Allies.”10 The press of the Central Provinces and Berar paid glowing tributes to the heroic resistance put up by Russia against the ruthless German forces and urged that “a second front should be opened by the Allies to strike a crushing blow at the earliest possible moment”.11 And tributes were paid to the heroism of the Soviet armies all

12 over India.

The Soviet victories in the summer of 1943 were regarded in India as marking a definitive transition of the initiative to the USSR, and as a decisive turning point in the war on the eastern front. While the glowing accounts about the Soviet actions could not hide the disappointment over British and American war efforts there was optimism that the war would end soon and that Hitlerite Germany would be routed.

An official report from Orissa, dated August 19, 1943, described:

“News of the Russian capture of the towns of Orel and Belgorod and their quick advance towards Kharkiv, combined with the rapid progress of the allied advance in Sicily, in spite of strong German resistance and the difficult-terrain, have given very great satisfaction. The belief that the war in Europe will be over by Christmas is said to be gaining ground. In fact, one District Magistrate reports that even the anti-British elements are happy at the prospects of an early allied victory. People feel that the fulfilment of India’s political aspirations is bound up with the victory of the Allies. The loss of the initiative by the Germans in Russia is regarded as the turning point in the eastern war and it is expected that the Germans will not be able

13 to resume the offensive again.. .”

The Soviet Union’s decisive role in crushing the military machine of fascist Germany was repeatedly stressed by many Indian newspapers. For example, the Sind Observer remarked: “Russia has always been the unpredictable factor in this war and it has staggered the world not only with its amazing strategy but its astonishing powers of recuperation and its illimitable reserve of strength,”14 The Daily Gazette thought that the recapture of Belgorod and Orel and the subsequent Russian offensive

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marked the end of German ambitions in Russia and the beginning of general

143 withdrawal. The Karachi Daily and the Daily Azad also echoed this view.

The Indian people welcomed the fall of Mussolini. An official report from Poona of August 4, 1943, said: “Not a single protest was raised against the allied bombing of Rome. The protest made by His Holiness the Pope gave opportunity to the press to point out that the Pope had made no protests when the Japanese bombed ‘unarmed and innocent Chinese people’, the Italians, the people of Abyssinia, and the Germans London in 1940 where considerable damage to religious and other buildings like St. Paul’s and Westminster Abbey, was caused... News of the resignation of Mussolini naturally over¬shadowed other war news... The Press began at once to discuss the possibility of Italy making a separate peace with the

15 Allies.”

In September 1943, Italy’s withdrawal from the war was widely welcomed. A Madras report dated September 20, 1943, said the announcement that Italy was out of the war “was received with the greatest joy and satisfaction throughout the whole province. In some quarters it would appear to have encouraged over-optimism as to the date when the war in the West would be over... The continued successes of the Red Armies in Russia have also confirmed the optimism engendered by the downfall of

16 Italy”.

The same report underlined the demand in the Indian press that Russia must be treated on an equal basis in seeking solutions to the post-war problems. Newspapers were quoted as saying that “it would be lamentable if Russia is regarded as an Asiatic country, and nothing can be more dangerous if the united nations regard Europe as the main problem. The war is a global war and the peace should be a global peace embracing the whole world, Asia included, and as Russia should take a part in determining

17 the future of world peace, so should also China and India”.

A report from Madras dated October 23, 1943, stated: “The Allies’ successes in Corsica and Italy and especially in Russia, are receiving a very good press. The Russian pursuit of the Germans on all fronts is hailed with real satisfaction. The Hindu asks for the opening of a second front in order

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to relieve the strain on Russia and shorten the war.”

The Maharashtra press was even more straightforward. According to the official report from Poona dated October 19, 1943, some newspapers expressed the fear that the approaching winter might hold up the Russian progress, but the Bombay Chronicle wrote, “Here are the Russians on the move again, having produced men, material and ability to defy the weather... The offensive has great possibilities even without strategic military assistance by Russia’s Allies. And if the assistance which does not mean a mere extension of the air offensive is forthcoming, Hitler and his Nazis may presently have cause to feel perturbed over the imminence of something much worse than retreat to the second defence line of the alleged

18 European fortress.”

Indian public opinion refused to accept the British propagandist statement that the Italian campaign represented the second front in Europe. The official report from the United Provinces dated October 19, 1943, said: “... A few papers again called attention to the necessity of a second front against Germany in Europe unlike the Pioneer which pleaded for patience. The Jiddat refused to regard the Italian campaign as a second front in

19 Europe.”

In November 1943 in many places in India the people celebrated the “Russian Revolution Week” and an exceptionally wide welcome was given the decisions of the three-power conference in Moscow. The political report from Calcutta dated November 17, 1943, said that “the results of the Moscow conference were hailed as opening the way to genuine international security” and “the hope was expressed that the USSR will see that the interests of the Asiatic countries are not ignored in any scheme for international collective security”.

The Advance was quoted as saving. “Continuation of the present close collaboration and cooperation in the conduct of war into the period following the end of hostilities has been unreservedly agreed upon. That is a good augury for the present as well as for the future.” The Hindusthan Standard said, “The voice of the people takes long to speak with authority. We see that it has started to speak. It has spoken so far for Europe. It has to speak also for the peoples of Asia. We wait to hear the voice of freedom to 1 5 8

triumph in the East and West alike.” The report said Stalin’s speech at the 26th Anniversary of the Russian Revolution was appreciated for its tone of realism. “The war and peace policies of the Soviet Union emerged in a clearer view as the war enters its final phase. The Moscow Conference has virtually made the admission that the Soviet policy has to be recognised as a factor in settling the policies of the united powers.” (The Hindusthan Stan¬dard.) “When the Great War in Europe ends and the cooperation of the East becomes inevitable in the interest of collective security, Stalin will certainly not remain silent.” (Jugantar)™ ‘‘

According to a report from Patna, Bihar, dated November 18, 1943, “The results of the Moscow Conference were warmly applauded throughout the press and the news from the Russian front continued to steal

21 the headlines.”

A report from Cuttack, Orissa, dated November 19, 1943, stated that “the results of the three-power conference in Moscow have been received with universal satisfaction” and the conference “has also dispelled earlier rumours that Germany and Russia were about to conclude a separate

22 peace”.

In December 1943, the press in India paid great attention to the results of the Cairo and Teheran conferences. At the same time, as the report from Madras, dated December 21, 1943, said, “There is some disappointment that the offensive opened by the allied forces in Italy has not kept up to expectations. General optimism continues, however, and even the recent daylight raid on Calcutta with its heavy toll of casualties has produced

23 hardly any visible repercussions.”

Supporting the Soviet stand at the Teheran conference, some Indian papers continued criticising Great Britain and America. The Hindustan (Delhi), for example, “was of opinion that Great Britain and America by failing to open a real second front in Europe and attacking Burma in Asia

24 were still trying to place the brunt of the war on Russia and China”.

It is important to note that the comparative prominence is given in the press to events on the Soviet front and the comparison made with the not so favourable events on the Western theatres of the war obviously jolted the British colonial powers. 1 5 9

The confidential official report from Bombay dated December 18, 1943, said, that the comparatively slow progress of the Allies in Italy (compared to the Russian advance) is still causing considerable difficulty to press commentators; the comments though very moderately worked, are not

25 particularly helpful.

FSU ACTIVITIES AND GROWTH OF INTEREST IN THE USSR AS A SOCIALIST COUNTRY

In 1943, despite the fact that many prominent leaders of the Friends of the Soviet Union movement were in prison for taking part in the famous Quit India movement, new organisations of the FSU appeared all over the country.

In October Revolution State Archives of the USSR, in Moscow, there is a letter sent to Moscow by D. P. Dhar (who later on became the Ambassador of Independent India to the USSR). On a Friends of the Soviet Union letterhead, D. P. Dhar wrote:

“Srinagar, 30 September 1943

“Dear Comrade,

We have started a branch of the Friends of the Soviet Union here. We want some literature on Soviet life and achievements. Com. Gladyshev of the Tass agency, Delhi, asks us to write to you in this connection. I hope you will encourage us by sending some literature on the Soviet Union and oblige.

D. P. Dhar”

Those days, in Kashmir, are remembered by Mr. Motilal Misri, one of the founders of the Friends of the Soviet Union in Kashmir in 1942 while still a student. According to him, “the first committee to function as a branch of the All-India Friends of the Soviet Union (FSU) was formed in 1942-43. Among its sponsors were eminent personalities like the late G. M. Sadiq, Ghulam Mohiuddin Kara, then a prominent leader of the National Conference, the late D. P. Dhar, the late Justice Jia Lal Kilam (then a leading

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advocate and an intellectual of high calibre), N. N. Raina (now Head of the Department of Physics, Kashmir University), and many others. It was during that period that the National Conference adopted a resolution at its Mirpur session characterising the Second World War as a people’s war after Hitler’s hordes had launched their attack against the bastion of socialism. The resolution said clearly that the USSR was the first socialist state and the defensive war, it was fighting, against the dark forces of fascism was a just war which all democrats must support... There was not the slightest wobbling, equivocation or ambiguity regarding the character of the war which was thrust on the USSR by fascism. The people’s movement in the State stood firmly for the triumph of the USSR and its Red Army. The rout of fascism and the victory of the glorious Red Army in the war served as a source of fresh inspiration to the Kashmiri people in their struggle against autocratic rule.

“...In 1945, at the Sopore session of the National Conference’two main resolutions were passed — one on the adoption of the New Kashmir programme, and another sending warm and fraternal greetings to the Red Army for its heroic role in the war.

“The New Kashmir programme was formulated and drafted after consulting the constitutions of Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Kazakhstan. The programme envisaged the building of a socialist society free from all forms of exploitation of man by man. In the introduction to New Kashmir, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, as President of the National Conference, said that the October Revolution and the establishment of the USSR had blazed the path for humanity. This was an example, he added, of what man could achieve, and was worthy of emulation. He also said that all exploitation had been ended in the USSR; there was an identity of aims and ideals between the people’s movement in the state and the Soviet power.

“The main slogan that emerged at the Sopore session was Land to the Tiller. One of the first decrees of Soviet power signed by Lenin also related to the question of the distribution of land to the tillers and the abolition of parasitic landlordism. Almost the entire peasantry in the state rallied behind this slogan. Jawaharlal Nehru, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Khan Samad Khan of Baluchistan, and other prominent leaders also attended

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the session. The democratic movement in the state had already become a part of the mainstream of the anti-imperialist, national-liberation struggle of the Indian people.

“,. .After the end of feudal autocracy and the formation of a popular government, many measures contained in the New Kashmir programme were implemented. These include the abolition of landlordism without

26 compensation, eradication of the usury system, etc.”

Years later, on the eve of his departure for the USSR for his second term as India’s Ambassador, D. P. Dhar, received with much pleasure (from the author) the photostat copy of the letter he wrote to Moscow in 1943. Unfortunately, he did not live long after his second term in Moscow, but all his life was devoted to strengthening the bonds of friendship between the two great peoples. Deeply mourning his sudden and untimely demise, as a vice-president of the ISCUS (Indo-Soviet Cultural Society), the ISCUS expressed the view that “in his death, the nation lost an outstanding personality, a patriot, an able diplomat and a true and sincere friend of the Soviet Union, and the ISCUS its leader...”

D. P. Dhar cherished socialism as the goal for India’s progress and prosperity. As the Ambassador of our country to the USSR, during the first term, a great role was played by him in the establishment and consolidation of the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation in August 1971. The treaty was not only a monument to the Indo-Soviet relationship, but it also brought about a new dimension in the cause of peace and security in the Indian sub-continent and Asia”. From an activist of a small branch of FSU in Srinagar, he had become the Ambassador of great independent India to the Soviet Union; from a freedom-fighter, he became an outstanding statesman. Presenting his credentials to Soviet President Podgorny for his second term as India’s Ambassador, D. P. Dhar said the “friendship between us (India and the USSR) started a long time ago and has withstood the test of time. We know from experience that we can rely on the Soviet Union in a difficult hour as our real friends. The depth and degree of our mutual understanding are reflected in the identity of views of our countries on a number of international problems. Our friendship serves not only the reciprocal interests of our

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states but is a positive factor in maintaining peace and progress in Asia and all over the world.

“The signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation in New Delhi on August 9, 1971, was a great step towards strengthening this friendship and cooperation between the two countries. The Treaty, I am sure, will go down in history as a very important contribution towards stabilising peace not only in Asia but also in the world. What is of special significance in the relationship between our two countries is that in spite of the differences in our social and political systems, we have sincerely worked together for the larger benefit of our peoples and of humanity as a whole.”27

To get back to our story of the development of the Friends of the Soviet Union movement. The travel notes of agronomist, entomologist A. A. Kostylev (accompanied by a colleague) on his journey to India at that time (1943) record the enthusiasm and sincerity with which the people of India received those early representatives of the Soviet people. At a reception in Indore, the Society of the Friends of the Soviet Union presented the Soviet scholars with a red banner to be handed over to the heroes of the battle of Stalingrad. The banner was later taken to Kabul and handed over to the Soviet Ambassador Mikhailov to send it to the People’s Commissariat for Foreign Affairs of the USSR.

More than 30 years have passed since then, but one of the participants at that reception, Mr. M. G. Vaidya, general secretary of the Madhya Pradesh ISCUS, recalls the occasion vividly. He says: “Those were exciting days: June 1941, when the troops of Hitlerite Germany had penetrated deep into Soviet territory. The unprovoked aggression shocked the conscience of the entire Indian people and young Narendra Sharma was inspired to write a brilliant and stirring poem, which appeared in Hansa, a progressive Hindi magazine, published from Banaras, hailing the Red Army as the harbinger of the new age.

“During those stormy days, (as) a student of the second year in the

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Holkar College of Indore, which was the capital of the Holkar State, a feudal principality in Central India I shared the growing anxiety of millions of my countrymen about the fast-changing course of the war on the Soviet soil... The situation started improving soon and the heroic Red Army not only checked the Nazi advance but forced the aggressors to beat a retreat on several fronts. This strengthened our faith in the capacity of the Soviet Union to inflict a crushing defeat on Hitlerite Germany... It was against this backdrop that I wrote to Prof. Hiren Mukerjee who had taken the initiative to establish a branch of the newly started Friends of the Soviet Union (FSU) in Calcutta. There Was no reply for a couple of months and one fine morning I received a reply. Prof. Mukerjee profusely apologised for the ‘inordinate delay’ and sent us a copy of the FSU constitution. This enabled us to form a branch at Indore and if my memory does not fail me I think Dr. Hameer Singh, an exceedingly honest Congressman, was the first President of the Indore FSU. I do not remember who the Secretary was. But Comrade R.K. K. Gupta, an ace photographer, was an activist and he prepared beautiful posters for the FSU functions.

“The warm and spontaneous reception accorded to two Soviet agronomists by the Indore FSU is an unforgettable event. One day I was tipped off by a junior officer of the Holkar State police (intelligence wing) that two Soviet agronomists (the second Soviet scientist was Ulyanischev — LVM) would be visiting the Plant Institute in Indore and would be the guests of the Holkar State Government in Yeshwant Niwas which was reserved for VIPs. I rushed there along with a colleague to meet them. They were the first Soviet citizens I had met in my life, and I held their hands for long in sheer excitement. With the help of a smattering of English, the Soviet agronomists told us that they had attended the International Locust Conference at Teheran, and were on a visit to Indore to study the working of the plant institute. They readily agreed to attend the FSU reception and wanted us to hold it at 04.00 p.m. the following day. There was hardly any time. Indore had no daily newspaper to announce the reception. But we were able to inform a large number of friends. We prepared a Soviet flag and Comrade R. K. Gupta got a beautiful inscription embroidered on it, which said: ‘To the heroic defenders of Stalingrad.’

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“The Soviet agronomists were lustily cheered by the audience. When the Soviet flag was presented to them, our Soviet friends were visibly moved. They spoke briefly in Russian, and they were interpreted by the British Colonel who had accompanied them. They avoided politics but expressed their confidence that India had a bright future... I must mention the name of Comrade Bhagwan Bhai Bagi, a trade union comrade, who was also a great poet. He wrote an inspiring poem on Stalingrad in which he paid tributes to the heroic defenders and also to Comrade J. V. Stalin. The

28 poem was recited at the reception.. ,”

The Soviet agronomist A. A. Kostylev writing on November 2, 1943, also recorded a meeting he had in Delhi with the famous artist Svyatoslav Roerich. He said, “In Delhi, I had an opportunity to meet the son of the great Russian painter Roerich at the house of Com. Gladyshev. His father Nikolai Roerich and the entire family lives in the Himalayas in the valley of Nagar Kulu. S. N. Roerich said that his father dreamt only about one thing, to return to Russia and die in his motherland. In India the paintings by Roerich are very popular, and, according to S. Roerich, are in big demand. S. N. Roerich is also a painter, and a great naturologist and a botanist. An expert on the flora and fauna of the Himalayas and other regions, he sent samples of some plants to Academician Vavilov in the Soviet Union but does not know whether they reached him or not. S. Roerich is now organising an exhibition of his father’s paintings and plans to time its opening with the anniversary of the Red Army and send all the proceeds to the fund of the Red Army.” (Many years later, S. N. Roerich told the author that several such exhibitions were held in major cities of India during the war in Lahore, Ahmedabad, Hyderabad, Indore, etc.)

Of no less interest are other Soviet-Indian contacts during the war, especially cooperation between scholars of the USSR Academy of Sciences and Indian Orientologists in connection with the translation into Russian of the great ancient epic Mahabharata. Work on this translation did not stop in the USSR even during the war years. News of this evoked great admiration and sympathy among Indian scholars. The illustrated monthly Soviet Union News published in Delhi for some time during the war wrote: “From various notes in the press of India, our readers are aware that the Institute

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of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR has undertaken the translation and publication in Russian of the Sanskrit epic Mahabharata. We are glad to announce that a short article on this subject has just been received r— unfortunately too late for this issue, but it will appear in the next number. Few perhaps know that Russian research work on Indian life and literature is already over a hundred years old and has produced authorities of international standing. On the initiative of Academician A. P. Barannikov, the translation of the Mahabharata was begun in 1939 by Prof. V. Kalyanov. The first book of the great epic, Adiparva is nearing completion and will be ready for the press shortly. To expedite the translation of the 18 large volumes, Prof. Kalyanov has trained a special staff of Sanskrit scholars.”

The monthly published the translation of a letter received from Prof. Vladimir Kalyanov, sent from Tashkent:

“... At the Institute Of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, at the initiative of my teacher, the Academician A. P. Barannikov, I started in 1939 to work on the first Russian translation of the Mahabharata the monumental Indian heroic epic. This work was interrupted during the war, owing to my being called_.up to the front. Upon my demobilisation from the Red Army, I had to leave Leningrad because the Academy of Sciences was evacuated to this part of the USSR. Here, however, I can find none of the necessary texts and literature required for the continuation of my work. It is impossible at present to obtain such material from Leningrad... Therefore, I have decided to approach you on behalf of the Institute of Oriental Studies to assist me by sending over the literature for the translation of the Mahabharata, in exchange for which the Institute is prepared to send its Academic works and other Soviet publications.

“The literature we require is: (1) The Mahabharata (Sanskrit original) the first critical and illustrated edition by Bhandarkar, Poona 1927, Vol. I, Adiparva, and any further volumes that have appeared; (2) The Mahabharata of Krishna-Dvaipayana Vyasa, translated into English prose by Pratap Chandra Roy, New Edition, Calcutta; (3) The Practical Sanskrit- English Dictionary by Vaman Shivram Apte (last edition); and (4) A Sanskrit Grammar by F. Kielhorn (last edition), Bombay. By sending us this literature

29 you would render the Academy of Sciences a great service.. .”

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The editorial board of the Soviet Union News appealed to its readers to help it obtain the above-mentioned books or suggest where they could be found. The response was very encouraging. In its September issue, the Soviet Union News published the following note: “We are glad to announce that our note on Sanskrit books for the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR has met with a very warm response from our readers and many letters offering to forward books to us have been received. Amongst these is an offer from the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, informing us that they will be glad to present a set of all the volumes so far published by them of the critical edition of the Mahabharata. We wish to take this opportunity to thank the Institute and all the donors

30 and correspondents for this cordial assistance.”

Soviet scholars saw in this warm response encouraging prospects for expanding contacts in the post-war years. In July 1944, the Director of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Academician A. N. Struve wrote to the Vice- President of the Academy of Sciences V. P. Volgin, saying that on the request of Prof. Kalyanov “We have received not only the latest critical edition of Mahabharata (1933-42) but a number of Indian scientists on their own initiative have sent in books on Indology”. He added: “Some Indian philologists and historians have written to V. Kalyanov expressing their desire to establish scientific contacts with the Soviet Indologists and have also requested us to send them our books on Oriental studies.

“In the 26 years since the October Revolution, this is the first time that representatives of Indian Oriental studies publicly expressed their desire to cooperate and exchange scientific knowledge with the scholars of the USSR. It’s not just as a matter of courtesy, but the vital interests of the Soviet Oriental studies demand that we too respond to this initiative of the Indian scholars. We should be able to establish contacts with the scientific world of India. The transformation of Soviet Oriental studies into a leading scientific endeavour of European standards, attracting a number of scholars of international reputation, will be extremely difficult without the periodical exchange of experience with scholars of the Oriental countries (especially India) who are striving for this no less than us.” Academician Struve proposed to send to India through VOKS all available publications of the famous ancient 1 6 7

manuscripts of the East like the Bibliotheca Buddhica, the USSR Academy of Sciences volumes From the Works of the Institute of Oriental Studies and other publications.31 This was done over a period of time later.

Today when Soviet-Indian scientific exchange and cooperation covers such advanced fields as space science, the fact that there was an exchange of literature between the USSR Academy of Sciences and the Scientific Institutes of India as early as in the forties may seem insignificant. But the very fact of the establishment of direct contacts was of great significance.

In December 1942, the Soviet Scientists’ Anti-Fascist Committee said in a message to Indian scholars: “Desiring to strengthen contacts with fellow scientists abroad, the Soviet Scientists’ Anti-Fascist Committee would like to organise the mutual exchange of information about the progress of science in other countries. With this in mind, we are forwarding you an article by Barannikov on the study of India by Russian scientists in the post- revolutionary period.”32 The message was sent in the names of Academician Nikolai Derzhavin, Chairman of the Soviet Scientists’ Anti- Fascist Committee, and Sergei Pillipchuk, Secretary, to Sir C. V. Raman, then President of the Indian Academy of Science, by cable. It was the first time that the Soviet committee was seeking to establish professional and cooperative con¬tacts with Indian scientists and scholars. The report noted that the vandalism perpetrated by the Hitlerite hordes in the areas temporarily occupied by them in the Soviet Union had created a feeling of revul¬sion against the fascists among scientists and scholars throughout the world. And the Soviet committee was seeking to maintain contacts with such scientists and scholars in every country who valued Soviet science, scholarship and culture and stood-for its defence against fascist barbarism.

Commenting on “war-time culture in the Soviet Union”, Sajjad Zaheer, wrote in the Hansa in June 1943:

“After the sudden attack by Hitler on June 22, 1941, a revolutionary turmoil started in Soviet life. The peaceful and constructive life of Soviet nationalities abruptly came to a stop... Hundreds of Soviet novelists and playwrights, short story writers, authors, poets and litterateurs are now on the battle front. This does not mean that great literary works or serious

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books are not being writ¬ten or that ‘research and studies have completely stopped. It is true that keeping in view the requirements of the defence effort, much of the work done pertains directly to the war, but cultural activity is also going on which is not directly related to the war. Reviews of new books on literature, history, archaeology, law and on Oriental countries are found

33 in Soviet papers.”

Sajjad Zaheer was right. During the war articles on the cultural mores of India continued to appear in Soviet journals. The Calcutta monthly the Modern Review reproduced a tribute paid to Tagore by famous Soviet writer Nikolai Tikhonov.34 He wrote:

“There are names that call up great thoughts and great countries. Rabindranath Tagore is one of them. Behind it, we have the vision of a vast country stretching from the Himalayan peaks to the Indian Ocean, the country of boundless fields, endless roads and ancient cities.

“Amid Russian snows, through the thunder of upheavals in which that new world which we call our country was born, above the universal voices that spurred us on in our searches for perfection, we heard in an enchanted world the songs and talks in the penetrating voice of that wise singer of life, Rabindranath Tagore. As poet, novelist and dramatist, he appealed to the Russian reader to whom he revealed the hitherto little-known world of the mysterious Indian soul. Of the grandeur of this country with its age-old culture, its gifted peoples we have known, and most of all of her soul, mighty and tender, we learned from books written by her finest son, her singer. The melodious blossoming of his lines in Gitanjali is a splendid introduction to that country. Later we met his Gardner, his Morning Songs and his lyrical plays...

“...Tagore is very close to us for another reason: not confining his search for perfection to his native soil, he studied all that was human and constantly reflected and debated upon it. A peaceful life, creative work and the necessity for complete understanding among nations of the. the world drew his attention to that remarkable family of peoples, the Soviet Union. We can but regret that now when the mortal duel with fascism’s dark forces is approaching its end, we are unable to welcome this wise poet in our

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victorious camp.

“Tagore came from that race of giants of thought whose people belong to all progressive mankind. He was for India what Leo Tolstoy was for Russia. We have millions of friends in India, but the first of them to give voice to the profound world of his country, a word addressed to the whole world, was Rabindranath Tagore, poet, dramatist, novelist and philosopher.

“The efforts made by Russia to acquaint herself with India and her hoary culture are not widely known. During the early part of the nineteenth century, a translation of the Rig Veda was published in Bombay with assistance from Russia. Scholars like Minaeff, Vassilieff, Scherbatsky have devoted their lives to the study of Indian culture and civilisation. Towards the close of the past century a Bengali youth, Nishikanta Chattopadhyaya held the Chair of Bengali Language at the University of St. Petersburg.”

The Soviet scientists’ and academicians’ call for greater contacts with Indian scholars received a good response. On October 5, 1944, on the occasion of the 75th birthday and the 50th year of the scientific and pedagogical work of Academician V. Komarov, President of the Academy of Sciences of the USSR, the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, Poona, sent its warmest greetings to the Academician. Mr. R. N. Dandekar, honorary secretary of the Institute, wrote: “The Academy of Sciences of the USSR has made a distinguished and useful contribution to knowledge and has thus helped the building up of a brotherhood of scholarship and learning in the world. We, at the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, are particularly happy to note that, on behalf of the Academy of Sciences, a Russian translation of the great Indian epic, the Mahabharata, is being prepared under the able direction of Professor Kalyanov of the Institute of Oriental Studies. The Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute itself has been working for the last twenty years and more on the critical edition of the Mahabharata, the published volumes of which have received unanimous approbation from Oriental scholars all over the world. We should like to take this opportunity of assuring the Academy and its learned President, who is today the recipient of greetings from scholars all over the world, that the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute will be

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prepared to cooperate with the Academy in their every enterprise

35 calculated to promote real advancement of learning.” Simultaneously with the translation of Mahabharata even during the war, the translation of Ramayana continued. This work, by Tulsi Das, was translated by the prominent Soviet Indologist A. P. Barannikov. Published in 1948 immediately after the war, it became a major achievement of Soviet Indology. Done in verse form and extremely close to the original, the translation spurred fresh research into the work and its author. Together with detailed commentaries the edition was like a short encyclopaedia on the fundamentals of Indian culture. It was made widely available to the Soviet readers. Barannikov’s work was valued highly not only in the USSR but also in India. “What a belief in humanity”, wrote an Indian reviewer of the book, Ram Bilas Sharma, “what a belief in science and culture, to spend so much time and means on this translation at a time when the Soviet Union was faced with tremendous danger, when each saved rouble, every hour of labour of the Soviet citizens went to the war against fascism. But was not the

36 translation of Tulsi Das a part of the struggle against fascism?”

The work of Indian anti-fascist writers during the war deserves no less appreciation. As Ramesh Sinha wrote in the Hansa in July 1943, “As soon as the attack was launched against the Soviet Union in June 1941, an anti-fascist wave swept the country. This blow struck by fascism — the first attack against the Soviet Union — was an attack on all those propositions and principles, and an attempt to destroy all those values and aims for which our country has been struggling for half a century in every walk of life. Associations of the Friends of the Soviet Union were formed in order to extend assistance to the Soviet Union. Under the guidance of the All India Association of the Friends of the Soviet Union, the movement spread all over the country. National leaders expressed goodwill for the Soviet Union at public meetings and in public statements... The best forces of the nation rose to defend human culture and civilisation.. .”37

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In the middle of May 1942, a special session of the All India Progressive Writers’ Association was held at Delhi. It decided to call a congress of all the litterateurs, artists and scientists of the country to work out an elaborate anti-fascist propaganda movement and national freedom movement (which are in fact one) within a few weeks. But the British imperialist rulers launched a pre-emptive attack and there was great turmoil in the entire country. It was a serious setback to the progressive writers’ movement. A little after August, many well- known writers of Allahabad appealed to all writers of the country to “oppose suppression and to organise all forces in the country against fascism”. The writers included litterateurs of Hindi such as Shri Pant, Nirala, Narendra, Mahadevi Varma, Pahadi, Prakash Chandra Gupta, Bhagwati Prasad Vajpai, etc. Also among the signatories were Babu Rao Vishnu Pradkar (editor of Aaf), Ambika Prasad Vajpai, Rai Krishna Das, Keshav Prasad Mishra, Ram Chandra Verma, Ranada Ukil, Jai Chandra Vidyalankar, Nand Dulare Vajpai, Padma Naryan Acharya, Lalli Prasad Pandey, Shiva Rani Devi, Prem Chand, Shripat Rai, Amrit Rai, Govind Vallabh and Tribhuwan Nath. Many Urdu and Bengali litterateurs were also among the signatories.

According to an article published in the August issue of Hansa, besides translation of Soviet and Chinese anti-fascist works, short stories and plays were written by Vishwambhar Nath Sharma, Kaushik, Prabhakar Machwe, Pahadi (Shri Rama Prasad Ghildiyal ‘Pahadi’ who wrote radio sketches), Prakash Chandra Gupta and Amrit Rai. Rahul Sankrityayan wrote many excellent anti-fascist dramas in the Bhojpuri dialect. In one entitled, “The Defeat of the Germans is Certain” (Jarmanava Ke Har Nihichaya in Bhojpuri) a song addressed to the soldiers warned them that if the Germans won,

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“The state of the workers and peasants will vanish like a dream, And O Soldier, you will undergo All miseries. The people of the world are fighting the monsters, AH are your allies. Fight brother, fight O brother, Kill the monsters, O Soldiers, your arms will be worshipped.” Poets “inspired by thoughts of defending the nation and of freedom and impressed by the chivalry and sacrifice of their Russian and Chinese brethren” wrote many songs. Besides Narendra, Anchal, Shiv Mangal ‘Suman’, Surendra Balupuri, they included Bharat Bhushan Agrawal, Hari

40 Shankar, Haladhayi Shri Krishna Das and Sohan Lal Dwivedi.

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Of no less interest and significance was the IPTA movement which was essentially anti-fascist, and which had taken root in many states.

In Bengal, for instance, the movement was known as Gana Natya Sangha. According to S. N. Majumdar, a former editor of the Ananda Bazar Patrika, practically all outstanding progressive activists of Bengal were in it.41 According to well-known writer K. A. Abbas, who was “part and parcel” of the Indian People’s Theatre Association, it “was a progressive cultural movement”. In an interview in September 1976, he said: “We wanted to take new ideas to the city workers, to the masses. During those days, we staged performances on the Chaupatty sands (on the seashore in Bombay)

42 and the chawls (slum settlements) where workers lived.”

Interesting documents were recently found on the early contacts between the IPTA and various other Soviet cultural organizations testifying to the fact that Indo-Soviet cultural relations were not disrupted even during the difficult years of the war. For example, a telegram of October 21; 1942, sent to “VOKS, Moscow,” said: “Thanks to your cable, films wanted urgently, documentaries Asiatic republics, Siberia, Kolkhoz, Industries, Art

43 Galleries, Battle for Moscow... People’s Theatre”.

A letter to VOKS dated September 11, 1942, said the IPTA had been organised six months earlier “by a group of progressive left-wing writers and artists who are trying to establish a proletarian theatre in India”. The letter also said: “Our work has direct and close links with workers’ trade unions and peasant organisations. We have already staged a number of

44 anti-fascist plays on the occasion of May 1 and the Soviet Day (June 22).”

Another telegram dated April 20, 1943, shows that films for IPTA came from the USSR to Bombay through Teheran to Basra, from where they

45 were sent on to Bombay.

The fact that IPTA was widely representative is apparent from the list

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of its office bearers: President N. M. Joshi, General Secretary of the AITUC: General Secretary, Anil de Silva; Joint Secretary, K. T. Chandy (South); Secretary, Binoy Roy (Bengal); and Treasurer, K. Ahmad Abbas. Members of the Committee were: S. K. Acharya (Bengal), Manoranjan Bhattacharya (Bengal), E. Raja Rao (Andhra), Eric Cyprian (Punjab), . K. P. G. Nambudri (Malabar), Begum Rasheed Jehan (U.P.), Mama Warerkar (Bombay), Sarla Gupta (Delhi), Makhdoom Mohi-ud-din (Hyderabad), Smt. Kesari Kesavan (Mysore), Mukund Rao (Bangalore), Ramanathan (Tamilnadu), C. S. Jog (C.P. and Berar), Bankim Mukerji (President, All India Kisait-r Sabha), S. A. Dange (President, AITUC), Sajjad Zaheer (General Secretary, AIPWA), and Arun Bose (All India Students’ Federation).46

In a letter to the Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries, Moscow, dated Bombay, December 20, 1943, Miss. Anil de Silva, General Secretary of IPTA, wrote:

“Dear Friends, you have by now no doubt received our cable saying that we, at last, received the films you so kindly sent to us. They have been so very well received here, and we have had requests from all over India for these films. The Childhood of Gorky was especially beautiful and Kazakhstan extremely useful to us. We will be showing that, and Day of Patriotic War in all the trade union and kisan (peasant) conferences. We have arranged for commentaries in all the different languages; Bengali, Marathi, Urdu, Hindi, Tamil, Telugu,

. .etc. A complete report of all this will be sent to you in due time, and also a report of how the films were received by the audiences. The Childhood of Gorky and Daghestan are being shown commercially, to recover our expenses, and also in aid of Indian famine relief and the Russian Red Cross. We will have to send the money to England to the Soviet Ambassador, but we will ask them to send it to you so that you may hand it over yourself on our behalf.

“We cannot thank you enough for this help. But we need other things and I hope you will be able to send them. In the first place, we want to publish plays in English as well as in different translations. Could you send us, if not in translation, even in Russian, the following plays? If they can be sent in

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translation so much the better of course; it will make it much easier for us, but if you have no translation available then send them to us in Russian, and we will get them done here. I will list all that we need in the way of books, plays and films on a separate sheet.” (The list included plays by N. Gogol, M. Gorky, N. Pogodin, A. Korneichuk; books on Soviet theatre, films on V. I. Lenin, the Battleship Potemkin. The list specially mentioned the film on Zoya, a heroine of the war, whose name had become well known through songs written by members of IPTA.

“I have been asked by our President and all members of the committee to let you know how grateful we feel to you for your help.

It is difficult for me to express our thanks, but I do so and I hope that this contact that we have made will remain unbroken. I would like you to know that most of our performances include many songs and plays on the Soviet Union. For instance, a play was written in Marathi (the language of the Bombay working class) presented a very moving picture of Soviet peasants, many members of whose families were sacrificed for the sake of their country. One of our poets has composed a ballad on Zoya. And this has become extremely popular. It is sung at nearly every workers’ rally and almost all our People’s Theatre shows. Another working-class poet, Anna Sathe who comes from the most downtrodden section of our people, the sweepers, has composed a ballad (form popular with the workers) about Stalingrad. Very vital, it has become very popular. It is a real epic, and he describes in detail every incident that happened in Stalingrad.”

(The plays portraying the heroic deed of Tanya, the Soviet girl Zoya Kosmodemyanskaya was staged in many cities in India. It was staged, for example, during International Women’s Day celebrations in Delhi. According to Janashakti^ the CPI weekly from Madras, “More than a thousand women attended the meeting. There was an exhibition in which photographs of national and international leaders of the Bengal famine, and of the atrocities committed by fascism were exhibited. At the entrance, there were two big pictures. One was the portrait of Kasturba Gandhi and another of the Soviet Mother who sacrificed all for her Motherland. At the

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end there was a play portraying the heroic deeds of Tanya.)17 The letter of Anil de Silva concluded:

“In Malabar (in the South) where the dance-drama is popular, many dances have been composed about the Soviet struggle. I will close with greetings to you, and all the cultural workers of VOKS from the members of the Indian People’s Theatre.”

It has not been possible for the author to meet Miss Anil de Silva despite many efforts. Letters were sent to her last known addresses in France and England in October 1976, but no replies have been received. A short introduction to the article, People’s Theatre Stars the People, written by Anil de Silva and published in the Bombay Chronicle Weekly in 1943, says: “Miss Anil de Silva, daughter of a Ceylon Minister, worked for some years as a columnist on the staff of London’s Sunday Express. Two years ago she adopted India as her motherland and founded the People’s Theatre Movement in this country, which, as the article reveals, is doing invaluable work for educating the people through the arts.”

Many facts about the IPTA and PWA and other progressive cultural activities of that period are found in Khwaja Ahmad Abbas’s recently published book “I Am Not An Island” (Vikas 1977). The atmosphere of those days and the convictions* of young Indian intellectuals are described in this book (described as the “autobiography of a generation” by the late Krishan Chander) as follows:

“1 was one of the first members of the Bombay branch of the Progressive Writers’ Association which first used to meet in the elegantly furnished Silverfish Club, which was on top of the New Book Company. The association grew, each of Bombay’s different languages — Urdu, Hindi, Marathi, Gujarati and Sindhi — had an association of their own. Then, there were others; Sajjad Zaheer, Ali Sardar Jafri, and Sibtay Hasan were among them in Bombay as it was the headquarters of the Communist Party of India. Less than half of the members of the PWA were Communists, but there was such energy in them and their writings, such mesmeric dynamism in their character and personality, such evangelical fervour in their talk, that they dominated every discussion, and thus the legend arose

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that the PWA was a Communist ‘front’ organisation.

“Soon, I was to be connected with another so-called “front” organisation, the IPTA or the Indian People’s Theatre Association. And that is how I met Anil de Silva, the attractive Ceylonese young woman who was then working in some Bombay advertising agency.

“She came from an aristocratic and affluent family but the bug of Marxism had bitten her, and she seemed to know all the Communists. (I don’t think she ever became a card-carrying member of the Party!) In Bangalore, she had started a little workers’ theatre, in association with the late Homi Bhabha (then a young scientist working in C. V. Raman’s Institute of Sciences), who was later to become the world-famous Homi Bhabha of nuclear science. Now she wanted to start it as an all India movement. She asked me if I would join a group of friends who were interested in starting a workers’ theatre. “ ‘You mean a people’s theatre?’ “ ‘Yes — the People’s Theatre! That’s a good name for it.’ ” According to K. A. Abbas, the first President of the IPTA was Lt. Colonel (later General) Sokhey, “the original Colonel Moti of Louis Brownfield’s ‘Night in Bombay’, the Director of the Haffkine Institute, and the husband of Madame Menaka — an encyclopaedist intellectual who divided his time between snakes, dances and Marxism. Mrs. Wadia, the philanthropic socialite, was the vice- president, and Anil de Silva, the socialist daughter of a Ceylon Minister, and the well-known young Marathi litterateur Anant Kanekar were the two joint secretaries. Among the members of the committee were an art critic, a lawyer, a musician, a publicist, and representatives of students and workers. And a journalist (i.e., me)!

“The formal launching of the movement was done, appropriately enough, on May Day with a Marathi play Dada by T. K. Sarmalkar, a worker- playwright who certainly knew the different facets of Chawl life in Bombay. In course of time, the IPTA became an all India movement, with branches in every province, staged hundreds of shows, revived and revitalised dozens

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of cultural art forms (like Tamashci in Maharashtra, Burra Katha in Andhra, and Jatra in Bengal).

“The Communists were in it, and among its most active activists, as they would be in any cultural activity; but luckily they were not in a sectarian phase and seemed not only willing but eager, to work harmoniously with

50 non-communists like me.”

The British authorities kept a vigilant eye on Indo-Soviet cultural contacts and the “dissemination of Soviet propaganda literature and films in India”. A secret report of the Intelligence Bureau at that time, when in Russia the most severe fighting was going shows that the British authorities were concerned about the growing interest shown by the Indian people in the life of the Soviet people and were afraid of the influence of Soviet literature and films seeing in them the so-called “communist threat”. The official said that one of the contacts with Moscow “was M. B. Billimoria, Bombay, who arranged the exhibition of newsreels produced by Filmexport Moscow, on behalf of the Communist Party of India”. The report went on: “One telegram from Billimoria to Moscow dated 1.2.43 asked for future deliveries of films to include dialogue in English or at least an English dialogue sheet. A few, incidentally, of the Indian Communists appear to have some knowledge of Russian. Billimoria also contacts Messrs. Soyuzintorgkino, Moscow, in hiring for exhibition in India Communist newsreels at the apparently very cheap rate of Re. 1 per reel per month. Here again, members of the Communist Party of India are described as changing the Russian commentary into English or Indian languages, either on the film itself or giving a running commentary. Billimoria, writing to this firm, says your newsreels will now go round many towns in India and will, have, we believe, a satisfactory circulation; though not as satisfactory as we could wish, as they will not be shown during the regular performances. However, the Communist Party will hire public cinema houses at times when no regular shows are being performed and will then show your newsreels to the public”. This information caused great concern to a high official in the Home Department of the then Government of India. One of them, an Additional Secretary, wrote in this connection: “I find the parts (of the report) about

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the CPI-Soviet Government (contacts) of particular interest and will be glad if any further information IB (Intelligence\Bureau) could give us to show what contacts have been established. We would also like to know more about the International Book House, Bombay, the amount of Soviet literature that is, in fact, finding its way into India — also about Billimoria (who is he?) and his film activities. Are Russian films actually being imported and shown in cinemas where regular shows are being performed? And what sort of films are they? Is this a legal or illegal activity?

But the story about a “communist plot” was later contradicted by British Home Department itself. In a reply to the Additional Secretary’s queries, the Intelligence Bureau stated on May 6, 1943, that “the CPI has no direct contact with the Soviet Government”, but there is correspondence between Soviet trade organisations and Indian firms such as the “Socialist Literature Publishing Co., Agra”, People’s Publishing House, Bombay”. About M. B. Billimoria, Bombay, it was stated that “in February 1943, Billimoria cabled to Soyuzintorgkino Film Export Office, Moscow, asking for the despatch of the latter’s newsreels”. Therefore, it was stated that he had some contacts with the CPI. At the same time, it was underlined that

M. B. Billimoria (full name Muncherji Burjorji Billimoria) “is a middle-aged Parsi, who is the sole proprietor of three cinema houses in Bombay (the Palace Talkies, Imperial Cinema and Edward Talkies) and has a share in eleven other cinema houses in different parts of India. In addition, he is the film distributor of the National Studios and has the right of exhibiting films. His office functions under the name of M. B. Billimoria & Sons, and is situated near Lamington Road, Bombay”.

About the exhibition of Soviet films in India which seemed so dangerous to the British officials, it was stated: “So far only one film entitled ‘Defeat of the Germans Before Moscow’ has come to notice as having been screened in India. It was exhibited in Calicut by the Madras Provincial Committee of the CPI and also (as a part of the regular programme) at the Regal cinema in Delhi. The exhibition of all films in India is subject to censorship regulations.”

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The report concluded: “Facts and figures about the actual com¬munist literature that is finding its way into India are incomplete but enquiries are in progress and the result will in due course be communicated to Home Department. Enquiries have also been made in regard to the exhibition of Russian films in India and information of interest will be passed on as it

51 becomes available.”

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THE INDIAN PRESS AGAINST ANTI-SOVIETISM AND ANTI-COMMUNISM

Anti-Soviet statements in the pro-imperialist press, false propaganda by the reactionary publications of the west and statements of the anti-Soviet and anti-Communist elements of all kinds were rebuffed effectively by the progressive Indian publications during this period.

In the article “Soviet Aid to China; Is USSR Anti-Japanese?” the issue of the Student for January 1943 listed the various accusations spread in India by hostile anti-Soviet propagandists. The article said: “The USSR ‘is fighting for its own selfish motives’ say the British imperialists. ‘The USSR has given up its policy of aiding the enslaved Asiatic peoples of the east — it places self-preservation above all’ say some misinformed and pessimistic Indian patriots. ‘Why should we fight the Japanese? The Soviet Union is careful not to annoy the Japanese’ — say others. ‘The Soviet Union cannot come out against the Japanese openly because of the Soviet-Japanese neutrality pact’ say apologetic ‘friends’ of the USSR. (God help the Soviet Union from such friends!)

“Has the USSR really given up its policy of aiding the enslaved countries of the east in their struggle for freedom? After it signed the Pact with the Japanese has it stopped helping Nationalist China? It has suffered much in the west. Does it make that an excuse for not aiding China?”

Denouncing all such slanders, the Student wrote: “We publish below a simple and straightforward article to show how China’s lifeline today is through the USSR, how the USSR sends aid non-stop in spite of its sufferings — unknown in history — because it looks upon China’s struggle as its own struggle, the struggle for world liberation.

“The USSR is not at war with Japan — not because it does not want to

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fight Japan, not because it is too weak to fight Japan, but because the Japanese have been beaten to their knees in Siberia. The moment the Japanese dare to oppose Soviet aid to China or dare to violate Soviet frontiers they will get the answer which Hitler is getting today in the west.

“Down the North-West Road move lines of lorries, carrying vital supplies to China. They come from Russia and are undertaking a 2,000-mile trek. The story of the North-West Road, and of the aid which for so many years the Soviet Union has been rendering to the embattled Chinese, will form one of the epic stories of this world war when all is over and its history is written.

“It was with a certain shock of surprised realisation that many readers of the British press read, not long ago, in their papers that supplies were flowing from embattled Russia to embattled China. They read that ‘a Chinese official announcement discloses that supplies to China are flowing to Chungking from Russia, despite its commitments in the west. For years now these supplies, in vast quantity, have been coming along the North- West Road, or the Sinkiang Road as it is sometimes called, most of which was completed after the Chinese-Japanese war began five years ago.

“Not only are the supplies still coming from Russia, but the road has actually been improved. Communications between north-west China and the province of Sinkiang which adjoins the USSR have been considerably improved, the latest despatches state, as the traffic upon the road has increased so substantially. Telegraph and telephone systems, along the long highway between the two countries, have also been extended. ..

“Japan is doing its utmost to cut this important life-line. It has attempted on several occasions to cut the road, and each time has been repulsed. Only a few weeks ago, the Japanese made another deter¬mined effort at a new drive, sending their forces hundreds of miles across the inner Mongolian plains in the attempt. Boastingly, they semi-officially described this as a large-scale offensive that opens up another front against the forces of General Chiang Kai-shek. And only twelve days after this fanfare it was announced in the press that the Japanese had been hurled back by the resolute Chinese troops and partisans.

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“It is not an easy journey on the North-West Road. Duststorms from the Gobi Desert, which the road skirts, menace the traffic: and distance between points where motor-fuel could be taken on are so long that half the load carried by each motor vehicle has consisted of petrol.

“The North-West Road is not only an economic artery, binding together the industrial systems of the USSR and China, but it is also a practical symbol of a firm friendship between the two great peoples. Soviet aid to China is the concrete expression of the sentiment of com¬radeship which pervades the entire Soviet people, who have always followed with sympathy and anxiety the struggle of the Chinese against aggression. The Soviet Union has never failed to express openly its opinion of the baseness of Japanese aggression and not only before the USSR became involved in the war... The North-West Road is a strong link between the Chinese and

52 Soviet peoples. It is an assurance of both present and future friendship.”

Anger against the anti-Communist posture of British imperialism was expressed by the Indian press over other forms of it — like the disfigurement of the Lenin memorial bust in London.

In the government’s fortnightly political report for the second half of February 1943 from Bombay, it was noted, “The reported disfigure¬ment of the Lenin memorial bust in London led the Free Press Journal and the Bombay Chronicle to comment on it in leading articles. Both papers pointed out that the outrage was committed at a time when the Russians were successfully driving back the Germans, and saw in it a desire deliberately to hurt the feelings of the Russian people and their leaders. Both agreed that there was even now a section of people in Great Britain who, to quote from the Bombay Chronicle, have a sneaking sympathy with Hitlerism and rooted antipathy towards that they would call ‘Bolshevism’, and who to quote the Free Press Journal ‘will distinctly be unhappy at Russian victories’. The Free Press Jour¬nal also said that a war of annihilation between Germany and Russia was the fondest dream of several British statesmen in the years before the war’. It accused the Yorkshire Post laying emphasis more on Hitler’s blunders than on Soviet achievements and enquired ‘whether the Yorkshire Post would have been glad if Hitler had saved his Stalingrad

53 armies’ ”.

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Equally significant was the fact that while defending the interests of the Soviet people and exposing the anti-Soviet propaganda, Indian friends of the Soviet Union reproduced material about the Soviet Union published in the USA or England by well-known figures.

In May 1943 the Student published an article by Charlie Chaplin (his anti-Hitler film “Dictator” was screened in India in 1942 —LVM) under the title “On the Battlefield of Russia, Democracy Will Live or Die”. The magazine wrote: “Charlie Chaplin is not a new name to Indian students. Ever since his great picture Modern Times was shown, we know Chaplin as no ordinary film actor. We caught a glimpse of him there as a fighter for freedom and for the happiness of mankind. But how many expected him to step out of celluloid and stand up as a freedom fighter in real life? The speech we print here was telephoned by Chaplin to a huge audience at Madison Square Park, New York City. In the past, Chaplin helped the fight for freedom indirectly in his films. Today he stands before thousands on a political platform demanding freedom for the world and a Second Front now as the biggest key to it!”

Chaplin’s passionate statement was then quoted: “On the battlefields of Russia, democracy will live or die. The fate of the Allied nations is in the hands of the Communists. If Russia is defeated, the Asiatic continent — the largest and richest on this globe — would be under the domination of the Nazis. With practically the whole Orient in the hands of the Japanese, the Nazis will then have access to nearly all the vital war materials of the world. What chance would we have then of defeating Hitler? What are we waiting for?

“The Russians are in desperate need of help. They are pleading for a second front. In the allied nations there is a difference of opinion as to whether a second front is possible now? Can we afford to wait until we are sure and ready? Can we afford to play safe? There is no safe strategy in war. At the moment the Germans are 35 miles from the Caucasus. If the Caucasus are lost, 95 percent of the Russian oil is lost. When tens of thousands are dying and millions are about to die we must speak honestly what’s on our minds.

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“What are we waiting for when the situation is so desperate in Russia?

…Russia is fighting with its back against the wall. That wall is the Allies’ strongest defense. We defended Libya and lost. We defended Crete and lost. We defended the Philippines and other islands in the Pacific and lost. But we cannot afford to lose Russia for that is the aggressive front- line of democracy. When our world, our life, our civilisation are crumbling about our feet we’ve got to take a chance and save them. If the Russians lose the Caucasus it will be the greatest disaster to the allied cause. Then watch out for the appeasers for they’ll come out of their holes. They want to make peace with victorious Hitler. They will say ‘it is useless to sacrifice any more American lives — we can make a good deal with Hitler’.

“Watch out for this Nazi snare. These Nazi wolves will change into sheep’s clothing. They will make peace very attractive to us and then before we are aware of it we will have succumbed to the Nazi ideology. Then we shall be enslaved. Human progress will be lost.

There will be no minority rights, no workers’ rights, no citizens’ rights. All that will be blasted too. Once we listen to the appeasers and make peace with a victorious Hitler his brutal order will control the earth.

“...Let us aim for victory in the spring. You in the factories, you in the fields, you in uniforms, you citizens of the world, let us work and fight towards that end. You official Washington, and you official London, let us make this our aim victory in the spring. If we hold this thought, work with this thought, live with this thought, it will generate a spirit that will increase our energy and quicken our drive.

“Let us strive for the impossible. Remember the great achievements throughout the history of mankind have been the conquest of what

54 seemed, the impossible.”

Such statements played a very important role in strengthening the Indian patriots’ conviction in their struggle for friendship with the USSR, for solidarity with and support of the peoples of the USSR who were defending the cause of humanity, democracy and socialism.

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Educational institutions have also played their part. As Jagdish Vibhakar wrote in the Soviet Review (June 1971) in almost all the convocation addresses to all the universities, glowing tributes were paid to the Soviet soldiers and the Nazis were condemned. Delivering the Convocation Address of the Banaras Hindu University, Pandit Hirday Nath Kunzru, an eminent social worker, observed on November 28, 1943: “The example of Russia which has won the admiration of the whole world by its heroism in

55 defending its freedom should be an even greater inspiration.”

And Homi Mody maintained in his Convocation Address, delivered at the Nagpur University on December 13, .1943, said.

“Another lesson which this war has taught us is that democracy, however much we may prize it, is not necessarily the last word in political wisdom and that human progress can be achieved under widely different systems. Soldiers and civilians arc fighting in Russia with heroism and resourcefulness which have compelled the admiration of the world, and it cannot but be admitted that Russian resistance has given a rude shock to the almost universal conception of the Soviet system of government. Today it is heresy to talk of an international order without Russian collaboration. Incidentally, the course of history would have been different, if the realisation of Russia’s place in world polity had dawned on the great democracies a few years earlier.”

There was a surging anti-Nazi feeling in India. When all the progressive forces of India sided with the Soviet Union in their Great Patriotic War, how could the Indian Press keep quiet? It also supported the cause of freedom and peace. The Indian Annual Register observed in its issue of July- December 1942:

“...It would not do to forget that it was the far-seeing and intensive exploitation of Russia’s natural resources that have enabled her people to stand erect under the hammer blows of Germany. Estimates that have been made available to the world give us a clue to the mystery of her miraculous resisting power.”

Commenting on the valour and courage of the Soviet people, it maintained in its issue of January-June 1943.

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“...Soviet Russia played the most heroic significant part by throwing back the German hordes from the heart of Caucasia. The miracle that was worked at Stalingrad did not prepare the world for all that has happened since February 1943.”

Anonymous and semi-anonymous booklets slandering the Soviets caused great indignation among the progressive sections of Indian public opinion. In December 1944, the Bombay Chronicle Weekly condemned such propaganda. In an article entitled, “Nazism and Communism are Poles Apart; Anti-Communism is Hitler’s and Mussolini’s Platform,” it reviewed the pamphlet Russia, Poland and India published by the “Indo- Polish Library”, and Communism and Victory published by the Catholic Press, Ranchi. The author of the review exposed the writer S. R. Ali, who was interested in “exposing” and “debunking” Communism, and said, “This pamphlet seeks to prove that there is little to choose between Nazism and Communism, between Hitler and Stalin. What is behind this reappearance of anti-Soviet pamphleteering? How is this open vilification of an ally allowed by the government? From where does one get paper priority and the cash to print all these anti-Soviet pamphlets’?

“Here is a third pamphlet someone has sent me. It is called Communism: Doctrine and Facts by Rev. Father Zacharias, published by the Catholic Truth Society of India, Trichinopoly. On the inside cover there is a list of Twelve Booklets on Communism. ,. .Here are a few samples of the ‘truth’ as doled out by the Catholic Truth Press: ‘Communistic education makes children materialists, atheists, revolutionaries, immoral, civilised beasts.. .children publicly demand the death of their parents... the Moscow Government carries on officially the most revolting propaganda with coloured diagrams and plaster-casts which illustrate all the processes of immorality. Class struggle, fratricidal quarrels, civil wars, assassinations, murders, etc., make up the merchandise that Communism hawks about... ’ It goes on, ‘The well-being of the working masses is only a secondary object, a pretext of their anti- religious propaganda.’ Communists, as their history clearly shows, do not care much for the good of the poor — the poor are more numerous now in Soviet Russia than before. Their only aim is to abolish religion and thereby free themselves for a bestial life...

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Refuting this slander the Bombay Chronicle commentator wrote:

“According to the introduction, Father Zacharias wrote all this in 1937 on return from a visit to Catholic Spain (his) mother country now in the throes of an armed Communist revolution. We know that what he calls ‘Catholic Spain’ was Franco Spain, aided and abetted by Hitler and Mussolini, challenging the constitutional Republican Government. The tone and temper, as well as the content of all these pamphlets, remind me of the anti-Comintern propaganda that was being regularly doled out by the Nazis and fascists before the beginning of this war.

“I have just finished reading John Roy Carlson’s Under Cover a documented expose of the activities of Nazi and fascist propagandists and spies in the USA. And I find that practically all the pro-fascists, he has exposed, were working for Hitler while pretending to defend Christianity, religion, morality, etc., against the menace of Communism. Anti- Communism is Hitler’s old platform. It was Mussolini’s platform, too. And it was the anti- Comintern Pact that united the three fascist aggressors — Germany, Italy and Japan. It is difficult to see a bitter attack on Communism or Russia and not to imagine Hitler and Goebbels gloating over it.

“Talking about undercover there is one passage in it which particularly attracted my attention. Describing a pro-Nazi newspaper published in America (in 1939) Carlson says: ‘The masthead of Pete’s sheet carried the line: our foreign news is supplied by the following news services: World Service, Bombay Press Service, Anti- Bolshevism. The first two press agencies were official Nazi bureaus and the last was an Italian agency.

“What was this Bombay Press Service! One can imagine that both Nazis and the fascists had organisations working for them in this country before the war. But this is the first time we have heard of the Bombay Press Service. However, I do know that five years ago there was a bureau working in Bombay which did nothing but cyclostyle and distributes to the papers the most horrible anti-Communist and anti-Russian ‘atrocity stories’ that an ingenious liar could cook up. The bureau had a staff of translators and the stuff was translated into half a dozen Indian languages and posted to several hundred newspapers every week. At that time I was told by a 1 8 8

man actually working for this bureau that it was financed by certain local capitalists who were naturally anxious to check the spread of Communism in India. As for the source of their information and material, he had told me it came from ‘abroad’. Could it be from Germany where a master liar systematically manufactured the biggest anti-Communist lies ever told? Could it be that there was some sort of connection between the Bombay Press Service referred to by Carlson and this anti- Communist news service?

“There is much in Communist policies with which I (and many others in India) disagree. But those differences cannot blind us to the fundamental facts that Nazism and Communism are poles apart; that the role of the Soviet Union in international affairs has been infinitely more honourable than that of Germany, Italy and Japan, and in some respects even more consistently honourable than that of Britain and America; and that, whatever its shortcomings the USSR represents the greatest obstacle in the way of Hitlerian ambitions... The two ideologies, Communism and Nazism, could not but be bitterly opposed to each other.

“Possibly the Soviet Union has not been as generous and tactful in dealing with Poland as it should have been. Still, it is no use blinding oneself to the facts that the Government of Poland — and the ruling class — were hostile to the Soviet Union, besides being undemocratic and reactionary. Some of them at least had fascistic leanings. And in their negotiations with the USSR they have not displayed exactly a friendly attitude I wish some of our earnest Russophobes in India, who claim to be nationalists but write much more about Roland than about India and more against Russia and Communism than against imperialism, capitalism and fascism, realised

56 that they are playing Hitler’s game.”

This was the kind of angry reaction that was evoked by anti-Soviet activity in India, which was obviously inspired and organised by the colonial powers. Such campaigns did not represent the voice of the people of India, their voice was different.

In a message, Greetings to Soviets, the youth of India declared in November 1943 (The Student)-.

“Brothers and sisters, young fighters of the Soviet Union we salute

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you: Single-handed, you stopped the fascist advance and won the first great victories. Today yours is the biggest share in the great Allied victories. The peoples of Europe, led by the French and Yugoslavs, have risen in arms to join you. Large sections of the British and American peoples are ready to join you in the second front in Western Europe. The second front is within your grasp.

“We remember you defended us from the west at Stalingrad and upset the Japanese invasion plans in the east. We shall repay our debt to you. We shall unite to release our Congress leaders and win our National Government to wipe fascism from the face of Asia. We shall take our defences into our own hands under our National Government and release

57 allied resources and men for the second front in Europe.”

Evidently, imperialist propaganda could not turn the peoples of the colonial and dependent countries into anti-Soviet and anti-Communist tools.

As Mr. P. C. Joshi, a prominent worker of the CPI during the forties (later the General Secretary of the CPI and at present attached to the Jawaharlal Nehru University) recalls, “the movement of solidarity and support to the USSR in 1941-45 was, besides everything else, a kind of protest against the colonial policy of anti- Sovietism, against insinuations and lies about the country of the Great October Revolution”. Progressive Indian intellectuals actively took up the task of exposing the lies. In the words of P. C. Joshi, those who made passionate speeches in defense of the position of the USSR and exposed lying propaganda about the socialist state included Col. Sokhey, Prof. Bhabha (Bangalore) and the great Indian physicist C. V. Raman. An important role in the development of the movement of the Friends of the Soviet Union was played by the All India Bengal Convention for People’s War in which the democratic fighters for freedom and independence of India took an active part.

Indians welcomed articles that gave them a true picture of living conditions in Soviet society, about the aspirations of its peoples, their desire for friendship and cooperation with the Indian people engaged in their struggle for freedom. One such article, In the Workers’ Fatherland, was” by

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Amir Hyder Khan, a veteran Indian revolutionary, written on the occasion of the 27th anniversary of the Great October Revolution. Amir Khan, who had spent several years studying and working in the Soviet Union, wrote: “The various vicissitudes which the Soviet peoples and their leaders have gone through while striving for the fulfilment of the historic task of the great proletarian revolution are well known. But as an Indian belonging to an enslaved nation who had enjoyed the hospitality and freedom of the Soviet soil, which I can never dream under the present regime of my own country, it behoves me to recall the common traits of the Soviet peoples among whom I lived.

“Even ordinarily the Russian people are well known for the following characteristics: Dobroduoshicwitii (good soul), though in practice it means much more than merely good nature. They never wish to harm anyone and desire the best for everybody. No meanness following characteristics: Dobroduoshicwnii (good soul), though in and pettiness in the common people; in short they are of a magnanimous nature.

Gostiepriimnyii (hospitable) to the extent that a Russian will give away his last piece of bread to a guest even if he himself has to go without anything to eat. Lyubopyitnyii (curious) but not in the sense conveyed by the English word. This implies a keen desire to learn, to know everything. In their quest for the knowledge, they seek every sort of information when they meet a stranger, such as all about the social and economic conditions of his country, peculiar customs and conventions, etc., even intimate and personal things. Otkrovienii (open-minded), that is usually the Russians are frank and honest and sincere in their words and actions without any diplomacy or hypocrisy.

“Such are the ordinary people. The new Russians have cast away many conventions and taboos. Self-criticism and a sincere expression of opinion are considered a great virtue in the Soviet land. The Soviet workers, after the revolution, have developed to a high degree of their instinctive sense of international solidarity and sympathy for foreign workers and struggling colonial peoples. After the civil war and famine when reconstruction had commenced of the plants and factories which were damaged during the evolution, the material conditions of the

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working people of USSR were far from satisfactory. Still, when the British general strike began on May 1, 1936 (I happened to be in Moscow on that day), I saw in every factory and workshop-how, besides contributing cash on the spot, the workers voted in mass meetings in favour of setting apart a certain percent of their wages or their monthly earnings to be sent to the strike fund as long as the strike continued.

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In an atmosphere of intense solidarity with and sympathy for the striking workers, even the students of our (Eastern) university who were getting only ten roubles per month as the pocket expense also voted half a rouble per month to be deducted per student and sent to the strike fund for the duration of the strikes...The same way^they helped the first united struggle of China (from 1925- 27) which commenced on the day of the massacre of the Shanghai workers by the British-controlled police. It grew into a mighty upheaval against foreign imperialist concessions in China, extraterritorial rights, and against the internal feudal warlords who were acting as agents of foreign powers against the unity of the country. As long as it remained a people’s united struggle for freedom, the Soviet people did everything to help the movement with every possible means, even if it meant depriving themselves of many material comforts.

“Early in 1928, in Moscow city, the International Transport Workers’ Conference was .in session. I was participating in it as a fraternal delegate. Through the TASS agency, we got news of the shooting of railway workers at Lilloah (near Calcutta). Immediately a resolution was moved by the Soviet transport workers’ delegation condemning those who were responsible for shooting unarmed Indian workers. And, through telegraphic transfer, they immediately sent some financial help from their Union fund to the striking workers of Liluah. I never came across a single instance when the striking workers of any part of the world or colonial people struggling for their national liberation were not helped by the Soviet workers with their sincere sympathy and even direct financial contribution as long as it was possible.

“The Soviet workers have a special soft corner for Indians and Negroes. In India, they see a great and ancient civilised country which has been mercilessly oppressed and exploited for a long time by the foreign powers. Yet they always talked to me about the bright future of free India, when the people of USSR and the people of free India would have

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unhindered social, cultural and economic contacts, when they would visit each other and establish intimate and personal relations. As for the Negroes, the Soviet people sympathise with them because the race as a whole has been cruelly and shamelessly subjected to exploitation, slavery and endless subjugation by the advanced capitalist nations. They realise the Negroes never have had a chance to grow into fullfledged nationhood. Otherwise, they probably could have contributed something distinct and original of their own to the combined knowledge and culture of the human race as a whole. Probably 99 percent of the Negroes are most oppressed and exploited. Therefore, the Soviet people always look upon them as a great revolutionary reservoir against colonial oppression and exploitation once they become conscious of their strength. The Negroes who are everywhere looked down upon with prejudice, are treated in the Soviet Union by the working people with affection and respect.

“...In short in the land of the Soviets a worker of any race or nationality enjoys full citizen’s rights equal to the sons of the soil and he moves everywhere with self-respect and dignity, without any in¬feriority complex or handicap or any mental anxiety that he is a foreigner or lower than anyone else. Such human relationship is only possible when the exploitation of man by man is put an end to as it has been done in the Soviet Union — as it is this exploitation that is the basic cause of all inequalities,

58 injustice, prejudices and other social evils.”

References

1. Pravda, Moscow, August 11, 1976, The Great Change, by Academician I. Mintz. 2. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I) Secret File No. 18/3/1943. Political, fortnightly reports for the month of March 1943. Strictly confidential, D.O. No. P.-4-30, Government of Madras, March 22,-1943, p.7. 3. Ibid., Government of Bengal, Home (Political) Department, Memo Noi 515/1/26, P.S., Calcutta, March 18, 1943, p.29. ! 4. Ibid., Confidential, N.P. 25-H(S)/1943, Government of Sind, Home Department, Special, Karachi, March 18, 1943, p. 157. 5. Ibid., Strictly confidential Government of Madras, D.O. No. p.-4-3I, Public (General) Department, Madras, April 5/ 1943, p. 205.

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6. flXl, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I) Secret, fortnightly reports for the month of April 1943, D.O. No. 977C, April 20, 1943, Government of Bihar, File No. 18/1943, p. 71. 7. Ibid., No. D.O. 1092-C, May 4, 1943, Government of Bihar, Political Depart¬ment, p. 289. 8. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I) Section File No. 18/5/1943, p. 267, Confidential, D.O. No. 1720C, Government of Orissa, Cuttack, June 4-5, 1943. 9. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political Secret File No. 18/6/1943, Political, p. 198, D.O. No. 1082, P.S. Confidential, Bengal Secretariat, July 2, 1943. 10. NAI, Government of India, Home Department Political (I) See File No. 18/7/1943, Political (I); p. 99, Confidential, Government of Orissa, Home Department Special Section, D.O. No. 2211C, Cuttack, July 19, 1943. 11. Ibid. Secret D.O. No. 719, confidential, Government of the Central Provinces and Berar, Political and Military Department, Nagpur, July 5, 1943, p. 239. 12. Ibid., p. 277, Government of Sind, Karachi, July 5, 1943, Confidential No. p. 25/25/4(S) 1943. 13. NAI, Ibid., p. 99, Confidential, Government of Orissa, D.O. No. 2651C, Cuttack, August 19, 1943. 14. NAI, Ibid., p. 109, Government of Sind, Karachi, August 7, 1943. 14a. Ibid. 15. NAI, Ibid., p. 161, Confidential, No. S.D., No. 2080, Home Department, Poona, August 4, 1943. 16. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I) File No. 18/9/1943, Political (I), Madras Government, September 20, 1943. 17. Ibid., p. 143, Appendix, report on the press (Madras) for the second half of September, 1943. 18. Ibid., Confidential, S.O. No. S.D. 2639, Home Department, Poona, October 19, 1943. 19. Ibid., Confidential, D.O. No. 1/10/1943-CX. Government of United Provinces, Confidential Department, October 19, 1943. 20. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I), File No. 18/11/1943, Political (I) D.O. No. 1609 P.S. Confidential, Bengal Secretariat, Calcutta, November 7, 1943. 21. Ibid., p. 67, D.O. No. 3429C, Confidential, Government of Bihar, Political Department (Special Section), Patna, November 18, 1943. 22. Ibid., p. 107, Confidential, D.O. No. 3754C, Government of Orissa, Home Department, Special Section, Cuttack, November 19, 1943. 23. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I), Secret File No. 18/12/1943, Political (I), p. 2. Strictly confidential, D.O. No. p-4-38, Madras, December 21, 1943. 24. Ibid., p. 110. Office of the Special Press Adviser, Delhi, Appendix I, fortnight ending December 15, 1943. 25. Ibid., p. 17, Bombay Government, December 18, 1943.

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26. From the interview with Mr. Motilal Misri, on February 23, 1976. 27. Amity, Vol. 4, No. 7-8, July-August 1975, p. 21. 28. From Mr. M. G. Vaidya’s reminiscences, dated September 15, 1976, which he sent on my request from Bhopal (M.P.). It may be added here that exchange of fraternal messages between Soviet and Indian people took place very often in 1943. According to the Janashakti, Madras, dated 10.2.1943, the Soviet Ambassador in London Ivan Maisky sent a reply to the message sent earlier by the South Indian Railway Workers’ Union Confcrencejn August 1942. The reply was dated October 5, 1942. / The same weekly reported on March 3, 1943, about a message greeting the Red Army sent to the Soviet Embassy in London by the people of Coimbatore (Tamilnadu). 29. Soviet Union News, Delhi, 1943, Vol. 2, No. 8, p. 4. 30. Soviet Union News, Delhi, 1943, Vol. 2, No. 10, P. 27. 31. A copy of the letter was discovered in the Central Archives of the October Revolution of the USSR (Mostow), VOKS records. 32. The People’s War. December 20, 1942. The same message was reproduced in The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, dated December 20, 1942, under the title Soviet Scientists’ Message to India, Their Contribution to Indian Research. It was commented in the article, “War-Time Culture in Soviet Russia” by Sajjad Zaheer in Hansa, June 1943. 33. Hansa, June 1943. 34. The Modern Review, October 1944, pp. 184-185. 35. The Central Archives of October Revolution (Moscow), VOKS Records. 36. The Indo-Soviet Journal, Bombay, 1949, p. 9. 37. Hansa, July 1943. 38. For more about this conference see Roshnai, by Sajjad Zaheer, 1959, Azad Kitab Ghar, Kalan Mahal, Delhi. 39. From Interview with Mr. Shivdan Singh Chauhan, dated February 15, 1977. 40. Hansa, August 1943. 41. From an interview in Calcutta, dated November 1, 1975. 42. From above mentioned interview with K. A. Abbas in Bombay. 43. Central Archives of the October Revolution of the USSR (Moscow), VOKS records. 44. Ibid. 45. Ibid. 46. Ibid. 47. The Janashakti, Madras, April 19, 1944. 48. Central Archives of the October Revolution of the USSR (Moscow), VOKS records, 49. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, March 14, 1943.

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50. “I Am Not An Island”, by K. A.Abbas, Vikas, 1977, pp. 227-229. 51. NAI, Home, Political, File No. 7/10/1943, pp. 1, 3, 4. 52. The Student, January 1943, Vol. 3, No. 1, pp. 31-34.

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53. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political, File No. 18/2/1943, fortnightly reports for the month of February 1943. 54. The Student, May 1943, No. 5, pp. 12-13. 55. Indian Annual Register, July-December 1943. 56. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, December 10, 1944 (“The Last Days”, conducted by Chronicle). 57. The Student, No. 11, November 1943, p. 13. 58. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, November 5, 1944.

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THE YEAR 1944

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“CAN WE EVER FORGET THIS NOBLE DEED?”

The year 1944 brought fresh confidence about the ultimate defeat of the Hitlerite hordes leadingT to peace in the world. The inevitability of the final and total defeat of Hitlerism was brilliantly expressed by Telugu poet Sankara Satyanarayana in his poem Hitler’s Fall written at that time: Hitler, in your colossal hauteur and pride, You swim vainly against history’s tide. When you thought of toppling the workers’ own State And strove to set up your own, blind with hate, Your choicest soldiery was turned to dust. And when you from Stalingrad made a detour In order that you might the Urals devour, Your mighty hosts were all laid low. In trying to bring down the toilers’ heaven You overreached yourself and, Lo, you are fallen.’

The world was exhausted by war; the brutality of fascist bombardments and the horror of genocide in the countries occupied by Hitlerite Germany created a mounting wave of revulsion. Everywhere the people dreamt of peace.

Ali Sardar Jafri, the well-known Urdu poet, wrote his poem The Star of Peace in 1944 — proclaiming that the question of war and peace had been decided in the fields of Russia and that the world’s great heritage of culture including that of the ancient east like the cave paintings of Ajanta,

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the sculptures of the temples of Madurai, the beauty of the Taj Mahal had all in a way been saved by the sacrifices made by the Soviet Union’s armed forces and the heroism of its people: Rising like a whirlwind, advancing like a hurricane The Hitlerite hordes came; Yet, forced at last to bite the dust On Russia’s fields; Lost, bewildered in the snows, Gazing vacantly at the skies, Their medals strewn all over like splinters and junk. Their faces flushed with rage, hands, cruel and restless, Fingers skilled in strangling women and children. And dexterous in robbing corpses —- But they, the fingers, dropped like dead leaves in Russia’s autumn wind. Today the earth of Shiraz, So dear to Hafiz, sparkles, And cool shadows fall over the tombs of Khayyam and Sa’adi, And no blood-stains disfigure the pages of Firdousi’s Shah Namah. In India, the reflection of the Taj Flirts with the Jamuna’s waves, Madurai’s temples stand proudly aloft And Ajanta’s princesses lost in ageold dreams slumber deep in shady caves. The valiant Soviet people shed their blood to save all these The tears of Soviet mothers quenched the advancing flames. 2 Can we ever forget this noble deed?

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The prestige of the Soviet; Union, the Soviet Army, and the new Soviet Man grew tremendously. Gopal Haidar in an article Soviets, a Light to Asia, published in the Indo-Soviet Journal, dated January 23, 1944, wrote:

“Only the other day an Indian newspaper magnate-and a staunch nationalist said, ‘Even colour prejudice changes. For example, we would not believe the White Man generally, be he a Britisher, a Frenchman, a German, or an American. We would not believe the Russians once. But do we today harbour the same distrust against the Russians and feel that they too are White Men who are not to be trusted?’ It was a small Bengali adda of keen intellectuals and literary men, nationalists one and all, who all agreed that a change had come and who still would declare as fervently as Hiren Mukerjee, I love every blade of Indian grass.

“So did declare Sabir Rahimov, the Uzbek Major-General of the Red Army who fought on the Russian front at Yelnya when the Nazis invaded the Soviet Union. ‘At Yelnya’, said the Uzbek born in Tashkent, ‘I was defending Moscow, the heart of my motherland. Simultaneously, I was defending my native Uzbekistan’.

“The Soviets provided new hope to humanity, and particularly to the peoples of the East, who had known the Westerners, ‘the White Men’, only as oppressors and aggressors, as arrogant imperialists and supercilious philistines. With the birth of the Soviets, a new dawn broke in the East. On a November day, the oppressed peoples of the Czarist Empire learnt that a man called Lenin had risen in distant Petrograd and declared them free. That charter was not meant for application only to the peoples of the West, to Finns, Poles, Lithuanians, Latvians, etc. The declaration was addressed to all alike, to Ukrainians as much as to Uzbeks, to Christians as much as to

3 Muslims, to White Men as much as to men of Mongol blood.”

In January 1944, according to the Government’s confidential report, Lenin Day and Independence Day were celebrated in various cities and

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villages of Maharashtra and Gujarat and in other places. On January 21, Communist and labour leaders held public meetings in the districts of Ahmedabad, Panch Mahals, Surat, East and West Khandesh, Ahmednagar, Thana and Kolaba and in Bombay City to explain the historical significance of the Russian revolution and the part played in it by Lenin — and to highlight what was said to be the main lesson of that revolution for India, unity both to drive off external aggression and to achieve independence. Bombay city Communists celebrated Independence Day by holding two meetings on January 26, and urged the workers “to strive for the release of Congress leaders, the establishment of a National Government, for Hindu-

4 Muslim unity and the defeat of fascist aggression”.

In a special Lenin number, the Indo-Soviet Journal wrote editorially: “Lenin Lives. Peoples of the East hail Lenin’s name, for he placed unreservedly at the forefront of the World Socialist movement our struggle against imperialism.”

Another article ‘Lenin and Indian Freedom’ by Vanguard said:

“...Today, imperialism, if it has to survive, can only do so by shackling the entire people — and not only the working class — with the worst form of servitude that man has ever found. And the struggle against that servitude is the struggle of the entire humanity. If fascism could be crushed, it would mean the destruction of the most ruthless form of imperialism, and with the growing tempo of people’s consciousness and revolutionary activity, the forces of liberation will get free play all over the world. Just as thirty years ago, Lenin made it clear that there could be no emancipation for the working class without actively supporting the cause of national freedom in the colonial countries, so today there is no freedom for any people — colonial or metropolitan — without each joining hands with the other in the common struggle for the overthrow of the most ruthless form of imperialism, that is fascism. It is the same emphasis upon unity of people’s interest all over the world that is the red thread running through the entire development of Leninism. The liberation of the peoples is as much the objective before

5 every follower of Lenin today as it was of Lenin himself thirty years back.”

But it was not as if the war had ended or even that the end was in

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sight. More than two and a half years after severe fighting began and the Soviet armies, locked in a titanic struggle against the forces of Hitler, had contained and rolled them back, the second front had not yet been opened by the Western Allies.

As the Home Department report from the United Provinces for January 1944 said, the nationalist opinion in India continued to press for the opening of the second front. The Bharat said, “Allied victory in Europe could be achieved this year if a big land-attack were mounted in the West”. Others like the Medina thought that America’s increas¬ed commitment to the war effort in Europe (as evidenced by Gen. Eisenhower’s appointment as the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe) could be the reflection of an

6 attempt “to wrest hegemony of the world after the war”.

Official reports of the period also noted the comparison made by Indian public opinion between the scale of the efforts made and losses suffered on the Russo-German and Anglo-American-German fronts. As the confidential government reports for February 1944 said: “The brilliant successes in Russia continue to attract unstinted admiration, and confidence is still expressed in the effects of the continued air offensive over Germany

7 from the West”.

On July 2, 1944, the Bombay Chronicle Weekly said in an article,

“The speed and momentum with which the present (Russian) offensive has proceeded are almost breath-taking. It has easily excelled in the previous exploits of the Red Army, which is saying a lot. Not only has one Nazi bastion after another, which the Germans had spent months in fortifying, fallen down like ninepins, but the Germans are suffering staggering losses. It is not a reverse or a withdrawal which the Germans are faced with but a virtual debacle. According to Soviet army circles, the rout of the Germans in White Russia (Byelorussia — LVM) is developing into the biggest military defeat in history... Ilya Ehrenburg, the well-known Russian author, has written in an exultant mood: ‘One front after another opens up as the new summer offensive widens with extraordinary speed and every

8 blow is a bull’s eye”.

The Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote on April 6, 1944, in an article The

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Russian Riddle: “Surprise is expressed in different parts of the world, not excluding Britain and America, at the amazing achievements of the Red Army against Hitler on the Russian front as well as at the startling

9 suddenness of the Kremlin’s diplomatic manoeuvres”.

In another article Russian Victories dated April 18, 1944, the same

10 paper wrote:

“Russian victories in the South read like a fairy-tale. Since the New Year important areas and the strongholds have been recaptured from the enemy. From the Dnieper to the Dniester, and from the Dniester to the Pruth — the Red Army has been blazing a trail of steel, irrevocably westward. One army marches from Ternopil towards Lwow in a drive for Poland. Another tries to hold in the Skala the entrapped remainder of a German army. Further, to the south, a third crosses the Pruth into Romania, captures Jassy and marches to the foothills of the Carpathians. A fourth completes a pair of pincers with the third by crossing the Dniester below Tiraspol and carrying on an encircling movement around Kishinev, the Bessarabian capital. A fifth occupies Odessa.. .and marches down the Black Sea coast towards Romania. And a sixth — probably it would be more correct to say a sixth and a seventh — is rapidly closing the net over a trapped German-Rumanian Army in the Crimea... The Russian fist is working like a sledgehammer where is the other fist?” (meaning the opening of the second front — LVM).

Such comments in the nationalist Indian press quite .naturally irritated the colonial authorities. A confidential fortnightly report-for the month of June 1944 from Epona noted, “People are watching with fascinated interest what they regard as a race between the Anglo- American armies on the West and the Russian armies on the East. This attitude, though probably quite natural, is a little unfortunate because it leads to comparisons which are wholly invalid on strategical grounds.”

It must also be recorded that along with the encouraging development in the war, the resistance and reserves of strength displayed by Soviet society, the continued improvements made in the Socialist system and the Constitution of the workers’ state attracted wide Indian attention. And the colonial rulers in India were not at all happy. The reason was that

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the strengthening of the sovereignty of the Soviet peoples’ government reminded the Indian people more and more acutely of their own dependent position. Editorial comments on Soviet Constitutional amendments, transferring defence and foreign affairs to the constituent republics aroused very great interest in India. The Government’s confidential report from Calcutta, dated February 17, 1944, noted that “the amendments to the 1936 Soviet Constitution decentralising control of foreign affairs and defence were discussed in a large number of editorial articles. The general view was that the changes were a step towards the ideal of a Soviet Federal State. The nationalist press regarded the amendments as a challenge to imperialism and expressed the view that Russia had provided an example of which the Western democracies must not fail to take notice. The Amrita Bazar Patrika was quoted as saying that the “far-reaching changes” were “a challenge to those who believe in the status quo and who, on one pretext or another, would defer or even resist inevitable changes”. The Hindusthan Standard said, “For an imperialist system it would mean disintegration; a’ ‘multinational State’ would presuppose liquidation of empire. For a socialist system, holds Stalin, it means socialist unity.” Even The Statesman said, “.. .it is plainly a precedent of the day” and “involves much recasting of current theory about the lines of political evolution.” 12

This view was broadly shared elsewhere. A Confidential report from Nagpur dated February 20, 1944, said, “The decision of the Supreme Soviet is held out as a good example to be followed by the British Government in the solution to the Indian problem.”13 The Dawn (Delhi) thought the Soviet example was worthy of emulation by the British statesmen who were not tired of their academic insistence on ‘the unity of Commonwealth policy’

14 while their real intention was to maintain the status quo…”

The significant event of 1944 was the opening of the second front. The Amrita Bazar Patrika in an editorial At Long Last (June 8, 1944) commented:

“So the so-called Second Front is no longer in the realm of speculation. It is now an accomplished fact. The allied troops have landed on the North Coast of France... Now are the days for an all-out effort to smash the enemy

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and relieve the war-weary world of Nazi tyranny as well as of the spell of fascist exploitation which has during these two decades enslaved the minds of men and caused endless misery and suffering both nationally and in the

15 international sphere.” FIRST ALL INDIA CONGRESS OF

FRIENDS OF THE SOVIET UNION

The landing of the Allies on the French Coast took place three days after the first All India Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union took place in Bombay. The conference which met in the beginning of June 1944, marked an important step in the movement of solidarity between patriotic Indians and the Soviet people. The Congress worked out the detailed organisational structure of the movement and again emphasised that the national-liberation movement in India was determined to strengthen friendship with the USSR, and confirmed its adherence to the principles of anti-fascism and anti-imperialism.

In an editorial entitled FSU Congress, the Bombay Chronicle Weekly dated June 3, 1944, wrote: “The first All India Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union is meeting today in Bombay under the presidentship of Mrs. Vijayalaxmi Pandit. It is an occasion that epitomises as it were the Indian people’s abiding interest and faith in the Soviet Union.

“The Indo-Soviet contact dates back to the early days of the Revolution. Not a few Indian revolutionaries, leaving India in the Hijrat movement found their way to Russia via Afghanistan. They were received there as comrades and participated in the tribulations and triumphs of those days that shook the world.

“Since then the politically-minded Indians have been enthusiastically interested in the developments in the world’s first workers’ State. Two of our greatest men — Nehru and Tagore — visited the Soviet Union and wrote about it at considerable length. Our writers and litterateurs and intellectuals have sought inspiration in the masterpieces of Russian literature — Tolstoy and Tchekhov and Turgenev as also the writers of the revolution and the

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reconstruction — Gorky and Sholokhov and Alexei Tolstoy and Ehrenburg. Our artists have studied the new values of the purposeful, proletarian art of the Soviet Union. And our national movement has always felt a bond of solidarity with the workers and peasants of the USSR.

“No wonder, then, that since its very inception, the Friends of the Soviet Union has been able to get the support of Indians of all shades of political opinion. While Communists and Congressmen, of course, have been in the forefront, Liberals, Moderates and even Muslim Leaguers have supported the FSU movement. Politicians, writers, intellectuals, professors, students, artists, journalists — they are all represented in the FSU which is perhaps the only organisation in which the political lion and the non- political lamb have joined together for a common purpose.

“The objects of the FSU — ‘to develop friendly relations and solidarity between the Soviet people and the people of our country by promoting a close study and sympathetic understanding of each other’s culture and achievements’ — have been achieved by a series of activities carried on by all the branches — lectures, exhibitions, publications, film shows, etc. To the credit of the organisers it can be said that they have been able to keep the

16 FSU a really active and really non-party (or rather all-party) organisation.”

In the same issue, quoting Romain Rolland, the great French writer who was, according to the paper, “a rare combination of socialist and humanitarian, devoted both to the cause of India and the Soviet Union,” the Bombay Chronicle Weekly wrote: “The personalities of Lenin and Gandhi have equally appealed to him. He once wrote: ‘I wish to see in the fighting Communism of the USSR and the civil disobedience of India organised and guided by Gandhi, the two great wings of the Revolution. I expressed the wish that they would coordinate and regulate their common rhythm.’

“And it seems a happy coincidence that we should have occasion to recall these words just as the first Indian Friends of the Soviet Union Congress is being held in Bombay symbolising the solidarity of what R. Rolland described as the two wings of the Revolution.”

According to available documents, the Bombayȣongress was highly representative, brilliantly organised and became an impressive

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manifestation of the unity of the democratic forces in India. By the beginning of 1944, the Friends of the Soviet Union movement achieved a new stage in its development. Despite colonial repression and the arrests and imprisonment of thousands of Indian patriots, the FSU units functioned not only in major provincial centres but also in the smaller cities and towns and these units sent their representatives to the Congress. Many of the units had succeeded by then in establishing direct contacts with the USSR, and with VOKS in particular..(The numerous letters and messages sent from India to the Soviet Union are in the VOKS’ files at the Central State Archives of October Revolution of the USSR in Moscow for the period of 1941- 45.)

It should be noted that the All-Union Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (VOKS) came into being in 1925. Among other things, it looked after the establishment and development of contacts with the outstanding writers and public figures visiting the USSR, securing reciprocal and positive reaction from abroad and encouraging the emergence of new organisations favouring cooperation with the USSR.

Among those in India who favoured such cooperation were outstanding figures including Motilal Nehru, Jawaharlal Nehru, Rabindranath Tagore and many others. In the book Soviet Russia, published a year after his visit to the USSR (1927), Jawaharlal Nehru wrote that Russia interests us because she can help us find solutions to the great problems now facing the world. It is understandable why India is craving to know as

17 much as possible about it.

Knowledge obtained through literature and art about the successes of socialist construction in the USSR compelled the intelligentsia of many countries to ponder over the character and advantages of the new social system.

A powerful impetus for the development of social and cultural relations between the Soviet Union and other countries was provided by the International Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union held in Moscow during the celebrations of the tenth anniversary of the Great October Socialist Revolution. An important decision of the Congress embodied support for progressive forces in setting up new organisations of Friends of the Soviet

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Union abroad.

The War and the large-scale fascist aggression placed new tasks before the VOKS and the foreign societies and unions of friendship with the USSR. In the countries of the anti-Hitler coalition, all Friends of the Soviet Union groups launched strong campaigns for close cooperation with the Soviet Union and the immediate opening of the second front in Europe. Despite the complex war-time conditions, the VOKS strove to keep alive the contacts with foreign organisations and to develop them in all possible ways.*

Since the USSR and India had no diplomatic relations at the time, all correspondence passed through the Soviet Embassy in Kabul and through

P. Gladyshev, the TASS representative in India then and later through his successor, O. Orestov. There are thousands of names in these letters, all great representatives of the Indian people. The letters spoke of an FSU unit, being organised in 1944 in Ujjain, of the Bombay unit forming a film committee which ran a festival of Soviet films from May 1944 with the film She Fought

18 for Her Homeland, of an FSU unit being organised in Shillong (Assam). On June 29, 1944, the cultural secretary of the Agra Students’ Federation Yashwant Singh, B. S. wrote to VOKS asking for posters, pictures, charts and other literature to be included in an exhibition. He said: “In the third week of August, ’44, on the occasion of the provincial students’ conference we are going to arrange an exhibition on ‘The USSR — its Life and People’.”

* At present, the Union of the Soviet Societies for Friendship and Cultural Relations with Foreign Countries (SSOD), formed on the basis of the VOKS, unites 61 societies of friendship with different countries and three associations of friendship and cultural relations (with Arab countries, countries of Africa and Latin America). The societies and associations include as their collective members more than 25 thousand enterprises, collective farms, state farms, schools, educational establishments, organisations of health, science and culture. Taking part in the work of the various organisations and departments of the SSOD are more than 5Q million representatives from all walks of Soviet society. The Union and its departments maintain contacts with 7.5 thousand organisations and many public figures, representative of science and culture of 134 countries. There are now abroad 108 societies, associations, institutions of friendship with the USSR, with whom the SSOD develops diverse lines of cooperation. (E. Ivanov, Motto of Strengthening the*’ Friendship; “Soviet

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Culture”, 4.4.1975). One of the biggest of these societies is the Soviet-Indian Friendship Society.

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In November 1941, FSU units sprang up in Guntur, Ellore and a few other in Andhra district centres. Four district units were active in 1944 and there were organising committees in several others. Patriots of all parties, and especially the intellectuals, were joining with alacrity; Soviet films lent from Bombay were shown by the FSU, and substantial sums collected for relief.

An FSU Unit was set up in Calicut, “the only functioning unit on the west coast for a population of 11 million speaking Malayalam”. In a letter dated April 3, 1944, P, G. Narayanan Nambudiripad said they did not have enough material on the Soviet Union. As they intended to hold a picture and poster exhibition in Calicut in the first week of May, he asked for “all available material in the form of posters, photographs, charts and maps”. (The exhibition was to be held in various parts of the province.)

After June 22, 1941, FSU branches and Soviet-Aid societies were set up in many Kerala districts. The Bengal manifesto was a great encouragement. The first Kerala provincial conference was held in May 1942, it was inaugurated by Poet Vallathol and was presided over by the then Mayor of Madras. Other rallies were held from time to time. The Organisation was subjected to a lot of police persecution especially in Cochin. Permission for bringing out a journal was refused and office files were taken away.-On anniversary occasions, however, meetings were held and there were four publications. The organisation was put on a firm basis in the beginning of 1944.

Writing from Madras on September 17, 1944, K. Baladandayutham said they were organising exhibitions in many centres of Tamilnadu to popularise the achievements of the Soviet Union and to bring about better understanding between the two peoples. “They are very popular. Demands for such exhibitions (are) pouring in from various new centres. We propose to make them a permanent feature and one of the main activities of the Friends of the Soviet Union,” he said.

(The author has had the privilege of meeting Com. Baladandayudham, but never knew of the role he played in organising the Madras

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FSU. In a commemoration issue dedicated to him P. Manickam, assistant secretary of the CPI, Tamilnadu, paid glowing tributes to him and the activities of the Friends of the Soviet Union unit in Madras, where a start was made as early as in November 1941. Towards the beginning of 1942, a largely attended conference was held but there was not enough of organisational coordination. A proper organisation has been set up only in 1944?9)

According to the Janashakti, the Tamil organ of the CPI dated May 31, 1944, the Tamilnadu FSU unit was inaugurated at a meeting held oil May 25, 1944, at the Gokhale Hall with Thiru V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliar presiding. The organising committee consisted of Bikku Arya Asanga, Dr

P. Subbaroyan, Dr. Audiseshayya, Yuvaraja of Pithapuram, VA.RA., T. S. Chokkalingam, Editor, Dinasari, G. Parthasarathy, sub-editor, The Hindu and A. G. Venkatachar, sub-editor, Dinamani. The conveners were: T. V. Kalyanasundara Mudaliar and K. Baladandayudham. Congress leader Ponnambala Gownder who presided at the Gokhale Hall meeting said that the Congress in India, like the Soviet people were opposed to fascism from

20 the very beginning.

The Bangalore unit of the FSU was inaugurated on July 4, 1944, at a meeting held under the presidentship of Homi J. Bhabha, the well- known atomic scientist, the founder of the country’s atomic energy programme and director of the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research. Among the people who signed that document were J. C. Ghosh, scientist, K. T. Bhasyam and

T. Sidhalingiah, leading Congressmen and others. Mr. Bhabha hailed soviet progress in science. The FSU committee included: President H. J. Bhabha, Secretary A’ R. Wadia, Assistant Secretary P. S. Devadoss, Treasurer R. Kandasaniy; members: J. C. Ghosh, scientist, K. T. Bhasyam, Congress President, P. N. Gupta, C. N. Narasinga Rao, L. Narasimhamurthy, M.

21 Shankar and Srikant.

The Hindu dated July 7, 1944, reporting the formation of an FSU unit in Bangalore wrote that “a Manifesto issued over the signature of about 50 prominent public men... appeals to all those interested in progress to join the Friends of the Soviet Union, irrespective of their political views. The

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manifesto says, in order that human suffering and effort entailed in the war shall not have been in vain, and in order to prevent a repetition of a similar

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tragedy in another 25 years, it is essential that the solidarity and sympathy established by the war between the peoples of the Soviet Union and those of the other freedom-loving nations of the world should be strengthened by closer cultural and other ties. The Friends of the Soviet Union was founded for the purpose of bringing together the people of our country and those of the Soviet Union by putting before the Indian public the true facts about the cultural, scientific and economic achievements of the Soviet Union without

22 any bias or distortion”.

Exhibitions devoted to the USSR were held by the South Indian FSU units in Madurai, Ponnamalai (Tiruchi), Tuticorin, Vickramasingapuram, Tanjore, Kumbakonam, Perambur and Madras in September 1944.23 And at meetings held all over Tamilnadu, Andhra and Mysore greetings were sent to the Soviet people.

Many functions were organised by the Nagpur branch of the FSU. The unit founded in that city in May 1942, attracted “growing support from all sections of the people and from all parties and those belonging to no party”. According to a letter sent to VOKS on August 2, 1944, the unit concentrated on building up a good library covering all aspects of Soviet life

24 and in arranging lectures, talks and discussions, etc., on the Soviet Union.

The Bombay unit of the FSU became a kind of a focal point for all the other units. According to the FSU Congress report read by Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, the FSU work in Bombay can be traced back to November 1941, when a Soviet-Aid Committee had functioned for a while. Serious work started, however, in February 1942, under the leadership of Mrs. Suhasini Jambekar.

The Bombay FSU devoted special attention to the task of organising and explaining well-thought-out exhibitions of Soviet posters, photographs, etc. From May Day 1942, it organised 15 exhibitions which were attended by not less than 1,16,200 people. Some of these exhibitions were taken out by regular, trained squads to such places as Bhakna (All India Kisan Conference, 1943) and Lahore, Amraoti, Thana, Sholapur, Nagpur and Bezwada (All India Kisan Conference, 1944).

Five publications — four in English and one in Marathi — can be

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credited to the Bombay FSU. Its membership by the time of the Congress was about 1,000. Apart from rallies held on special occasions, it organised nine lectures at Girgaon for 120 regular students, 10 lectures in Dadar for 45 regular students and eight lectures in Matunga for 80 regular students. It took the initiative in forming a Soviet Film Committee, showed such films as She Fought for Her Homeland and Spring Song to packed houses, and held a three-month contract with the Roxy Theatre for screening Soviet film every Sunday morning.

When it was first started, the Bengal FSU had about 20 district branches and some 2,000 members. Numerous conferences on Soviet culture and the significance of the new socialist civilisation were held. From September 1942 the Bengal FSU had the advantage of a good office organisation; and by November 1943, it showed Soviet posters etc., at no less than 25 exhibitions, not only in Calcutta and the district towns but also in out-of-the-way villages likeNalitabari on the occasion of the provincial Kisan Conference. Between September 1942 and October 1943, it organised 40 lectures by well- known people and by four who had been to the USSR. In the same period, 12 conferences and mass meetings were held, e.g., a delegates conference on the second front on the occasion of the War Anniversary, Red Army victories, etc. At these public rallies, messages sent by members of the armed forces were read out. Workers’ evenings were organised on some ten occasions for members of trade unions in and near Calcutta, where lectures were given and questions answered.

Soviet films were shown by the Bengal FSU and on one of these occasions Rs. 600 was collected for relief.

From October 1943, mass meetings were held on Red Army Day. A study class (10 lectures) was attended on an average of 100 students of all ages, nearly one-fourth of them hailing from the districts. There were group discussions and special celebration meetings, as on the Anniversary of Marx’s-death. A library and a free reading room were set up in collaboration with the Anti-Fascist Writers’ and Artists’ Association. A Soviet poster exhibition was arranged in connection with the provincial Kisan Conference in Dinajpur.

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District conference at Jessore and Howrah were highly impressive functions where all classes of people participated. The Bengal Provincial Conference (April 22, 23 and 24, 1944) was attended by delegates from ten districts. A Soviet poster exhibition was held on the occasion, but perhaps the most important achievement was the publication of a manifesto hailing the Soviets and the Red Army, over the signature of more than 200 leading representatives from the fields of art, literature, music, stage, screen, sports, journalism, politics, etc.

Sixteen books and pamphlets (mostly in Bengali, but also in English and Hindi) were published. The Bengal FSU brought out from November 7, 1942, a fortnightly organ, lndo Soviet Journal, with a circulation of about 3,000 it reached, apart from most Indian provinces, Ceylon, China, and the USSR.

In Calcutta alone, the membership figure stood at 430 by the time of the FSU Congress.

The Punjab FSU was organised round about October-November 1941. It held four or five public meetings a year, the average attendance being three to four hundred. It published 14’pamphlets, most of them in English and the rest in Urdu and Punjabi. A Collection of about 240 books and pamphlets on the USSR was on display every evening. By the time of the FSU Congress in Bombay, the membership of the Lahore unit alone was about 200.

Comrade Bhagat Singh Bilga, a prominent worker of Kirti Party, and now the general secretary of Desh Bhagat Yadgar Committee of Jullundur, and comrade Hazara Singh were two of the very active FSU workers in Punjab in 1943 and 1944. Recalling those days they said in a recent interview (on December 19, 1976) that among the more impressive and important meetings included organised those days were the All India Kisan Conference held at Bhakna, the Okara (Montgomery district) conference and the Mandi Ahmedgarh (Ludhiana) conference. Other big and small gatherings were organised practically in all the main cities of Punjab. Prominent Kirti Party and Communist leaders addressed these gatherings. They included

T. S. Swatantra, Iqbal Singh, Chhina, B. S. Bilga, Sohan Singh Josh, F. I.

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Qurban, Feroze-ud-din Mansoor and K. S. Mann. While they supported the war effort, they attacked the fascists and expressed their confidence in the certain Soviet victory in the war.

These activities were soon joined by Nidhan Singh Mahesri and Mela Singh Bilga, who returned home about that time after spending quite some time in the Soviet Union. Mela Singh, according to them, even took part in the battle of Stalingrad and was sure that the Soviet Union would win. The two were arrested in Quetta and released only after two months of interrogation in the Lahore Fort. They worked actively in the peasants’ organisation, then called the Kisan Committee. It was also at that time that Achhar Singh Chhina and Ram Kishan B.A. (National) were sent by the Kirti Party to the Soviet Union. Ram Kishan, the main link between the Kirti Party and the Soviet Union, died while crossing into the Soviet Union from Kabul. (He is said to have been drowned. But Chhina was picked up by the Soviet frontier police and later met Dimitrov. On his way back Chhina was arrested in the Gilgit area but released later.)

Another activist of those days was Com. Piara Singh Sehrahi. He was connected with the Soviet Mittar Mandal in Preet Nagar, a branch of the Punjab FSU. Recalling the work of the society, he has said in a recent letter that the Punjab FSU did much work explaining the causes for which the Soviet people were fighting. It brought out several pamphlets, in Punjabi and in English, on Soviet life. Sehrahi lived and worked in Preet Nagar village, which was being developed as a cultural centre like Shantiniketan in Bengal. The Soviet Mittar Mandal organised meetings and lectures and published literature on the aims and objects of the FSU. About 20 booklets in translations or in the original were published in impressive editions. (Punjabi was a neglected language then.) When Jawaharlal Nehru visited the Preet Nagar colony, Sehrahi presented him a purse of Rs. 250 collected from the people of Preet Nagar village, to be sent as a token of help for the defence of the Soviet Union.

In April 1944, the Bombay FSU unit was invited to organise an exhibition in Lahore. It was held in the Literary League Hall, where most art exhibitions and cultural functions were held in Lahore those days. Inaugurated by Begum Fatima, a prominent Muslim leaguer, on April 17,

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it lasted five days. Begum Fatima spoke of her visit to the International Exhibition held in Paris, where the Soviet Pavilion attracted her most. “Stalingrad has saved Punjab”, she said on the occasion. Mr. Jambekar of the Bombay FSU said the movement aimed at building up brotherhood and solidarity between the people of India and the Soviet people.

The exhibits included charts and pictures drawn by the FSU’s own artists. Fourteen charts depicted the gigantic achievements of the Soviet people in the economic, social and cultural fields. Pictures and portraits of Soviet leaders, of workers and heroes like Stakhanov and Zoya attracted admiring attention. Soviet paintings and cartoons received through the Soviet Embassy at Kabul were also displayed. Women of the lower-middle classes, both Hindu and Muslim, showed great interest in the exhibition. It was perhaps for the first time that so many of them left their homes to attend such a meeting. Most of them were members of the Women’s Self-Defence Corps, actively engaged in coordinating food supplies for the people. Several of these women recorded their impressions of the exhibition in glowing terms. Khurshid Begum, an 18-year-old Muslim girl with her sister Vilayat, wrote in the visitors’ book at the exhibition “Indian women should be as brave as Russian women; we shall never forget the story of Zoya.” Young worker Jaswant Singh wrote. “.. .1 have seen the atrocities of the fascists, I have witnessed the heroism of the Red Army and the guerilla detachments (in photographs and sketches); I have also learnt of the indomitable courage of Zoya and all this has led me to a greater and more determined hatred of fascism.”

The Bombay FSU was later invited to take the exhibition to the villages of Punjab. They showed it at seven centres: and everywhere they encountered the demand why a permanent exhibition should not be set up at a central place, with sectional exhibitions touring the country at

25 intervals.

The story of FSU’s growth in Delhi is also interesting. Mr. K. M. Ahmed was one of the founder-members of the unit. Recalling those days (in an interview on June 2, 1976), he said he had returned to Delhi early in 1941 from Calcutta where he had spent five years organising the student movement. Just before he left, he had been asked by a friend, Dhiren Dhar,

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to collect some money for the FSU unit started in Calcutta by Hiren Mukerji. Those were days when “the government looked with suspicion at people who showed sympathy for the Soviet Union or an interest in socialism. The result was that people holding progressive views were hesitant to join an organisation or attend the meetings of an organisation known to have links with the Communists”. They, therefore, decided to form a cultural society in Delhi in 1941 and invite writers, poets, intellectuals, students and others to join it. Faiz Ahmad Faiz, Noon Meem Rashid, Majaz, well- known poets of Urdu who were in Delhi during the war, and others like Shahid Ahmad and Khiri joined it. “I worked as a secretary and for some time Faiz was the president of the cultural society,” K. M. Ahmed said. M. Farooqi and Y. D. Sharma contacted members of the teaching staff of some of the Delhi colleges and the FSU organisation was formed later. Dr. B- N. Ganguli, Dr. S. K. Saxena, Mr. S. L. Poplai, S. N. Dasgupta and K. M. Ahmad formed the executive. Dr.

B. N. Ganguli was the president, Mr. S. L. Poplai the secretary and Ahmad the joint secretary. (Dr. B. N. Ganguli, a well-known economist, was the Vice-Chancellor of Delhi University a few years ago. And Mr. S. L. Poplai is the Honorary Secretary of the Indian Council of World Affairs. The FSU of Delhi organised two exhibitions of Soviet posters supplied by the TASS news agency, organised several meetings addressed by prominent people and passed resolutions demanding that the Allies open the second front. On the victory of the Soviet Union, the Delhi FSU organised a mushaira, where famous Urdu poets including Josh Malihabadi, Hafeez, and Majaz recited

26 specially composed poems.

Recalling those days in an interview (in September 1976) Dr. Ganguli said: “My interest in the Soviet Union goes back to my student days. As early as in 1927, when I was a teacher at Dacca University, I wrote a series of articles on the First Five-Year Plan of the Soviet Union in Amrita Bazar Patrika. Though based on the meagre material smuggled into India through various sources, the articles created a lot of interest. Like many-other intellectuals, I became an anti-fascist very early, much before the emergence of Hitler and Mussolini. Actually, it was the Spanish Civil War which came as a ^^great shock to us. It-opened the eyes of leaders like Nehru and all the

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progressive intellectuals in the country. We realised that fascism was an evil thing, and the rise of Hitler and Mussolini was a terrible trend...

“When the Second World War broke out there was a lot of confusion among the intellectuals. Anti-imperialist feelings were strong among the people. And many were not able to decide what attitude to take towards the war... The situation was further complicated when Germany attacked the Soviet Union... All our sympathies were with the Soviet people, but there were some progressive intellectuals who could not immediately grasp the essence of the situation. For them the abrupt change from the slogan of imperialist war to people’s war was incomprehensible. But we realised that it was an attack not only against the Soviet Union but also against the progressive ideals for which the Soviet Union stood. We decided to mobilise all anti-fascist elements, students and teachers, against this terrible menace to humanity without sacrificing the objectives of our national movement.

“The Student Federation people approached me as they thought I was the most acceptable to the student and teacher communities. I did not want a split among the students and insisted that the name of the organisation be Friends of the Soviet Union and China. I knew Japan was also a fascist power and these fascist powers had combined against the Soviet Union. The Student Federation people and others agreed. The anti-fascist movement in Delhi was launched. Under its auspices meetings were held at street corners, in schools and colleges. They were very successful meetings. A large number of students joined the movement... A small exhibition Education in the USSR was organised. Study circles were held, I think. Money was also collected for the Red Army.

“One interesting thing was the sudden interest shown in the Russian language. There was a spurt of interest among the people in the Soviet Union and the Russian language. The first Russian classes started at Delhi University were very popular and were invariably crowded.” The Friends of the Soviet Union movement also achieved wide popularity in Ahmedabad (Gujarat). As the activists of the FSU in Ahmedabad recorded the growth, the “heroic and determined resistance offered by the Soviet people to the Hitlerite military machine” evoked admiration and

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sympathy and created a favourable atmosphere for the FSU. In July 1942, some prominent citizens and intellectuals of Ahmedabad formed an interim committee but historic events connected with the national independence struggle intervened.^

The committee was finally formed in March 1943. And on August 22, 1943, Prof. Gurmukh Nihal Singh was elected the Chairman of the Gujarat FSU executive committee.

The society’s activities began with the inauguration in Ahmedabad of the Bombay FSU exhibition which continued for five days in July- August 1943. It was described as a remarkable event in the cultural life of the city. Later, exhibitions were organised for the benefit of peasants, workers, and women. One was held at the fair in Bhimnath village where more than 1,000 peasants saw it and were greatly enthused by the way peasants of Russia were liberated. The exhibition was supplemented by a film show timed to coincide with International Women’s Day. Quite often Soviet films on collectivisation, industry, and war were shown with the help of a small projector.

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During the year, the FSU also organised public lectures on various aspects of Soviet life, question and answer meetings (Prof. K. T. Shah leading the discussion), study classes and large rallies on special occasions like Lenin Day and the Great October Socialist Revolution anniversary. In August, Ravi Shankar Raval, a famous artist, delivered a lecture on Soviet paintings and showed some of them with the help of a projector. He emphasised the efforts made by the Soviet Government and artists to take art closer to the masses. In February

1944, Uday Shankar arranged an interesting and instructive talk on various aspects of his dancing and on the dances of the Soviet Union. The anniversary of the Russian Revolution was marked by the exhibition of the famous anti-fascist film Professor Mamlok which also helped the unit to collect some money for its working. The Soviet Week was an outstanding event of the year. It was inaugurated by the unit’s vice-president Dr. H. K. Junankar, who presented a report on the New Soviet Civilisation, and on the second day, Rajni Patel gave a lecture on Soviet foreign policy. On the third day, Prof. L. K. Joshi presented a report on education in the Soviet Union. At a meeting organised under the leadership of the local Muslim League president, Mohan Kumaramangalam spoke of the way the Soviet Union solved its nationalities question and its relevance to the Hindu-Muslim problem of

28 India. The week concluded with a very successful Children’s Day.

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A report of the unit for those days~noted that despite considerable apathy and the prejudices held by certain sections of the population, the FSU “is supported by wide sections of the society”. The unit hoped to develop a wider popular interest in various aspects of Soviet life through study groups, the publication of books in Gujarati, and the intensification of cultural work. The membership of the Gujarat FSU was about 300 in May

29 1944.

The FSU membership in Maharashtra was 104 and in Nagpur 184. According to Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, the movement showed a very unequal record in different provinces, but there was no doubt it was on the upgrade. “It is a movement of patriots,” he stressed, “of the children of India who propose to learn from the Soviets’ flaming example and inspiration. The way the Soviets fight, the way they go forward undaunted to heal the wounds of

30 war, has opened the eyes of all but the blindest partisan.”

Thus the middle of 1944, the FSU movement had clearly reached a stage when it was necessary to consider the setting up of one all India Friends of the Soviet Union organisation.

Of course, it had been felt right from November 1941 that a further all India meeting alone could put the FSU on a solid organisational foundation. But, unfortunately, one member of the original All India Committee, Mr. Muzaffar Ahmed Chaudhury, died in 1942 and as many as seven other members were arrested by the colonial Government at different times, and of this number five, including the chairman, were still in detention even during the All India FSU Congress. Attempts had been made since June 1942 to hold a fresh all India Conference. An informal meeting of FSU workers in different provinces was held at Bombay in May 1943, and it was decided to hold the all India conference at Lucknow in August 1943. It was later found, however, that FSU workers in the U. P. were not organisationally strong

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enough to hold the conference, and Bombay which had lately made great strides in FSU work volunteered to hold it. After further vicissitudes, the conference at long last was convened, the Reception Committee in Bombay practically having to func¬tion as the all India committee in addition to its other responsi¬bilities.

Underlining the significance and importance of the first All India Congress, the Bombay Chronicle wrote on June 5, 1944: “The first All India Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union was held in Bombay during the weekend, a quarter of a century after the establishment of the Union. It is significant that the Congress is held so late after the event that inspires it. It is no less significant than it is now held publicly and with almost all sorts of people attending it. During the last war and for some time after, there was such vile and mendacious propaganda against the Bolsheviks as has not been surpassed even today.”

The editorial stressed that the inauguration of the Soviet Union has been regarded by all intelligent and honest people as one of the greatest political achievements in the history of the world. Its achievements in peace have amazed the world even more than those in the last war. As for its role in the present war, it beggars description; its epic grandeur has wrung admiration from friends and foes alike... Thus, it is that though the Soviet Union has been rather late in capturing the heart of the world it has captured it all right. The friends of the Union are to be reckoned in India in millions. If Indians are not more gushing in their praise of Russia it is only because they are terribly preoccupied not merely with the war against the familiar brand of fascism but also against what Mrs. Vijayalaxmi Pandit has called the “subtler form of fascism in their own country, which is responsible for the denial of freedom to her people and for the imprisonment of Indian leaders than whom there is no greater anti- Nazis and anti-Fascists in the world. In the struggle for freedom and the tasks to be achieved thereafter, India has much to learn from the Soviet Union. That is why all classes of Indians are earnestly studying (events in) Russia, all that it stands for and its springe of action. It is not a whim that induced Gandhiji to study the nearly 2,000 pages of Marx’s Das Capital. While India’s intense interest in Russia obviously means that we share its ideals of equality and freedom, it

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does not imply that we shall slavishly copy its methods... India is making its own contribution to the cause of freedom and world peace and we feel confident that both India and Russia will learn much from each other and thereby better promote their common ideals. Russia, India and China can, through united efforts, overcome fascism and imperialism everywhere, and

30 ensure peace and freedom for the whole world.”

Extensive coverage was given to the proceedings of the Congress by many papers. Reports were published in the Times of India, The Hindu and of course the Bombay Chronicle whose Editor, Mr. S. A. Brelvi, was the Chairman of the Reception Committee of the Congress.

But probably the most exhaustive report was, published in the special issue of the Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta, for June 22, 1944. According to the report in the journal, a large concourse of at least 2,000 people were present in the Bombay University Convocation Hall and its environs when the All India Friends of the Soviet Union Congress opened its session on Saturday, June 3, 1944, at 6 p.m. There were over a hundred delegates from almost every province of India. The session began with an inspiring song heralding the dawn of the day of freedom. It was sung in chorus with Harindranath Chattopadhyaya in the lead.

That Indian patriots were unanimous in their admiration for the Soviet and that all feel, in the words of Jawaharlal Nehru, that “the presence and example of the Soviets is a bright and heartening phenomenon in a dark and dismal world”. It was shown clearly in the number of messages received from representative men and women all over India. Among leading Congress personalities who proclaimed their friendship for the USSR were Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, Bhulabhai Desai, C. Rajagopalachari, Shri Prakasha, Sampurnanand, G. N. Shrivastava, Hafiz Muhammad Ibrahim, B. Gopal Reddy,’ Dr. and Mrs. Subbaroyan, K. T. Bhasyam Iyengar and Hans Raj, M.L.A. (Punjab).

Among Muslim League leaders who sent messages were Nawabzada Liaqat Ali Khan, Jaffer Imam, Begum Aziz Rasul, Lal Mian, Syed Badruddin Ahmed, Syed Sultan Uddin Ahmed and Tajmul Hussain; among scientists were Sir Jnan Chandra Ghose and Dr. H. J. Bhabha, F.R.S., among

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intellectuals were Sir S. Radhakrishnan, Prof. Muhammed Habib (Aligarh), Prof. Gyan Chand (Patna), Maulana Abdul Huq, Principal Jathar (Bombay), Dr. Raziuddin Siddiqi (Osmania), Prof. Kosambi (Poona) and Prof, B. J. Vaswani (Sind); there were writers and artists like Vallathol, Tarashankar Banerjee, Amiya Chakravarti, Mama Warerkar, Jamini Roy and Ravi Shankar Raval; film directors like the famous Shantaram; journalists like Tushar Kanti Ghosh, Editor, Amrita Bazar Patrika and G. Adhikari, Editor, The People’s War; Muslim nationalists like Sheikh Abdullah, leader of the Kashmir National Conference. S. S. Ansari of the All India Muslim Majlis and S. Ali Zaheer, President, All India Shia Political Conference; trade unions and Kisan Sabha leaders like V. R. Kalappa, Swami Sahajananda and Bankim Mukherji.

It is hardly necessary to quote all the messages received. The one, from Homi J. Bhabha, which sounds as if it was written today, will suffice. This message said: “...Ever since the inception of the Soviet Union relatively small but influential minorities, because of their own self-interest, have distorted and misrepresented facts about the Soviet Union in order to hold back the progressive forces among their own peoples which they have feared and hated. By sowing distrust of the Soviet Union, these minorities were partly responsible for the present war and the course it has taken, with its enormous toll on human sufferings. The stupendous fight of the Soviet Union on the side of the allied nations has discredited these minorities and as a result, the true facts about the Soviet Union are now becoming known, bringing together the freedom-loving peoples of the world and those of the Soviet Union.

“The Friends of the Soviet Union in India have the important role of making known to the Indian people, without any bias or distortion, the true cultural, scientific and social achievements of the Soviet people, and of exposing the unpatriotic activity of those among us who for selfish reasons continue to distort truth about the Soviet State, for in the friendly understanding and cooperation of the freedom-loving peoples of the world with the Soviet Union lies the guarantee of future peace and progress.” Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta, June 22, 1944)

Stressing the importance of Friendship Between India and Russia,

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Mr. S. A. Brelvi, Chairman of the Reception Committee, in the course of his opening speech said that “it was no less in the interests of world peace and progress than in those of India and Russia that the bond of friendship between the two countries should be strengthened. True friendship, however, could grow only when the friends understood each other properly”. S. A. Brelvi stressed that India was no less deeply stirred than was the rest of the world by the October Revolution of 1917 which was one of the greatest events in world history. Since then India had watched with deep interest all that had happened in Russia and those events had exercised an incalculable influence on the minds of increasing numbers of her young men and women. He said that the leaders of the Indian National Congress, particularly Pandit Jawarharlal Nehru, had been fully conscious of the magnitude and value of Russia’s actual and potential contribution to human progress and happiness and few persons in responsible positions in any other part of the world realised more vividly than the leaders of the Congress did what a great menace Nazi aggression was to the continuance of that contribution.

Referring to the resolution of the Congress Working Committee regarding the Soviet Union, Mr; Brelvi said that since the passing of that resolution the admiration of the people of India for the astonishing self- sacrifice and heroic courage shown by the Soviet people had grown enormously. The people saw ho\y the Soviet people had gradually turned, what seems certain defeat, into a resounding victory. The Indian people who had watched this progress to victory with satisfaction understood the source of the strength of the Soviet Union. That was that the Russian people understood they were fighting not only for the independence and integrity of their country but also for preserving the gains of the October Revolution of 1917. As a result of that revolution, for the first time in history a state of the workers and peasants had been established, a state which set out to abolish the exploitation of man by man, to eradicate social and other wrongs and to build a socialist society. There might be differences of opinion on the extent to which the effort to build a socialist society in Russia had succeeded. But, who could deny that the Russian Revolution had released progressive forces throughout the world which could not again be enchained, that it had

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marked a turning- point in human history? Who could deny that it ensured to every citizen of Russia economic security, a real opportunity for displaying his initiative and constructive talent and above all, an increasingly richer cultural life? Who could deny that it had abolished unemployment and poverty in that country? Or that it had placed the entire wealth of the country and the sum of the growing achievements of science, literature and art at the service of the Soviet people, over 90 percent of whom had been made literate during the last 25 years?

Mr. Brelvi said Soviet Russia had conferred vast benefits on its people in the political, economic and cultural spheres and had shown to the rest of the world the road to a new world order for which humanity had yearned for centuries. Was it any wonder, therefore, that the soldiers of the Red Army fought with rare courage and the men and women of Russia made a stupendous sacrifice so that they might preserve the gains of the Great Revolution against destruction by the Nazis? If these gains were precious enough for the Russian people to die for, they should certainly be valuable enough for Indians and the rest of the world to study,

Mrs. Vijayalaxmi Pandit, in her presidential address, observed that the courageous manner in which the Red Army faced every sort of situation embodied a rare example of a well-organised discipline which the Indian people would do well to emulate.

She said: “I am glad to have this opportunity of joining you in sending greetings to the Soviet Union. People all over the world have watched with increasing admiration the heroic struggle which the brave people of Russia have carried on against a powerful enemy...” From “our neighbour Russia”, she said, “we can learn lessons which could be adapted to our needs and which will help us along the road to liberty. The Soviet Union has stood for certain values, which thinking people all over the world regard as necessary for the development of the human race. Today Russia fights not only to protect her-homes but to safeguard those values without which her homes cannot exist. Our hearts go out to her at this time of hardship and sorrow and we send her a message of admiration and goodwill in her hour of trial”.

While they sent greetings to the brave people of Soviet Russia, she

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said, they should spare a thought to those of their own comrades, who were behind prison bars for the “crime” of demanding freedom which would enable them to resist fascist aggression. They could not forget that a subtle form of fascism was in operation in their own country which denied the freedom to her people and imprisoned leaders who had been in the forefront of the anti-Nazi and anti-Fascist crusade in the world. So long as these leaders and their comrades were in jail, the slogans of the United Nations had no meaning.

The presidential speech was followed by a speech by Mr. N. M. Joshi, who spoke on behalf of the Trade Union Congress, offered greetings to the Soviet Union on behalf of Indian labour. Since the revolution, said Mr. Joshi, the whole world had begun to look upon Russia with new hope.

Mr. Khwaja Ahmad Abbas, associating himself with tributes paid to the Russian people on behalf of the Progressive Writers’ Association and the Indian People’s Theatre Association, referred to the influence of Russian literature before and during the war on Indian writers. They had great sympathy for the Soviet people, having derived inspiration from their revolution. Russian writers had not, during the war, retired to their ivory towers as some British writers had escaped to America during the German air blitz of Britain. They were in the centre of the battlefield and wrote about the war, and were prepared to die for their country. Mr. Abbas hoped that after the war Russia would not forget that there were 400 million friends of the Soviet Union in India but would truly befriend them.

Prof. Lambert Saravan, a fraternal delegate from Pondicherry said that the Russian revolution had carried through to a successful conclusion the work begun by the French Revolution of 1789.

Miss Nanavati who spoke last said that in no other country of the world had education been reorganised so as to form an integral part of life itself as in the Soviet Union. Such education was apt to endure and Indians could take a leaf out of their experiment.

Mr. Nidhan Singh of Punjab spoke of his experiences in the USSR. After the recital “of a Soviet song, the first day’s session was adjourned.

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On the second day, according to a report in the Bombay Chronicle, the congress passed about half a dozen resolutions. One expressed joy at Gandhiji’s release and hoped for his speedy recovery. It hoped that Gandhiji’s release would lead to a solution to the political deadlock and the “establishment of a government representative of all sections of our people so that India may effectively counter famine and Japanese aggression and shape its future side by side with the Soviet Union and China”.

Paying tribute to the Soviet people and the heroic Red Army on their victorious march against the fascist aggressor, another resolution moved by Dr. R. Naidu seconded by Mr. Jambekar and supported by Mr. Nurul Hasan (U.P.) stated that the people of India “looked forward eagerly to the day of the (Soviet Union’s) final victory” in which it saw hopes for a new world rid of fascism and imperialism in every shape or form; and hope also for that bright future when India in happy collaboration with its great neighbours China and Russia would help to advance the cause of freedom and democracy everywhere. Mr. Jambekar said that the defeat of Nazism could also lead to the disappearance of imperialism.

Another resolution defined the role of the Friends of the Soviet Union thus: “The Friends of the Soviet Union brought together in their organisation from all over India patriots, belonging to all parties- and to no party, on the broad basis of the goodwill which all sections of our people feel towards the Soviet Union and thus forge bonds of unity and understanding between two peoples. With this aim in view, the FSU works in order to popularise among our people the social and cultural achievements of the Soviet Union and to promote among both our peoples a close study and sympathetic understanding of each other’s achievements and aspirations. The FSU realises that today a better understanding of the Soviet Union and of its fight against fascist aggression will help to strengthen the unity of all those forces in every country which stands for a new world of human freedom and happiness.” It appealed to all parties to join the FSU and make it worthy of the great tasks it had undertaken to perform.

Another resolution moved by Prof. Niren Roy (Bengal) and seconded by Prof. Shastri (C.P.) condemned the vandalism of the Nazis and the destruction of art treasures and cultural monuments in their attempt to

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wipe out the Soviet people and their achievements. The Congress also passed the following resolution moved by Mrs. Wadia and seconded by Mr. Satyanarayana (Andhra):

“This Congress welcomes the fact that the door is now open for the Soviet Union to help us deepen the bonds of friendship between our peoples by regularly supplying with literature, posters, pictures, films and other means of cultural enlightenment and warmly thanks the VOKS and the distributors of USSR films for the Far East for using this opportunity to the best of their ability. This Congress demands that the fullest facilities be given to the VOKS to acquaint our people with all aspects of Soviet life and culture. Soviet artists, for example, must have the freedom to tour India and to present their programmes. This Congress appeals to all proprietors of theatres in India to help us in our work by extending their hand of sympathy and friendship to the Soviet film distributors and to Soviet artists.”

It was resolved to establish the FSU headquarters in Bombay. The constitution of the organisation was adopted, and the following office- bearers were elected: President, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu; Vice-Presidents, Mr. S.

A. Brelvi, Poet Vallathol, Dr. Bhupendranath Dutta and K. Srinivasan, Editor of The Hindu-, General Secretary, Mr. R. M. Jambekar; Joint Secretaries, Prof. Junankar and Prof. Hiren Mukerjee; and Treasurer Mr. Mahendra Shah.

In his concluding remarks, Mr. S. A. Brelvi said India’s friendship with Russia was not subject to bargaining. They did not seek the aid of Russia or of any other foreign country in gaining freedom. They realised that freedom secured through foreign aid could only be maintained with foreign aid. Indians did not seek such freedom. They were determined to win freedom with their own unaided effort. When India was free, it would enter into treaties with Russia, China, and other Asian and European countries and these treaties would entail reciprocal obligations. Meanwhile. India’s friendship for Russia was based largely on the fact that Russia was fighting for the gains of the Revolution of 1917, which embodied lessons for India and the rest of the world.31

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Two weeks later, on the eve of the Third Anniversary of the Soviet struggle against the Nazi aggressors, the Bombay Chronicle Weeklyreprinted extracts from Poet Harindranath Chattopadhyaya’s eloquent tribute to the gallant people of the USSR which he had read at the Congress of Friends of the Soviet Union. In it, he recalled, “for the last quarter of a century, the Soviet Union has been working without a moment’s respite... Through the unchallenged heroism of its indefatigable workers, through a quenchless vision of the world unfettered by inequality and rid entirely of the bogey of fate. Soviet Russia had been able to build and build magnificently a State which has struck the whole world with wonder. The test of the stability of that State came, as no test has come to any other in history, with the war started against Russia by the Nazi hordes... But the unflinching solidarity which met them as an unequivocal reply demoralised the Hitlerite armies which today are unable to boast of blitzkriegs and the invincibility of their mechanised warfare of which they were only three years ago looked upon as mythic demigods!

“It is amazing that during the war which they have been fighting incessantly on such a vast front... Under terrible fire such as would have shattered the nerve of lesser heroes, composer Shostakovich sat inside a building in Leningrad, and to the rumbling of guns and the whistling of bullets... wrought assiduously at his now world-famous Symphony of Leningrad.. .a musician’s contribution to the history of the indomitable spirit of Russia, to the determination of its patriotic people to slay the evil forces of fascism once and for ever. Novelists and short-story writers, painters, poets, actors, sculptors have all played a great part in the patriotic war.

“...Who has not heard of the historic defence of Sebastopol, thril¬led to the epic of the resistance of the brave Red sailors — the epic of Malakhov Kurgan? Who has not heard of Tanya, the guerilla girl who is today celebrated as the embodiment of Soviet courage as, indeed, hundreds of other young guerillas are?... The authors of the world are known to the Soviet people, who, more than any other people in the world, are always eager to know, to learn, to imbibe and understand. I remember a Red Army soldier discussing Indian politics with me in 1928, and showing himself most conversant with our problems and even with some of our authors like

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Tagore and Kalidas. Why the Kamerny theatre of Tairov opened with Kalidas’s Shakuntala! They have taught us a lesson which we should learn if we are to be liberated ourselves some day— we can learn from them that unity on a common platform, in a common struggle based on relentless patriotic move, is stronger in the long run than all the mechanised steel of proud enemies who are out to crush the integrity and significance of human existence. We can fight and win against any enemy if we would unite as the

32 people of the USSR have done.”

The name of Harindranath Chattopadhyaya, renowned Indian poet, playwright, and thinker is well known not only in India but in the USSR as well. In 1951, he visited the Soviet Union at the head of a delegation of Indian writers. It was not the poet’s first tour of the Soviet Union — he had visited the USSR in the ’20s to study theatrical art — but creatively, it was probably the most fruitful. The trip inspired many remarkable works devoted to the USSR, most out¬standing among which was his poem “Lenin” and a.collection entitled The Country of the New Man (which included the poems To the Red Army. To Stalingrad and others). In the image of Vladimir Lenin, the poet saw the ideal man, a creator and a champion of humanity’s bright future.

Harindranath’s family played an outstanding role in the establishment and strengthening of Indo-Soviet relations. His elder brother Virendranath Chattopadhyaya was one of the first Indians who went to the Soviet Union in the early twenties and established contacts with the Soviet public and political figures. Later on, as a co-worker of outstanding Communist leader Georgy Dimitrov, he contributed a lot to the unity of the anti-fascists of Europe and all over the world and later helped in establishing Indological studies in the USSR. His elder sister, Sarojini Naidu, one of the greatest of India’s daughters, the famous Bharat Kokila, was elected president of the All India Friends of the Soviet Union.33 It was she who gave probably the best expression to India’s admiration for and solidarity with the Soviets. Mrs. Sarojini Naidu could not address the FSU Congress because of a gag order by the government. But according to the Bombay Chronicle Weekly in November 1943, Mrs. Naidu sent a message to an exhibition held by the FSU which deserves to be

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remembered as one of the finest pieces of prose written or spoken during the war years. In it, she said: “The dream of Lenin swept like a fiery tempest across city and hamlet, steppe and mountains smiting back into a long-forgotten consciousness of their own human status vast multitudes of men and women whom generations of oppression had beaten down into a dreadful and fatalistic torpor akin to death. Whether, like me, they owe allegiance to the teaching of Mahatma Gandhi, or profess safer and more conventional social and political faiths, are there still people in the world today with a vestige of intelligence or integrity who dare withhold a just tribute of admiration for the magnitude of the Russian enterprise or the magnificence of its achievement?

“In a short, swift crowded and critical quarter-century, have we not witnessed the miracle, of a large section of restored and reconditioned \ humanity emerge from centuries of bitter serfdom and to only enter upon its heritage of the garnered knowledge, art and beauty of the ages but also become the creator of national wealth and well-being through its newly awakened, sternly disciplined united energy, industry, skill and power. Who is there alive today whose old age or youth or childhood is not thrilled to the marrow by the current chronicles of the superb and unrivaled valour, resource and endurance, the unaided and unconquerable resistance of the Russian people not merely in defence of their own hard-won freedom but in defence of the honour and security of civilisation itself against the senile

34 and ruthless menace of brutal fascist aggression?”

Harindranath’s other sister Suhasini, an outstanding worker of the CPI, was a moving spirit of the FSU and the IPTA. Harindranath describes all that in a letter to the author (in November 1976) eloquently.

He says: “My brother Virendranath Chattopadhyaya left India on his birthday for London, for the I.C.S. I was hardly two years old when he left, in 1900. My mother is said to have sobbed and said, ‘My son, you are leaving on your birthday; and in our country, we believe that he who leaves on his birthday for a country outside, never returns’. Superstition perhaps but a coincidence, Virendranath never again returned to his motherland. The first time I met my brother was in Berlin on the eve of the tenth anniversary of the

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Russian Revolution. That was in November 1927. When my train arrived in Berlin, I looked out of the window to see whether there was somebody on the platform whom I could spot as my brother. I was nervous, I did not believe I could recognise him in the immense crowd on the platform. But... There he Was! His whole presence breathed of our family. His face was familiar and I could recognise the Chattopadhyaya form, face and figure in a split second. He recognised me as well. When I stepped out of the compartment, the first question he asked was, ‘you are Harin? Well.’ Then in Hindi he spoke to me ‘Thum Hindi bol sakthey ho? Hindi mey bolo! Yahan ke log English se nafrat karte haen.’ (‘Do you speak Hindi? Speak in Hindi. The people here have a hatred for the English language.’)

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“Virendranath was an out and out lover of-freedom for both man and the country. A true son of India for whose liberation he was prepared to make the last sacrifice — a word he detested since the term sacrifice used in terms of a fight for the freedom of one’s country and for humanity is shameful, no sacrifice was good enough or worthy of such a cause. Swiftly circumstances made him a thorough internationalist. A price was placed on his head — the British were keen on having it, but they did not get him. He escaped in time to France and after that started a tense and intense life of struggle. Virendranath was an inveterate enemy of the British who had exploited not only his own country but other countries as well... In the Soviet Union, he became connected with the Oriental Languages Institute

.for which he worked with zest. I remember a letter he wrote to us from Leningrad asking us to send him books in Tamil. He was an outstanding linguist who is said to have mastered seventeen languages.

“And 1 met him for the first time in my life in November 1927 on the’ eve of the tenth anniversary of the Russian Revolution... Immediately I was told 1 was invited to the celebrations and that I, along with my wonderful sister Suhashini (who soon joined the University in Moscow) were to attend it. It was a wonderful conference! My visit, in an eyewink, had transformed me to such an extent that I could hardly recognise myself — a totally new being inspired and determined to contribute towards some future world of freedom, happiness and culture towards which the (Soviet) achievements, even at that time, seemed to direct world attention. Many insisted on calling it an experiment, but today we know it was the beginning of great social and cultural achievements now being shared slowly but surely by the conscious peoples of the world.” (It will not’ be out of place to mention here that

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exactly at the same time another outstanding family from India was on the way to Moscow to attend the tenth anniversary of the October Revolution celebrations — Motilal Nehru with his son Jawaharlal, daughter Krishna and daughter-in-law Kamala Nehru. — LVM)

But let us return to Harindranath’s story.

“I was told by Virendra and Suhashini that the celebrated song The Internationale would be sung in the languages of all countries and that India, perhaps, was the only country which did not contribute its share to it in Hindi. Immediately my blood was astir and my will said, ‘I shall be the proud author of the Hindi version of the Internationale’. And I wrote it within a half-hour. Suhasini rang up Virendranath and said: ‘Harin has written the Hindi Internationale? Virendra gasped with excitement and said: ‘I am coming immediately; congratulations.’ My sister Suhashini had always been my inspiration and what I had written was due to her encouragement.

“The seal was set on my life, of undying adoration and respect for the Soviet people to whom I have always looked up as representing the authentic bulwark of peace, the saviours of humanity. I owe this to both Suhashini and Virendranath. Allow me to add one thing: Suhashini, one of the earliest and staunchest Communists of our country, played perhaps the most significant and important role in the establishment and formation of the FSU. During the dark days of the second war, my sister, the late Sarojini Naidu, sent us a heartening and courageous message in the face of the hostile attitude adopted by most of our countrymen towards the Soviet Union.

“Who dare forget that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru and Sarojini Naidu were foremost among the handful of national leaders whose patriotism was considered to be mature and hence quite naturally blended with modern internationalism? They arrived at a very deep understanding of the magnificent liberationist role played by the great Soviet Union and, therefore, could not but look upon the Soviet Union as a trustworthy and powerful ally in our struggle for independence. It was more than obvious that our people were, ipso facto, led under its healthy influence gradually

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through a change of social values conducive to their progress. The Soviet way of behaviour and thought slowly but surely transformed our national outlook and convinced it that is the only bulwark of peace to which not only we but, ultimately, the struggling nations of the world must look to for a solution of their problems.”

According to Harindranath Chattopadhyaya, “despite the seething turmoil, the frustration and general apathy and callousness of the war years, and in spite of the deafening deluge of filthy anti-Soviet propaganda by the British rulers and base reactionary forces in our country”, the success of the FSU movement was due to the following reasons:

“(a) The unquestionably rich tradition of friendship with our honest, disciplined, honourable neighbour and ally; an unshakable tradition built up in the teeth of opposition, prejudice and hostility, by celebrated poets like Rabindranath, Iqbal, Bharati, Vallathol (humbly but proudly I may include myself—an unswerving friend of the Soviet people since 1928) and several others, and by the young pioneers of the workers’ and peasants’ movement which swiftly gathered momentum, who carried without equivocation, with stern spiritual stability and conviction, the historic message of Lenin’s civilisation to our toiling people during the two decades before World War II. The very mention of the name of Lenin thrilled thousands of our toilers (and) seemed to assure them of a better future and illumine their hearts with the certainty of their own invincible strength.

“(b) The triumphant march, smacking of the immortality of human valour and will, of the Soviet Red Army from Stalingrad to Berlin — a staggering march, a march as it were of inspired and indomitable supermen, stunned the forces of freedom and evoked world applause, of admiration for the unbelievable and titanic heroism of the Soviet people.

“(c) The FSU was beyond any shadow of doubt, the offspring of our own passionate struggle but an offspring with all significant of the ripe understanding of our people, the maturity of our peoples’ inordinate urge for freedom and their understanding of the undeniable fact that the Soviet Union alone was a steady inextinguishable beacon of light in the gathering, sickening darkness of hatred and exploitation for the future of mankind as a

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whole, a future liberated from the heartless exploitation of nation by nation,

35 man by man.”

This estimate of the FSU by Harindranath was substantiated in full measure by the very first All India Conference of the Friends of the Soviet Union held in Bombay. Tributes were paid to the Soviet people and the Red Army at the conference by well-known Urdu, Hindi, Bengali, Marathi, Gujarati and Malayalam poets. Among those who recited their poems on the occasion were Josh, S. Nizami, Harin Chattopadhyaya, Narendra Sharma, Machwe, Vasari t Bhagwat, Abdur Rahman Tabassum, Bhogilal Gandhi, Chandalia, Nazar Hyderabadi, Kaifi Azmi, Jaswant Thakkar, Sajjan, and Makhdoom. A collection of these poems would be a wonderful testimony of the sympathy and love the great poets of India had for the Soviet people. It will have to be a task for future Soviet and Indian historians to find and publish these masterpieces. We may be excused for quoting here extensively from the brilliant Drum of Triumph by Mahaka^U-G. Sankara Kurup, a poem written specially for the First Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union of Bombay: Rejoice O’ Heart! Rejoice! Beat the drum of Triumph To the Soviet Soldier! In the midst of agony His sword reflects His love of humanity And a deep-rooted longing for Peace, But not thirst of war! His invincible Sword is glued to His sacred hand With sweat, tears and blood. The sword will never lose The tight grip; that sword is wedded to non-violence. Rejoice O’ Heart! Rejoice! Rejoice in the victory celebrations of humanism! The eyes of eternal invincibility, The boundless expanse of the blue sky View the heroic Soviet Land With delighted awe. The pages of history, The days and nights, are filled with the heroic images of Soviet soldiers Rejoice O’ Heart! Rejoice! Rejoice in the victory of lofty culture! The thoughts of the Soviet soldiers’

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Courage quickens the heartbeats of the ocean. The ocean waves, The ballads of revolution,? Sing the eternal sweet Melodies of the glorious exploits of the red army Rejoice O’ Heart! Rejoice! O’ My Heart fly high With the magnanimous Red Flag! Why? for the Red Flag flies At the summit of human glory And that flag carries The resplendent glory of the new dawn. The mother Earth suffering Under the decadent darkness Around her at last opens Her eyes with a sigh of relief; She puts her unflinching faith And sincere hopes On the invincibility of the Red Army. March forward, thou The Torch-bearer Of fraternity and Equality, We wish you well. Red Soldier be victorious! The death spitting Fascist serpent Shudders at the sound of Your bold foot-steps And downs its hood And takes to its hole, And its fainted victims come to life. O’ Soldier! Your Red Flag Will proclaim the Dignity, Unity and Equality Of the Human race. That Sickle on your flag Will reap Peace from war, Prosperity from misery, And life from death; The Crescent Moon Which extracts light from Darkness 3 Will embrace her dear comrade, the Sickle! Rejoice O’ Heart! Rejoice! The wings of world freedom flutter high And my heart is rejuvenated! And my heart beats the drums of victory To you, the Soviet Soldier!

3The poet compares the crescent Moon in the crimson sky to the sickle; that the crescent reaps light from Darkness; so both of them - sickle and crescent — are comrades-in- arm

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The poem was not the only memorable, anti-fascist work by the great

36 Malayalam poet.

The story of the first All India Congress of the Friends of the Soviet Union will not be complete without recording the role played in it by Prof. Hiren Mukerjee who was elected in Bombay as its Joint Secre¬tary. (Recently Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, a leading Communist intellect¬ual and formerly active member of the Parliament of India, wrote a brilliant book Time-Tested Treasure, an outstanding contribution to the cause of Indo- Soviet friendship.) At the Congress in Bombay in 1944, Prof. Mukerjee spoke on the cultural achievements of the Soviet Union.

Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, who had a brilliant academic career, was appointed Head of the Department of History at Ripon College in 1936 and a little later, lecturer in History and Politics at the post¬graduate department, Calcutta University. Meanwhile, he was actively involved in all progressive movements; he was invited to preside over students’ conferences all over the country, particularly the Bengal Provincial Conference in 1936 and the All India Conference in 1940. In 1938-39, he was elected a member of the All India Congress Committee. He was one of the founder-members of the All India Progressive Writers’ Association in 1936, and when the German fascists invaded the USSR on June 22, 1941, he was one of those who initiated the Friends of the Soviet Union movement. An outstanding organiser, author of numerous articles and books upholding the cause of Indo-Soviet friendship and cooperation, and Editor of the fortnightly magazine Indo- Soviet Journal, Prof. Mukerjee has contributed a lot to the consolidation of the anti-fascist forces in the country. It was Prof. Hiren Mukerjee again who drafted the “call to all artists by the conference of Bengal Anti-Fascist

37 Writers’ and Artists’ Association”.

“The fascist is not a beast, but something incomparably worse, he_ is a mad animal that should be destroyed, the same heinous brute as the White officer who cuts stripes and stars out o£4he skin of the Red Army man.” This quotation from what Gorky had said as early as 1934, featured in the message sent by the All India Progressive Writers’ Association, when its Bengal Branch, the Anti-Fascist Writers’ and Artists’ Association, met in its second annual conference at Calcutta on January 15. The message said:

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“Our writers and artists assembled to reaffirm their utter detestation of the dark, insatiable malevolence which burns in the hyena-heart of fascism, and their determination to clasp the hand of our people in the fight for freedom and the fight against fascism and all forms of reaction.”

On the eve of the Bombay Congress, along with other outstanding public figures of Bengal, Prof. Mukerjee organised the provincial conference of the Bengal FSU (April 22-23, 1944). The manifesto titled, Homage to the Soviet Union and its Glorious Red Army from Bengal Friends of the Soviet Union which was adopted and signed by more than 200 prominent public figures, Calcutta University professors, writers, artists, music,’ ‘stage and screen artistes, journalists, etc., of Bengal, underlined the cohesion of the people of Bengal in this regard.

The manifesto said: “...The magnificent success of the Soviet nationalities policy testified to by friend and foe, has made the entire Orient, see in the USSR the supreme leader in the fight for liberation, in whose footsteps it should walk.

“We, in India, cannot forget how in one grand gesture after the Revolution, the Soviets renounced all ‘priorities’, ‘concessions’ and ‘privileges’ which the Tsarist government along with other great powers had enjoyed in Asiatic countries. We cannot forget the Soviet’s historic friendship with China, with Kemal’s Turkey, with Iran and Afghanistan. We cannot forget, that while European powers, proud of their civilisation extended the foul claw of empire and exploitation to Asia, while at their touch the Australian aborigines dwindled and disappeared, while Africans were poisoned by alcohol and degeneration, while American Indians were cruelly hoaxed out of their own soil, it was under the Soviet regime alone that a dominating people, the Russians, used its technical superiority to educate the backward and formerly downtrodden peoples in a deliberate effort to make them as technically able as themselves. And today, as a result, the Soviet people as a whole are reaping a rich harvest of power and felicity from the enlightened humanity which was the motive of its \ nationalities policy...The transformation of Soviet Asia provides material for a great modern epic. It is significant that the rate of educational development in the former colonial areas is far greater than in Russia itself.

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“...The horrors of the world’s most devastating war have not halted the Soviet’s creative labour. Literary, scientific and aesthetic creativity makes amazing strides. In the grimmest imaginable trial by battle, the new civilisation which the Soviets have reared on a sixth of the world’s surface emerges with flying colours. The red trail of glory v blazes today on Soviet fields, and as the Red Army advances hope rises resurgent in people’s hearts all over the world. We hail the great multi¬national unity of the Soviet Union, where Siberians and Tajiks turn the tide in the Stalingrad battle, and Kazakh guardsmen are immortalised as defenders of their own Soviet Moscow. We hail the

Red Army and the Soviet people and send them, as we did nearly three years ago, our heartiest felicitations and assurances of friendship and

38 solidarity.”

As a result of the first All India FSU Congress in Bombay, the movement for friendship and solidarity with the Soviet Union was greatly strengthened, activities of existing units intensified and new organisations formed; new forms and methods of acquainting the In¬dians with life and work of the Soviet people were discovered.

The Bombay Chronicle Weekly wrote about the great popularity of Soviet film shows organised by the FSU Association in Bombay on Sunday mornings. It said, “Once upon a time no Soviet films were allowed to be imported into India. Today, thanks to one of the rather welcome results of the war, we are able to see a new Soviet film every Sunday morning. The local Friends of the Soviet Union Association is doing a splendid job by arranging these Sunday morning shows at the Roxy, fast becoming a highly popular weekly feature. Not only the Russophiles but also film artists, technicians and serious students of cinema are flocking to these shows regularly for this is a long-sought opportunity to study the celebrated Russian film technique. ‘The Childhood of Maxim Gorky’, ‘She Fought For Her Homeland’, ‘General Suvorov’ —these are some of the finest specimens of film craft one can get from anywhere in the world, besides being excellent examples of socialist art which looks at life squarely in the face.

“Friends who have seen She Fought For Her Homeland found the

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Hollywood film, For Whom the Bell Tolls, unreal, superficial and pretty- pretty. And General Suvorov (being shown this Sunday morning) is a model of how a historical picture should be made from a progressive, democratic

39 angle. It is worthwhile joining the FSU to be able to see all these films.. ,”

It seems appropriate to emphasise that the enthusiastic activities of the FSU in India were of great international significance, for they promoted the development of similar movements in neighbouring countries, in Ceylon in particular. As its motto, the Ceylon FSU used the words of Rabindranath Tagore in describing Soviet achievements. He had said, “My idea, my dream has been to create free human beings who should be surrounded by a creative environment. Under modern civilisation the human personality is imprisoned in a cage, shut-off from the rest of society. In your country, you have put an end to this evil. I have heard from many and I am beginning myself to be convinced that your ideas are very much like my own dream for a full life for the individual, for a complete education. In your country, you are not only giving the individual scientific education, but you are also making him a creative personality. In this way, you are realising the greatest, the highest ideal of humanity. For the first time in history, you are giving the hidden wealth of the human mind a chance to express itself. I

40 thank you for this from my heart.”

The FSU of Ceylon inspired by the activities of FSU in India was organised in March 1942. Their publications included the pamphlet, New life in the Soviet Union in English and Sinhalese and also some books including “Soviet Way” by Pieter Keuneman, President, FSU; Soviet Land by Premalal Kumarasiri; Under Nazi Rule by Hedi Keuneman, Committee member of the FSU and other booklets in English and Sinhalese. Following the example of Indian FSU, they collected and sent some money to the USSR. Lanka-Soviet Journal was published once in two months and had a

41 circulation of l,000.

A letter from Colombo dated July 14, 1943, which was sent to Moscow, said: “We started a campaign to collect funds for medical aid to Russia on November 7, 1942. So far we have collected about Rs. 3,700 of which we have forwarded to M. Maisky, Soviet Ambassador, London, a sum of

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£ 200- 0-0 in two instalments. We expect to send a further contribution of £ 100-0-0 very soon.

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In this connection, it may interest you to know that the proceeds of the exhibition which we propose to hold in a few months’ time will go to this fund.”42 (Ceylonese delegates had attended the first All India Congress of the FSU in Bombay, as reported by The Hindu. Mr. Stanley Mandis, of the Ceylon Friends of the Soviet Union, “addressed the session on behalf of 400 members of FSU.43) ORDER OF RED STAR FOR INDIAN SOLDIERS

Documents connected with the Second World War in the National Archives of India as well as Indian newspaper files of the period provide a wealth of material on contacts between Indian and Soviet armed forces personnel during those years,

India sent the largest volunteer army in the world to the battle fronts of the West and East and due to this fact according to the opinion of many Indians could sit as equals with representatives of other nations which were

44 fighting against fascism.

Over two and a half million Indians were recruited into the Army during the war years. On the battle fronts, in the rear or in fascist concentration camps Indian and Soviet army men met. There were touching incidents, showing Soviet appreciation of the goodwill and assistance of the Indian army men to the Red Army’s gallant struggle against the Nazis.

A Bulletin of the Information Service of the Government of India, Indian Information dated September 1, 1944, says: “At an impressive ceremony at the Soviet Embassy at Teheran, the Soviet Ambassador M. Maximov on behalf of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR, presented Russian decorations to officers and men of the British and Indian Armies for distinguished services in the transportation of arms, material, and food to Russia.” Congratulating the recipients of the honours, the Soviet Ambassador acknowledged the help rendered by them to the Red Army. “It again emphasises the military cooperation of our peoples not only in the field of battle but also in those areas which influence the success of operations in the field against our common enemy, Hitlerite Germany”,

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45 he said.

According to the Bulletin, the Order of the Red Star was presented to Subedar Narayan Rao Nikkam, village Nerala Hathi, Tehsil Kankanhalli, District Bangalore; and Havildar Gajendra Singh, of village Barloo, Tehsil Shor, District Almora, who were serving in “General Purpose Transport Companies of the Royal Indian Army Supply Corps”.

It was an exciting and rewarding experience tracing these two Indian soldiers years after that memorable day. Exchange of letters confirmed that retired Naik Subedar Gajendra Singh had received the Order of the Red Star in July 1944 and that he now lived in Pithoragarh.

The road from Delhi to Pithoragarh, a distance of more than 500 kilometres, is not only bad in patches but positively dangerous. But motoring along it to meet Gajendra Singh, one was not aware of the discomfort. One remembered that the road traversed by Havildar Gajendra Singh and his comrades-in-arms in 1942-44 for supplying war materials to Soviet forces at the Caucasus front must have been a thousand times more arduous and more dangerous. The 3,000 mile-long road to the Caucasus, across the burning desert and barren land, through 7,000 feet high mountain passes and low river beds passed through places where the temperatures varied from 130°F to 40° below freezing point. It formed a vital supply link between India and the Soviet Union. From Peshwar to Tabriz, on the Iran- Soviet border, this road was “India’s outstretched hand to Russia, bringing it vast resources to within a week’s road journey of Russia’s other frontier”. (The Bombay Chronicle Weekly of August 13, 1944, published photographs of the two heroes and an article Soviet Honours for First Indian Soldiers

One of the first reports in the Indian press on the British intention to lay the road for the supply of war material to Russia appeared in The Tribune of Lahore, of September 13, 1941. The report quoted Reuter’s special correspondent in Teheran, who wired: “With Iran’s oil wells now safely under British control and with British and Russian forces occupying strategic points on its communications lines as well as blocking the path eastward through the Caucasus, the British and Russian Governments are now intensely studying the problems of sending war material to Russia

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through Iran. With only one railway and very few roads traversing the country which is three times the size of France, great difficulties have to be overcome”.

The Indian Information (December 15, 1941) confirmed that the construction of the road was in full swing. It said, “One more link with Russia is being established with the organisation of a regular supply route from India via Baluchistan and East Iran. More than 5,000 labourers are now employed in improving the road surface and it is expected that their number will shortly be increased to 8,000. Linked to the overland transportation arrangements put into commission by British experts, the Russian organisation called Iran-Sov-Trans now takes delivery at a series of

47 points in Northern Iran.”

A stretch of this road, known as the East Persia Route, was completed in eight months, an average of three miles a day, by a pick-and-shovel army of 30,000 men, women, and children supervised by a staff representing 15 different nationalities? The road was ’ complementary to the West Persia routes for British and American supplies. “The Quantity of supplies of jute, rubber, hessian, copper, tin and mercury that India can send to Russia is limited only by the transport facilities available”, said an Indian representative o^one of the supply organisations according to the Indian Information (January 1944). “Already 1,000 lorries, mostly provided by India, are employed to full capacity. We expect a substantial increase in this number shortly”, it said.

River beds were paved, drains were laid and hundreds of bridges built. Water and food for men and beasts were taken hundreds of miles by camel as the road was pushed forward. “We recruited people for the work from the towns and villages,” said one of the half a dozen British officers who supervised the work and who now live in New Delhi. “In spite of all the old nationalities and the widely differing engineering practices of the four foreign contracting firms, everyone got along fine. We had Greeks, Yugoslavs, Belgians, Russians, Turks, Italians, Bulgars, and Rumanians, not to mention the Persians who provided most of the labour. The contractors’

48 representatives were a Dane, a Norwegian, Czech and an Austrian.”

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The British authorities sent a special train of cameramen to prepare a film about the road from India to Russia. According to the Indian Information (May 1, 1944), “A graphic picture of the work of Indian troops in carrying war material for Russia through Persia and Iraq will shortly be available in a film which is now being prepared by a special team of cameramen. The film will tell the complete story of a gigantic undertaking from start to finish: from the time goods are landed at a port in Iraq to West Persia. The whole journey of some thousand miles by river, rail and road — through varied landscape and weather — shows Indian soldiers at work as engineers, labourers, drivers and sentries, all performing their allotted task

49 with skill and patience, often in the most trying conditions”.

On this difficult road, Subedar Narayan Rao Nikkam and Havildar Gajendra Singh travelled day and night to reach war supplies to the Red Army. Thoughts of these and other Indian soldiers who risked their lives to go to the rescue of the embattled soldiers of the Red Army on the Caucasian Front crowded the mind as one motored to Pithoragarh to meet one of the heroes.

Retired Naik Subedar Gajendra Singh was expecting “ us at his village situated in the picturesque Shor Valley of district Pithoragarh. It was May 2, 1975, Thirty years ago on this day the Soviet Red Army was already in Berlin. Before us was a man who had actively helped the Red Army in crushing the fascist hordes of Hitler, a man who was given one of the highest military awards by the Soviet Government.

At first sight, Thakur Gajendra Singh looks like any one of the thousands of retired military personnel scattered all over the border district of Pithoragarh. But when you begin to talk to him you realise that here is a man of iron will and dauntless courage. His devotion to duty is unmistakable. A modest man, this is his story as he told it:

“I was born in 1916, during the First World War, in my village Badalu. I studied in Pithoragarh and Dehradun. In 1963 I enlisted as a sepoy in the Royal Indian Army Supply Corps. In 1942, our unit was posted in Basra and subsequently, we set up our headquarters in Khanikin. I was assigned breakdown duty by my Company Commander and was responsible for

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looking after the disabled vehicles of our supply convoy.

“Our main task at Khanikin was to reach supplies to the Russian soldiers fighting the German invaders in the south of Russia. From Khanikin to Tabriz via Hamadan was three days of an arduous journey on six-ton trucks. Our officers told us how important it was that the supplies reach our Allies, the Russians, who were keeping the enemy from marching towards India. We worked day and night, not bothering about the dangers lurking behind every hillock, every tree, every corner and kept up the supplies of military hardware, ammunition, rations and other material. In our heart of hearts, we knew that this ammunition and these rations were as vital for the defence of India, as it was for the defence of the Soviet Union. We knew that the enemy we were fighting was ruthless. He was the enemy of mankind. This realisation gave us additional strength.

“In 1943, during one of these trips, I was wounded. While we were unloading war supplies in the dark, someone thrust a bayonet in my left thigh, I was taken to a military hospital in Basra where the doctors suggested that I should be sent to India for treatment and rest. I flatly refused to leave my unit and told my C.O. that I did not want to go to India but would like to go back to my duty as soon as I was fit to travel again. My C.O. was pleased by my devotion to duty and agreed to keep me at Basra till I recovered. I stayed in the hospital for twenty- four days, after which I resumed duty.

“Everyone in my unit, including my C.O., was surprised at my refusal to avail myself of the opportunity to go back to my country, for everyone loves his life and it is normal to want to go back to one’s own country after such a long time. 1 knew that at that stage of the war each soldier was valuable for defeating the fascist enemy and at that critical stage I did not want to leave my comrades in the unit. Our unit continued supplying these war materials to our Russian counterparts for almost a year and a half, that is, till the middle of 1943. Then our unit was transferred to Italy.”

(The scope of the supplies was vast. As Indian Information said, “Over 5,000 tons of vital war materials per month have been sent from India to Russia during the past six months along the East Persia route, which follows the age-old caravan track now converted into a modern motor highway.

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Russia has received quantities of gunny bags, tossa canvas, jute ropes, tea, pepper, tin, wolfram and silk. Two special consignments consisted of 1,000 tons of nickel and 1,000 tons of harvest yarn, both of which reached Russia in record time. The harvest yarn was made to a very exacting specification by the Calcutta Jute Mills. It had to reach before the Russian harvest began and the average timing from Calcutta to the handing-over point was 28 days...Tin, mercury, wolfram and silk were flown from China to Assam in American aircraft and railed to Zahidan for transport by truck. Hundreds of lorries have been used to reach the consignments to our Allies in the north, and the road surface from Zahidan right up to the Russian border has

50 been kept in excellent repair”.

“What is your impression of the Soviet Red Army soldiers with whom you came into contact in the one and half years your unit was supplying war materials to them?” we asked Thakur Gajendra Singh.

“We came in contact with soldiers and officers of the Red Army only during the unloading operations. We found them kind, courteous and brave. Of course, we could not speak Russian nor could they speak English or Hindi, but we conversed through Iranian interpreters. The Red Army soldiers exuded warmth and great self- confidence. They seemed to be prepared to go to any extent to defend their motherland and to rid it of the Nazi marauders.

“The first time I reached Tabriz I was greatly surprised to find women soldiers manning the gates and working shoulder to shoulder with men. These were not ordinary women. They were Durgas whose wrath the godforsaken Nazis had incurred. This was the first time I have seen women soldiers on combat duty. I was deeply impressed. I knew then that a nation for whose defence even the women have come forward can never be vanquished.

“As a soldier, who actively participated in the Second World War, what have you to say about peace? Do you think peace is essential for mankind?”

“Yes indeed. There shouldn’t be any more wars. Wars are the greatest calamity that can happen to mankind but if some usurper like Hitler again

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dares to wage a war we should fight him and crush him. On this auspicious occasion, when the 30th anniversary of victory over fascism is being celebrated, I send my heartiest greetings to the Red Army veterans who fought with us to defeat our common enemy, fascism.”

“What were your feelings when you were informed that the Soviet Government had awarded you the Order of the Red Star for your bravery and your help to the Red Army?”

“I received the news when our unit was posted in Italy. It was in July 1944 that my C.O. informed me of this. Though I received six decorations and medals during my career in the army I never felt so thrilled as when I heard that the Soviet Government had awarded me and Subedar N. R. Nikkam, the Order of the Red Star... I was thrilled again when I received your letter saying you wished to meet me. I am grateful to you personally and to H. E. the Ambassador of the USSR, V. F. Maltsev, for remembering me on this occasion and inviting me to attend the reception to be held on 9 May 1975, at the Embassy of the USSR. I consider it an honour and I will be there.”

Like a true soldier he kept his promise and was the star attraction at the reception.

Some time later, came a letter from an old friend. Com. D. S. Sriramulu of Bangalore conveying the information that the other Indian soldier awarded the Order of the Red Star, Subedar Narayan Rao Nikkam, was living in Coonoor in Tamilnadu. Another friend A. S. Moorthy travelled there to meet him. An account of the meeting was published recently in the Soviet Land magazine.

“On February 2, 1976,” wrote Moorthy, “I found myself sitting with Narayan Rao Nikkam, now a grand old man, in his cozy home in Coonoor, listening closely as he reminisced about his past, about events of more than three decades ago. It was difficult for him to recapture all the details of those long and hazardous treks in faraway Persia. But he vividly remembered the glittering ceremony in Teheran, at which Soviet decorations were presented to the officers and men of the RIASC. He treasured every detail of it. He showed me an old faded photograph of the presentation ceremony in which

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he is seen shaking hands with-the Soviet Ambassador M. Maximov; and also a clipping from the Mail of Madras, yellowed with age, carrying the news of the Teheran function under, the heading, Russia Honours Indian Soldiers — Gallant Services in Carrying Supplies.

“Nikkam was conscious that in reaching those supplies to the beleaguered Red Army on the Caucasian Front, he was not only carrying out his duty as a soldier but also serving the cause of the defence of his motherland, for that army was the only effective barrier between it and the rapacious Hitlerite hordes who had their greedy eyes on the vast natural resources of India. Nikkam’s wrinkled face was suffused with light — a glow from the past — as he recalled his association with the Soviet army men whom he used to meet in Tabriz. He spoke about them with warmth as one speaks about one’s comrades-in-arms. His eyes lit up when he recalled the role of Soviet women in the war. ‘They did not lag behind the. men in serving the country even at the front. Women, donning military uniforms, were at work at the transit point in Tabriz. Very few Russians spoke English; despite the language barrier, however, close bonds of mutual understanding, of sympathy and solidarity in the common cause of struggle against the most brutal enemy of mankind, did develop between the Red Army men and men of the RIASC. From the limited association I had with the Soviet army men and women at the transit points I can say that they were very hospitable and generous people, with an implacable hatred for the invaders,’ he said.

“As a soldier hero, Mr. Nikkam, what do you think of war? I asked him. Won’t you like a man to prove his worth in the thick of a battle just as you did?”

“Throwing up his hands in a gesture of horror, he exclaimed: ‘Oh my God! Let there be no war. There must not be any!’ He spoke holding his two grandchildren in a tight embrace, and words came from the depth of his heart: ‘Why should there be any war? Can’t men and women prove their mettle in peaceful construction? War is barbarous. I don’t want our young

31 men to experience the horrors of war’.”

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Six months earlier the issue of Janashakti dated April 19, 1944, front- paged a report about other Soviet honours to Indian war heroes. Quoting Moscow newspapers, it reported the USSR Supreme Soviet’s awards to “distinguished soldiers of the Indian, American and British armies who fought in North Africa and Italy”. It gave details of“three Indian Army officers who fought courageously against the Hitlerite army” and who were awarded Soviet honours. They were Captain Ram Singh (Order of Kutuzov, III class); Subedar Pritha Singh Kurung (Order of the Patriotic War, I class); and Lt. Col. W. R. B. Williams (Order of Nevsky). „

Not all memories are associated with the glitter of awards and connected ceremonies. There are some full of pathos. But not only pathos. With pride and humility, one learns that the seeds of the ever-blossoming Soviet-Indian friendship are also scattered over such an improbable soil as a Nazi concentration camp. One Indian, who eagerly grasped the hand of friendship proffered by men of the Red Army in a Nazi concentration camp, was P. Chandragason. Now an ISCUS activist in Madras, he relives those days with a great deal of passion when asked to tell us about them (at a recent chance encounter in Madras at the home of a friend Dr. Krishnan).

Chandragason was part of the eager crowd that greeted Marshal Zhukov when he visited Madras recently. And he had a special reason to be there. He had seen Marshal Zhukov in Germany during the war. Still moved by the memory of those days, he recalled with emotion that it was the courageous action of the Soviet troops under the command of Marshal Zhukov that saved his life and the lives of other Indian POWs in Nazi concentration camps.

We listened in a hush as he gave flesh and blood to those distant memories: “I joined the army in 1938 and was serving in the Royal Artillery Field Regiment. I was hardly 16 then and, to be frank, did not know much about what was happening in the world. We were stationed in Bangalore in 1940 when the war started. Soon, we were sent for special training in fighting the Germans and Italians in Africa. The training was

-very intensive, because we were told the enemy was very well-equipped, modernised and trained. After a very strenuous battle inoculation, we were sent for embarkation to Bombay. In 1941, we landed in Africa and soon

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we found ourselves in Alexandria. At that time, we were in the 4th Indian Infantry Division, along with the fifth. From Alexandria, we went to Cairo (Reinforcement Camp Mina), where we underwent special train¬ing in desert warfare. Our first battle with the Italians was very successful. In spite of the propaganda about the invincibility of the Black Shirts, we Indians, with very old equipment, managed to overrun them and captured almost 20,000 Italians as prisoners, pushing them up to Bengazi (Tripolitania). Then the German Panzers moved near Benghazi and Tobruk. And we were forced to retreat. During the battle, many of our troops were killed, especially in aerial attacks by Sty^a dive bombers. We lost a lot of our equipment but managed to reach Tobruk for reinforcements.

“The Germans cut us off. The order was to retreat to Alamaine, except for the Levant Indian Infantry Brigade in which such prominent names as Capt. Kumaramangalam (in later years the Army Chief of Staff of India) and Ayub Khan (who later became the President of Pakistan) were fighting. We were ordered to fight to the last.”

The conditions in Tobruk at that time were hellish. “All other troops — the New Zealanders, Australians, South Africans had retreated earlier. At last we Indians, after very severe fighting without proper equipment, food and water, had to surrender to the Germans.

“The Germans immediately moved us — Punjabis, Gurkhas, Sikhs, Mussalmans — to Italy, and put us in concentration camps. I was in prison camp No. 91 — Avizano, from Where under instructions from Capt. Kumaramangalam, we attempted to escape. The Germans opened fire and about a hundred Indians were killed. This was in 1943. Those who were caught were loaded into cattle-trains and sent to Germany.

“Along with three other Indians (I think it was in September- October 1943), I managed to escape. We were in hiding for quite a long time, moving only in the night, sleeping only in deserted Italian houses. During that period, I learnt the Italian language and posed as an African. At last, we reached Monte Casino. At Attino, I fell seriously ill but some Italian anti- fascists found me and saved my life.

The Italians were very strongly anti-German then. I was in hiding

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and living with Italians up to 1944. The frontline was approaching Monte Casino where one of the biggest fights between the British and the Germans was taking place. I could see the aerial combats. 1 decided to somehow get through the frontlines and join the army. I was almost successful. But I was caught at the very last moment by some young German soldiers, and after a severe beating, I was taken to Germany.

“First, I was put in the concentration camp near Munich called Aistadt and from there I was sent to the camp called Staling 7A somewhere near Auschwitz where Russian prisoners were kept along with Indian, British and American prisoners. We lived comparatively well under the protection of the International Red Cross. We received food, warm clothes, etc., but the Russian prisoners did not get anything at all. They were treated as worse than beasts. Their bar¬racks were next to ours, about 20 yards away, separated by barbed electric wire. Among the Russian prisoners were many high-ranking officers. But they were in rags. And sometimes as many as 20 Russians would die on a single day.

“Once we gathered and decided that we should do something to help our Russian fellow-prisoners. First, we established some code signals with them. Hello, one finger meant a cigarette. We gradually established contacts and started communicating with them. Some of them knew English. We bribed some German sentries with certain things we got from the Red Cross — chocolates, soaps, cigarettes. And we succeeded, perhaps because the more discerning of the Germans felt that the fall of Hitler was imminent. Food, cloth, soaps and cigarettes were thus passed to the Russian prisoners. Then it was decided to dig a tunnel under the wire and share our food rations with them. They sent us messages thanking us.

“In April 1945, the memorable day of our liberation came. Marshal Zhukov’s soldiers liberated us from the concentration camps, saved our lives, and that is how after more than 35 years I am here with you. The Russian soldiers were very friendly to us. They stored out the strong and healthy from the wounded and ailing, and those who were able to fight, including Indians, were sent to different areas for occupation of Germany. After the German surrender, we were sent to Rhymes and from there to England. The British were very suspicious and only after very tough

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checking did they release us.

“The Russians, who were all along very friendly, gave us medical treatment and even invited us to settle in Russia. Remarkably, they were absolutely free of any racial prejudice. They were always friendly and cheerful. Even in the prison camps, one had to admire their heroic behaviour and their sense of collectivism. They were always together in a group. We know that they were sabotaging any work they were forced to do. Their slogan was ‘No assistance to the enemy’. There were several occasions when we were sent together on road construction work. They went without shoes in rags. The work gave us the opportunity to give them shirts, shoes, socks, etc. The Germans forced them to work, but they did it in such a way as would make matters worse.

“Now some people wonder about the roots of Indo-Soviet friendship. For myself, the origin of the friendly feeling for Russia was begun on the

52 concentration camps of Germany.” NOOR-UNNISA — A BRAVE DAUGHTER OF INDIA

While recalling the sacrifices of some Indians in the cause of the noble struggle against the fascist monster, the name of Noor-Unnisa, a heroic daughter of India, comes to mind.

When the British Government awarded posthumous titles to Noor Inayat Khan, on April 5, 1949, for her heroic deeds not many knew that she belonged to the family of the great Tipu Sultan. The world heard her name for the first time when on January 16, 1946, General de Gaulle as President of the provisional French Government awarded her high honours for valour. One of the sons of Tipu Sultan, who had escaped the oppression of the British conquerors, was killed in the 1857 uprising. He left a daughter who found refuge in the house of two soldiers, loyal to him. Scared of persecution at the hands of the British, they clandestinely took her to Mysore where they married her off to Maula Bakhsh, a famous musician. Years later, a descendant of Maula Bakhsh, Inayat Khan, left for America where he met and married Miss Sara Ray Baker. The girl child born to them on January 1, 1914, was named Peerzadi Noor-Unnisa Inayat Khan. After

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World War I Inayat Khan settled down in Fazl Manzil, and his daughter moved to France. They are known to have settled down in Fazl Manzil, near Paris.

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World War II gave a new turn to the life of Noor. German forces were advancing towards France where Noor had grown up and it didn’t take long for Noor and her family to decide that they were on the side of France, on the side of the forces fighting fascism. Noor and her sister Vilayat did not know what exactly they could do. They managed to go to England and joined the Air Force. But a snag arose when Noor was about to be given a Commission in the Women’s Auxiliary Air Force. At the interview, she was asked what she thought of the Indian freedom movement. Believing that it would be against her national honour to conceal her sympathy for the movement, she replied that she thought it was her patriotic $uty to support all those fighting for the freedom of their country. How then she could be considered loyal to Great Britain? Her reply was simple. “I have pledged to fight against Germany. I’ll fight the British if India did not become free even after the defeat of fascism.” After the open statement, she became a suspect and promotions in the Air Force were closed to her. But everywhere people with such great strength of character are tested beyond the ordinary measure of a man. This is what happened to Noor, when she was entrusted with a very dangerous and a very responsible mission by the underground resistance movement in France. Noor was overjoyed when she learned that she could get a chance to fight Hitler’s forces and the Gestapo (Hitler’s secret police). If caught, she knew she faced torture or death. She was trained as a radio operator so that she could send back messages on the situation in occupied France after she reached there. Her code name was Madelaine, and she was known as Jane Mary in the Intelligence department of France. Eventually, she was dropped by parachute near Paris on June 16, 1943. And she found it was not easy to transmit messages. A few days after her landing in Paris, the entire group sent by the British was arrested. Some important French functionaries were also caught. Noor was left all alone. She had to find new centres to send messages from and to establish new contacts for the underground movement. The London office, after learning

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of the arrests, decided that it was useless for Noor to stay on there. They said they would send an aeroplane to pick her up. But Noor, for whom liberation of all the people including hers after the war was a bigger concern than loyalty to the British, refused to return to London.

From the homes of her former acquaintances in the area, she started sending out messages, and appeals for the supply of arms. She revived the underground movement in the area. Attempts were made by the Gestapo to arrest Noor but her alertness saved her. Eventually, Noor was betrayed by a woman, and she was held captive in the cell of a five-storeyed building where the Gestapo had their offices. German officers tortured her in the hope that she would reveal the names of her associates. This she would not do. Two other activists of the underground were confined on the same floor where Noor was, and soon they started to prepare a scheme for escape. But their attempt was foiled. On an earlier occasion also, Noor had been captured while trying to escape through the bathroom window. After the second attempt, the Nazi officers asked for instructions from Berlin, which ordered that this “most dangerous foe” be transferred to a prison in Germany. Accordingly, she was kept in fetters and handcuffed.

At last, she was sent to the infamous Dachau concentration camp on September 12, 1944. It was one of the major Nazi torture-houses where thousands of anti-Nazis were done to death in the years to follow. Noor was among the first batch of prisoners to be moved there. She knew she would be shot and saw there could still be a chance to escape death. If she had identified herself as Noor- Unnisa and said her father was an Indian, she might have saved herself. But she was not prepared to buy her freedom in such ways. On the evening of September 12, 1944, Peerzada Noor- Unnisa Inayat Khan was shot dead. And thus, this descendant of Tipu

53 Sultan met her death fighting against the worst tyranny of her age.

The contacts between Indians and Russians through Iran had encouraged new ideas about future economic and trade cooperation between India and its northern neighbour. In December 1944 the Modern Review published a report entitled Indo-Soviet Trade Plans which said: “Globe agency message from London states that preliminary negotiations are proceeding for the establishment of closer economic relations between

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India and Soviet Russia. Following developments, since the war began there is now a steady flow of all kinds of materials from India to Russia and it is being urged that the foundations thus laid should be used for permanent interchange of goods and raw materials. Extension of rail and road facilities especially via Persia and the possibilities of the development of air transport in the not distant future have overcome communications

54 difficulties which impeded Indo-Soviet trade exchange before this war.”

Earlier, in September of that year, the Modern Review wrote about the Soviet Union’s natural interest in India’s freedom. It said, “The New Delhi representative of The Leader reports that there is a feeling in New Delhi that Moscow’s silence will not last long and that as soon as Stalin has won his final military victory over Hitler he will throw his whole weight on the side of freedom for all the subject races. Soviet Russia is interested in Indian freedom from the viewpoint of world peace and security. The simple, brief and direct way in which proposals on future world security were submitted by Russia at the International Security Conference at Dumbarton Oaks surprised the American and British delegates but confirmed the popular view that Russia wants to solve the world security problem in its fundamental aspects on the basis of human rights and liberties. In the case of America, The Leader’s correspondent believes that it probably holds the view that ‘unless India is a strong self-governing power, the Asiatic mainland will lack a balance of power to ensure security in this zone. The correspondent adds that although official quarters at New Delhi are reticent on Moscow’s sudden interest in the Indian situation, it can be presumed that the development has caused considerable nervousness and it will not be surprising if propaganda guns are turned on Moscow in an attempt to cloud the Indian issue by raising the racial and communal bogey.”55

References

1. Translated from Telugu. 2. Translated from Urdu. 3. The Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta, January 23, 1944.

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4. NAI, Home Department, Political, file No. 18/1/1944, fortnightly reports for the month of January 1944.

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5. The Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta, January 23, 1944. 6. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, file No. 18/1/1944 political (1), fortnightly reports for the month of January 1944, confidential, No. D.O.F. 1/1/1944-C.X., January 19, 1944, Appendix I, Government of the United Provinces. 7. Ibid., p. 82, confidential, D.O. No. 566-C, Government of Orissa, Home Department, special section, Cuttack, February 18, 1944. 8. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, Bombay, July 2, 1944. 9. The Amrita Bazar Patrika, Calcutta, April 6, 1944. 10. Ibid., April 18, 1944. 11. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political, file No. 18/6/1944; Political (1), fortnightly reports for the month of June 1944, confidential D.O. 1524, Poona, July 4, 1944, p. 117. 12. NAI, Ibid., Government of Bengal, Home Department, Memo No. 195/1(27) P.S., Calcutta, February 17, 1944. 13. Ibid., Secret D.O. 199/, confidential, Government of the Central Provinces and Berar, Nagpur, February 20, 1944, p. 66. 14. Ibid., p. 107, confidential, D.O. No. F/44-S.B., Office of the Chief Commissioner, Delhi, February 19, 1944. 15. The Amrita Bazar Patrika, Calcutta, June 8, 1944. 16. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, Bombay, June 3, 1944. 17. “Soviet Russia” by J. Nehru. See: “Selected Works of-Jawaharlal Nehru”, Vol. II, p. 382, Orient Longmans, New Delhi, 1972. 18. The following files for the yeafc 1944 were used from the-€entral Archives of October Revolution of the USSR, Moscow; VOKS records: Nos. 1, 141, 144 145, 146, 148, 150, 518. Prof. Hiren Mukerjee, writing later about the FSU and VOKS contacts, stressed: “Apart from the FSU, the All India Trade Union Congress, the All India Kisan Sabha, the All India Students’ Federation and other bodies hastened to convey to the Soviets their solidarity and fraternal support. Contact was established with Moscow though not without difficulty and after a time, in spile of the dreadful problems involved, beautiful and copious exhibition materials came from the Soviet Union. This was the time when bulletins issued by VOKS— the then USSR Society for Cultural Relations with Foreign countries — began to be received and were avidly appreciated. One recalls with nostalgia those early VOKS bulletins, some of which were not even printed, only cyclostyled, but were deeply cherished nevertheless. To the British Indian police, of course, possession of a VOKS bulletin meant sedition, but in those days in unfree India, the best of our patriots were ready and willing to be friends of the Soviet Union in fair weather and in foul, and to risk its consequences.” See “Basking in the Sunshine of Friendship”, by Hiren Mukerjee, Soviet Land, No. 5, 1972. 19. From a letter of K. Nilakantan to L. V. Mitrokhin, Madras, December 7, 1976; about K. Baladandayudham see: “Immortal Heroes, Lives of Communist Leaders”, People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1975.

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20. Janashakti, Weekly, Madras, May 31, 1944.

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21. Janashakti, Weekly, Madras, July 19, 1944. 22. The Hindu, Madras, July 7, 1944. 23. Janashakti, Weekly, Madras, September 27, 1944. 24. The Central Archives of October Revolution of the USSR, Moscow, VOKS records. 25. The Central Archives of the October Revolution of the USSR, VOKS records. 26. An Interview with K. M. Ahmed, dated April 8, 1975. 27. An Interview with Dr. Ganguli, September 1976.

28. The Central Archives of the October Revolution of the USSR, VOKS records. 29. The Indo-Soviet Journal, June 22, 1944. 30. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, Bombay, June 5, 1944. 31. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, Bombay, June 5, 1944. 32. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, Bombay June 18, 1944. 33. In the biographies of Smt. Sarojini Naidu this aspect of her activities, unfortunately, is not highlighted at all. See from example, “Sarojini Naidu’s Biography”, by Padmini Sengupta, Asia Publishing House, New Delhi. 34. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, Bombay June 3, 1944. 35. H. Chattopadhyaya to L. V. Mitrokhin, November 1976. 36. Sankara Kurup wrote a drama in the late thirties. He has himself said (in a letter to the author dated November 13, 1976): “One of my important works is a dramatic piece depicting the strong feelings of anti-fascism in India when Italy declared war on Abyzainia... There are some other similar poets in other anthologies two of which have been translated into Russian and are included in Russian publications”. The drama was translated for the author by M. Leelavati, a winner of the Soviet Land Nehru Award for 1976. 37. The People’s War, Weekly, Bombay, February 13, 1944. 38. The 1944 “Manifesto” was issued in Calcutta on the occasion of the Provincial Conference of the Bengal FSU held on April 21-23, 1944. 39. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, Bombay, August 20, 1944. 40. The Central Archives of the October Revolution of the USSR (Moscow), VOKS records, 1944. 41. The Indo-Soviet Journal, June 22, 1944. 42. The Central Archives of the October Revolution of the USSR (Moscow). VOKS records, 1944. 43. The Hindu, June 5, 1944. 44. NAI, Home Department, Political, file No. 18/4/1945, p. 10. 45. Indian Information, September 1, 1944, Vol. 15, No. 144, p. 256. 46. Indian Information, June 15, 1944, Vol. 14, No. 139, pp. 616-617. Also see, the Times of India, May 9, 1944, p. 4. 47. Indian Information, December 15, 1941, Vol. 9, No. 85, p. 526. On the military supplies from India to the Soviet Union, see NAI, External Affairs 2 6 1

Department, Near East Branch File No. 4(1)N-1941 —“Supply of jute from India to Russia by Nok Kundi, Mushed route”.

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48. Indian Information, January 1, 1944, Vol. 14, No. 128, p. 37. 49. Indian Information, May 1, 1944, Vol. 14, No. 136, p. 498. 50. Indian Information, October 1, 1944, Vol. 14, No. 146, p. 355. 51. Soviet Land. Delhi, Vol. XXIX, May 1976, No. 9. 52. An Interview took place on January 19, 1977. See also our article in Soviet Land. Delhi, Vol. XXX, May 1977, No. 9. 53. Aina, Weekly, Delhi, May 9, 1955, pp. 25, 26. 54. The Modern Review, December 1944, Vol. LXXV1, No. 6.

55. The Modern Review, September 1944, Vol. LXXVI, No. 3, pp. 132- 133.

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THE YEAR 1945

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“WITH BERLIN WILL FALL INTO DUST THE ENTIRE EDIFICE OF HITLERIAN AMBITION”

By January 1945, it was clear to Indian public opinion that the for¬tunes of war had swung decisivelyB against the fascists. What was thought to be the “invincible” Nazi war-machine was tottering under the sustained blows administered by the Soviet army.

As the Bombay Chronicle Weekly wrote on January 28, 1945:

“We are witnessing the last act, if not the last scene of the war in Europe. The complete collapse which has come over the German army on the Russian front can have no other meaning. Even the Nazi pep master Dr. Goebbles bleats piteously: ‘What if we cannot stop the Russians?’ ”

“The Nazis”, the weekly went on, “are cautiously angling for the probable answer to this no longer hypothetical question”. Referring to reported German peace feelers to the Kremlin, the journal wrote: “It would be typical of Nazi diplomacy to seek a separate peace with the Soviet Union, thus hoping to sow discord between the Big Three on the eve of their meeting, even if the offer is rejected — as it promptly and unceremoniously was.”

Quoting the Pravda for the comment that “We shall not be tickled this time by the bluff of peace; we shall march on to Berlin”. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly commented “The spearheads of the Red Army are less than 125 miles from the German capital. ‘Berlin before spring’ is the theme song of the Red Army, and Marshal Koniev and Marshal Zhukov are running a neck-and-neck race between themselves as to who reaches the goal-post first.

“What Marshals Konievand Zhukov are doing at present supported

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by Rokossovsky and Cherniahovsky from the North and Petrov from the South is to rain terrific blows on the solar plexus of the German army. The military commentator of the German News Agency reports that the Red Army has thrown 300 Soviet infantry divisions, 25 armoured corps and several cavalry formations, making altogether three and a half million troops, into this mighty battle of decision. Never before in military annals has such a colossal host of men and machines launched such simultaneous offensives, and never before has an army achieved more shattering victories. Even the Napoleonic parallel fades into insignificance before this miraculous feat of arms...

It is as if a well-rehearsed symphony is reaching its grand finale in a rhythmic pattern. Not one jarring note has been heard so far, not one false key has been struck... And so we wait with bated breath for the words to come over the air ‘Germany capitulates!’ But let us recall that four months back, as the Allies raced through France and took their battle stations on the Siegfried Line, similar hopes surged in our hearts. Badly bitten then, let us be sober today. For the Nazis may still pull a fast one, in some secret diabolical weapon. Already the gruesome spectre of gas warfare is casting its shadow... Mere threats of ten-fold retaliation are not going to deter the fanatical Nazis from using the most deadly engines of death. They have not

1 long left to decide now!”

So much for the military situation on the battle fronts.

The Indian press also showed a keen awareness of the historic significance of the liberating mission of the Red Army.

In an article captioned “Salute to the Red Army” written to coincide with the twenty-seventh anniversary of the Soviet Army, the Bombay Chronicle Weekly declared on February 3, 1945, “With Berlin will fall into dust the entire edifice of Hitlerian ambitions and Nazi aggression”. In a perceptive tribute, the article by “Chronicler” said, “But above all, we have admired the Red Army of the Soviet Union for we have known that this is a real people’s army, recruited from the workers and peasants; that its soldiers are educated, cultured and politically conscious citizens. This, we know, is not an army for imperial conquest but for the defence of the

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workers’ fatherland, and to preserve for them the fruits of the revolution.

“We admired the fortitude and grim determination with which the Red Army defended the Soviet land inch by inch, writing with their blood the immortal pages of the defence of Leningrad, Stalingrad, Sebastopol. And we admire no less the relentless, almost superhuman, the manner they have been pursuing the Nazis right to the gates of Berlin. With Berlin, the entire edifice of Hitlerian ambitions and Nazi aggression will fall into dust. And the major credit for this triumph goes to the Red Army.

“India greets and salutes the Red Army on its twenty-seventh

2 anniversary.”

The same weekly quoted the Rt. Hon. L. S. Amery as saying: “We cannot afford to pursue any policy which would bring us into conflict with Germany, Italy and Japan (1937); and Herr Hitler’s dramatic performance would create alarm for a while, but it would not hinder for long if it did not actually promote, the process of European consolidation” (1933).

It quoted A Beverley Baxter, MP, saying: “I believe we are very foolish in this House sometimes, those of us who refuse to believe that there is any good in National socialism, or that there is no unselfishness in men like Hitler and Goering” (1938). And it quoted Sir Thomas Moore, MP “Peace and justice are the keywords of his (Hitler’s) policy... Give Hitler a chance; I am satisfied Herr Hitler is absolutely honest and sincere” (1934).

Then, the weekly said: “At the time of writing Jawaharlal Nehru was held in prison at the orders of Mr. Amery. Mr. Amery was the Secretary of State for India in the British Cabinet. Mr. Baxter and Sir Thomas Moore were both members of the House of Commons which in the ultimate analysis, ruled over India. And where was Hitler?...

The process by which Hitler rose to power and sustained it is part of world history. Gunther calls it ‘the trick by fire and the purge by blood’. It was an unscrupulous and brutal process. No crime, no lie, no deception was too great to be discarded if it helped Hitler and the Nazis to climb to power.

“But there is an international aspect, too, to this ‘How?’ of Hitler’s early triumphs.

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The reactionary ruling classes of Britain, France and the USA have played no mean part in this drama. Fearing Communism like the plague, these plutocrats and capitalists welcomed the rise of Nazism even if Hitler tore up the treaty of Versailles, rearmed Germany and began grabbing countries like Austria and Czechoslovakia. Anything to keep Hitler appeased so long as he kept the monster of Communism at bay — that seemed to be the guiding policy of the British conservatives (with a few exceptions like Churchill who were sensible enough to realise that Hitler’s plan of world conquest meant not only the suppression of Communism and the USSR but might also include the liquidation of the British Empire).

“If Hitler was ever put on trial, his defence counsel might cite an embarrassingly big list of eminent witnesses — Lords and Ladies and Knights and industrial magnates — to exonerate the accused! The end of Hitler and his Nazi Germany is a certainty now. It is not the \ Red Army that is knocking today at the gates of Berlin. It is doom itself.

“But what about Hitlerism — the doctrine of power, the tradition of imperialism? The Nazi empire is crumbling. What about other em¬pires? Hitler’s armies of aggression and occupation that are similarly used to keep down free peoples? Hitler is doomed. What about other Hitlers?

“As a man, Hitler was of no consequences — a frustrated house- painter, a renegade, a spy, a demagogue! What made him such a menace to the peace of the world was his transformation into an instrument and a symbol of the forces of greed and power, of exploita¬tion and tyranny, of domination of one nation by another.

“I do not know what will be the end of Hitler. I do not know what should be the end of Hitler. I am not interested in the killing of an evil individual but in the killing of an evil idea. Many millions would have died in vain if Hitler was hanged but Hitlerism allowed to flourish if Berlin fell but the citadels of imperialism and exploitation and oppression were left intact if the gates of Hitler’s concentration camps were opened and others

3 kept bolted and barred.”

There is another ample evidence of how attentively Indian public opinion followed the events of the. last months of the war and assessed their

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implications. The press of South India devoted special attention to the events on the Eastern Front. As the Government of Madras Home Department’s secret report of March 26, 1945, said: “The war on the Eastern front in Europe continued to attract special attention. It was stated that the Soviet High Command had shown great caution in making the next move after reaching the Oder and that they were not only taking time to regroup their forces for the final assault but also taking steps to prevent any possibility of a German flank attack. The occupation of Pomerania by the Russians was considered to have removed a serious threat to their right flank, and when the battle for Berlin started in right earnest, Marshal Zhukov on the West bank of the Oder, Rokossovsky from the northeast, and Koniev from Silesia would, it was observed, play an important part.4 And a report dated April 9, 1945, said: “...On the Eastern front, the Russians were stated to be still busy strengthening their flanks before launching their main attack on Berlin. The significance of recent operations of the Red Army was explained, and it was observed that the Russians were taking no chances and would move in the

5 Central Front after securing their flanks.”

Here is a selection of headlines in the Hindustan daily during April 1945, which show the keen interest the Indian press took on the progress of the war on the Eastern front:

— Russians occupy Koenigsberg, Fort Commander of 27 thousand Germans arrested. — Heavy battle in Vienna continues. Red Army occupies the central part of the city (11.4.1945). — Russian army crossed the Danube, 92 thousand Germans are made war prisoners (12.4.1945). — Red Army has attacked from Oder Front towards German Capital.

— Marshal Zhukov’s army attacks in Frankfurt. — Russian progress is maintained in Czechoslovakia and Austria.

— The Russian attack on Berlin from 39 miles East. — German lines shattered on Kotbus Road. — Russian army tries to meet the American army inside Germany.

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— The mighty Russian attack on Berlin begins.

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— Rumbling of Russian Guns in Berlin (17.4.1945). — Russian army’s advance towards Berlin accelerates every hour.

— Russian army occupied Hill 28 miles away from Berlin (18.4.1945).

News of the triumphant march of the Red Army brought hope and cheer to the Indians. It even inspired poets. The well known Urdu poet Kaifi Azmi sang: With a leap, like a flash of lightning over the mountains And wrath, like the roar of a watershed in the still night And an upsurge like that of the gathering spring clouds The raging storm was scared to death, The heady stream found itself arrested and furious, The river panted for breath and stopped in its course! The marching columns are winding their way, The Red Army is advancing on Berlin. Zoya’s blood is lashing like a mighty hurricane The war-mongers are writhing in the agonies of their own doing. Russia has come out victorious, the world can hold its head high. Tyranny is being wiped out of existence Nazism is torn to its very shreds Terror is smouldering in impotent rage Dealing out ceaseless blows and cracking strikes The Red Army is advancing on Berlin. Diplomacy found itself numb, incapable of thinking The light had gone out in the castle of being And in ruins was the garden of music and poetry Instruments were choked, no life left in them Knowledge was awe-struck, wisdom hung its head in shame, For morbidity had overwhelmed mankind But now, the morbid insanity is being overpowered The Red Army is advancing on Berlin. The coming victory is casting its shadows already. The universe has recovered its charm and glory. Progress is arching its back to take a giant leap. The listless moments are coming back to life Time is dancing, to the song, started by life And dawn is making its way through the hovering dark It’s again all light, glow and warmth, The Red Army is advancing on Berlin The new era is smiling, singing

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The sad flame of the heart has leapt up again, The current of freedom has swept the minds once more. This mighty current can no longer be diverted, Imperialism has had its day, This house of calumny cannot be saved It’s this house of calumny that’s being razed to ground By the Red Army, advancing on Berlin.

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From day to day, Indians eagerly awaited news from the Eastern front. The two events which gripped their minds in those climatic days were the battle for Berlin and the San Francisco conference. The fortnightly report of the Home Department from Bihar for April 1945, had this to say: “The battle for Berlin has dominated the headlines and news comments during the fortnight under report. Himmler’s reported offer of surrender to the Western Allies which appeared in the local papers on April 29 was viewed as a last-minute desperate effort to split the unity of the Allies, which failed miserably. The expectation now is that the news of the end of the war in Europe may be received at any moment. Both the principal daily papers in Patna see in the developments of the last two or three days the hope that the joy and excitement caused by the news from the European front may smooth over the difficulties which have arisen in the San Francisco Conference and pave the way_ for a settled peace.” As the Indian Nation put in this anticlimax to the rise of Nazidom, delegates of 45 nations are gravely pondering to prevent a second menace of the war of a global magnitude. Embarrassments and disagreements are cropping up at San Francisco, but the world, awaiting much-cherished peace, may not allow them to grow’. The Searchlight of April 30 writing on the same subject says — while the conclusion is imminent, the victorious powers are at work at San Francisco to forge the destiny of the world. The developments of the last 24 hours may have a thrilling effect on the conference and may galvanise them to action and, as never before, to firmly lay the foundation of peace.6

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At the same time, news of the atrocities committed by the retreating Nazis in the concentration camps was reaching India, and the Indian people joined in demanding war trials.

Not many Indians,.’ however, had had a close look at the Nazi atrocities. One of the first Indians to do so was the renowned Indian scientist Meghnad Saha, the founder of the Calcutta Institute of Nuclear Physics. He visited the USSR in the summer of 1945 as an Indian delegate to the celebrations marking the 220th anniversary of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union. In a series of articles which he wrote, and which were later published as a book under the title “My Experiences in Soviet Russia”, Meghnad Saha gave vivid glimpses of the Nazi atrocities.

He wrote: “On our arrival in the city, we were taken to see the ‘Defence of Leningrad’ exhibition. The story of the defence of Leningrad is told in several publications now available in the market, but the visitor to Leningrad has a chance of getting first-hand knowledge of this grand epic of the World War from the magnificent collection of pictures, maps, arms and weapons at the exhibition. It shows how the Germans came and cut off Leningrad, took its outlying suburbs, and power-houses, and rained bombs on the city; how the defenders of Leningrad organised defense; how people kept the great Kirov arms factories going in spite of repeated bombing, and continued starvation. Large numbers were evacuated before the Germans could draw their nets tight, but of those who remained many died of privations and diseases, and no wonder, because except for a route opened over the frozen Ladoga Lakes, there was no supply for a year and a half and all animals were killed. One man told me that he lived for days on dried pigskin and water...

“We had the chance of seeing a few devastated regions round about Leningrad. These were Peterhof, the palace city 23 kilometres from Leningrad, the summer residence of the Romanoffs and the premier Tsarist

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palaces, expanded and beautified by successive generations of Tsars, Then there was the great Pulkovo Observatory, the Greenwich of Russia.,. The little village of Pulkove where the famous observatory is built is situated on the low hills bearing the same name about 15 kilometres to the South-West of the city. What we saw there simply staggered us.

“There is nothing left of the observatory excepting a heap of bricks and a number of walls. The lens of the big refractor telescope for which Pulkovo was celebrated was taken away early for safety, but the dome and the mounting are now all a mass of jumbled metal which in places had run into molten chunks due to the heat produced by bomb bursts. In some places, deep craters marked the sites of tele¬scopes and other instruments. We were told that the German front line was just a half a mile to the South and the observatory frequently received direct hits. The destruction of the observatory as an act of extreme vandalism is, of course, neither unique nor one-sided. It shows that Attila, Genghis Khan, and Tamerlane were ‘saints’ compared to the warlords of the twentieth century. The medieval warlords had their moments of chivalry, e.g., Attila the Hun retired from the gates of Rome at the request of Pope Leo, but probably there has not been a single chivalrous incident of that kind during the six years of World War II. The local astronomers had to transfer their activities to the Eastern regions of the Soviet Union and unretarded by the fate which overtook their beloved observatory, they carried out successful important observations in Kazakhstan during the total solar eclipse of September 1941. The Soviet government has a plan for building the observatory on a grander scale as early as possible.

“Our friends who went to see the palace city of Peterhof all told us the same tale. The Germans seized it in September 1941 and made a complete wreck of it. The Peter and Paul Cathedral at the centre of the city was the chief German observation post from which they could check artillery fire aimed at the battleships sailing across the gulf from the great arsenal city of Cronstad. The Russians have renamed the place Petrodvretz, and have plans for rebuilding the palaces and monuments exactly as they were before

7 the German invasion.”

Though Meghnad Saha was among the first Indians to have seen the

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ravages of war for himself, the Indian press was carrying many accounts of the Nazi atrocities and the demand for war trial was gathering momentum.

The government’s confidential fortnightly report from Sind (Karachi) dated May 2, 1945, said: .. Reviewing the situation on Berlin, the Daily Gazette writes that it is the last act of the drama.

Authentic revelations about Nazi atrocities and bestial treatment of, the luckless inmates of concentration camps caused profound attention, and special articles on the subject were published. There is ? also a general consensus of opinion that no loophole should be left for the escape of those who have reduced human conduct to a new abyss of degradation. The Daily Gazette opines that the German themselves may organise a blood-bath for their leaders who brought them nothing but destruction and thus the

8 problem of war criminals may get itself solved to a greater extent”.

With the rout of Nazism now imminent, a new element appeared on the Indian political scene. Inevitably, the press comments reflected more sharply the aspirations of the colonial peoples for freedom. In fact, the Battle of Berlin and the San Francisco conference provided an ideal backdrop for a more vocal demand for the liquidation of colonialism wherever it existed.

The fortnightly report from Central Provinces and Berar, Nagpur, summed up these sentiments thus: “The” attention of the press is entirely focused on the Battle of Berlin and the day of complete surrender of Germany is eagerly awaited. Some disappointment is, however, expressed over the fact that the Victory Day could not be announced on the eve of the World Security Conference. This conference which is regarded as the first of its kind in the history of the world has aroused great interest. Although the object of this meeting at San Francisco is considered laudable, it is universally believed, as the Hitavada typically remarks,

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that there can be no world order, peace and security without the liberation of a large part of the world now kept in bondage’. Mr. Gandhi’s statement in this connection has been widely endorsed and the representatives of the United Nations are urged to pay heed to the

9 appeal contained there in the best interests of world peace.”

Even earlier, as the fortnightly report from the United Provinces dated March 19, 1945, indicated, the optimism about early termination of the war was connected with the hope that Indian participation in the war may be considered as a convincing factor for granting India political independence.

The good war news from all fronts has kept up public optimism as to the early termination of the war, at any rate against Germany, and morale everywhere remains high. Politics, however, are still readily capable of taking precedence over even the best war news and indeed it is now clear that nationalists are ready to use for their own political advantage the war effort which up to the present they have opposed, and India’s part in the war is being used as an argument for the grant of independence.”10

The progress of the war was reviewed in the press with great appreciation. At the same time, there were insistent demands that Jawaharlal Nehru and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad be sent to lead the Indian delegation at San Francisco.

A confidential Madras report dated April 23, 1945, said: “The progress of the war formed, as usual, the subject of appreciative reviews. The press even flew into poetic ecstasies over allied achievements... The Red Army’s successes on the Baltic front, its strategic victories further South, Russian entry through the Bratislava Gap into Austrian territory, Marshal Koniev’s penetration into the Moravian Gap and his likely drive towards Prague were all explained in some detail, and it was observed that the result of all those coordinated drives would be the surrounding of the Germans from all

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sides and the deprivation of all their chances of waging isolated actions and prolonging the war.

“The San Francisco conference was one of the important topics of international politics that continued to attract the attention of the press. The report that non-officials were proposed to be appointed as Advisers to the Indian delegates to the San Francisco conference was commented on. The Hindu described it as a mischievous proposal, which, it said, should be vigorously opposed. It referred with approval to the statement on the subject issued by Rt. Hon’ble Mr. Srinivasa Sastri, and said that it was men like Nehru and Azad who must lead the Indian deputation if India was to compel the respect of the other nations gathered at San Francisco as an

11 equal.”

At last, came the eagerly awaited news of the German surrender. A Home Department report from Madras, in May 1945, said:

“The news of a ceasefire in Europe had been expected almost daily for some time and did not come as a surprise, but it was nevertheless received with relief and joy by all sections of the public. Church and temple bells were rung on the evening of the 8th when the news was announced and informal thanksgiving services were held in many places. The 9th and 10th were public holidays and the 13th was observed as Thanksgiving Day and services were held by all religious denominations.

12 Official celebrations were on the 14th.”

To the dismay of the British rulers, public jubilation in India over German capitulation and cessation of hostilities was accompanied by increasingly strident demands for the end of colonial rule. Not all officially- inspired rejoicing could wash away the resentment and anger of the people over their colonial status.

This wai underscored, for instance, in the report from Bihar (Patna).

It said: “The war news in the early days of May had been so spectacular that the announcement on May 8 that the war in Europe was over did not come as a surprise. The local press had given prominence to the rapid advances of the allied armies and, with the capitulation of the armies

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opposing Field Marshal Montgomery’s army group, total capitulation was generally expected to be a matter of days, if not hours. The leading local newspapers brought out special victory supplements on the 10th of May and, as the Provincial Press Adviser observes, when the news of the German capitulation came, editorial comment in the two principal daily papers was at first one of unreserved rejoicing... Reports from Commissioners regarding rejoicing vary. The Commissioner of Patna, while reporting universal relief and hope of the collapse of Japan and restoration of normal conditions observed that the extent of jubilation was marred by the political deadlock and the expected continuance of economic hardships for some time to come. The Commissioner of Tirhut would characterise the popular reaction to

13 victory in Europe as one of relief rather than enthusiasm.

It was in the fitness of things that the liberating role of the Soviet army in the war should blow a fresh breeze on the Indian national scene also and give a certain shape and direction to its freedom struggle.

The government report from Orissa, Cuttack, dated May 19, 1945, referred to leftist papers that proclaimed their firm conviction that the unity and struggle of the masses which liberated Europe could also liberate India. The report noted that these papers especially hailed the Soviet delegation’s statement in San Francisco.

“In the Muktijuddha the capture of Berlin by the Russian army overshadowed everything else. This paper said that the unity and struggle of the ‘masses’ had emancipated Europe, and it urged the Indian Congress and the Muslim League to follow the example of the people of Europe. But the paper warned its readers that Hitlerism was still alive in the opposition to Indian independence... It concluded that ‘the victory march of the downtrodden subject races has begun’.”

Several newspapers welcomed the declarations of the Soviet representatives (on behalf of the dependent nations and colonial people, especially the declaration that representation should be given to India in advance of the grant of Indian independence. The Asha, for example, declared that the Soviets had identified themselves “with the Indian National Congress in treating ‘imperialism’ and ‘Nazism’ as the same thing. The

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paper said that the victory over Germany would not be complete without the elimination of Anglo-American imperialism. The New Orissa said that Soviet reference to India had greatly encouraged Indian nationalism. (A typical commentary is one which appeared in the.’ Bombay Chronicle Weekly, dated May 6, 1945, under the title “Molotov’s Bombshell”. The paper wrote that the dramatic Soviet reference to India at San Francisco threw even the news of Hitler’s death into the background. Indeed, it did mean the death of a bogey as great as Hitler — the monstrous pretences of imperialism!. It was a challenge to the British delegates and no wonder they, including the suave Eden, looked stupefied. And the spontaneous applause that broke in the press gallery, public galleries and among the delegates was proof positive that India has succeeded in rousing the conscience of the world. It was also, if one might say so, a tribute to the wonderful work done by that gallant lady, Mrs. Vijayalakshmi Pandit, in interpreting the cause of Indian freedom with clarity and vigour, blowing to smithereens the phoney case built by Mudaliar and Noon. The fact that the British press almost unanimously blacked out this important part of the San Francisco proceedings underlines the historic importance of the occasion. For India, it might well be a turning point so far- as her representation in international affairs is concerned.”

The paper said the Soviet statement was clear-cut and precise: “The Soviet Union is fully aware that the Indian delegation here does not represent a free sovereign nation... We are confident that the time will come

14 when the voice of India’s independence will be heard”.

An official report from Cuttack (Orissa) of May 19, 1945, however, said doubts were expressed whether the Indian question would receive a fair hearing at San Francisco in view of the fact that Britain and America were determined to evade the Indian issue and the conference secretariat had refused to include Mrs. V. L. Pandit’s memorandum in the agenda.

The Naba Bharat was of the opinion that the differences between the sponsoring powers would encourage Germany. The Muktijuddha considered that Russia had triumphed in Europe and at the San Francisco conference, and Russia is not an imperialist country but is guided by the principles of communism. It hoped that under the leadership of Soviet

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Russia the new world security organisation would be quite different from the League of Nations which had been the instrument of British imperialism. The presence of Soviet Russia at San Francisco would be a guarantee that the new world organisation would not be used for reactionary purposes, the paper said, adding that it was quite wrong to suppose that Soviet Russia was influenced by power politics. But Russia could not emancipate the nations of Asia, it thought, unless the Asiatic peoples combined to strengthen the power of the Soviets and exposed the efforts of the British government “to conceal its imperialistic character behind the representatives of subject

15 India”.

The working class of India was not slow to grasp the full significance of the victory, and of the historic role of the Soviet army, which transcended the purely military achievement. Four days before the formal proclamation of German capitulation a public demonstration was held in Calcutta by the working people. According to a report recorded in the compilation “Anti- Fascist Tradition in Bengal” (Calcutta, 1974): “Twenty-five thousand people marched through the streets of Calcutta in celebration of the Fall of Berlin on Friday, May 4, answering the call of the Bengal Committee of the Communist Party. Workers from practically every industry joined in the great demonstration, huge posters were carried depicting the victorious march of the Red Army, demanding the release of the Congress leaders and Congress-League unity. Employers tried to prevent the workers joining the march by saying that on Victory Day they would be given holiday with full pay, but everywhere workers came out at the call of the party in honour of the Red Army. In some factories they even said that they would work in Victory Day but must go out on this day. It was the biggest demonstration in Calcutta in the past three years despite the express instruction of the Party asking essential workers not to come out as that would inconvenience the public. The strongest Communist-led unions were in the essential services.

“The procession started with flag-hoisting at Wellington Square by Bankim Mukherji, MLA, General Secretary of the All India Kisan Sabha, when the huge rally raised clenched fists. Bankim Mukherji, Bhowani Sen, Muzaffar Ahmed, Rezzak Khan, Niren Roy and other leaders were at the head carrying Red Flags, and they were preceded by cyclists and followed

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by about 500 women, many of whom were from work-centres built up by Communist girls. Then came Union after Union with a sprinkling of students. At the head could also be seen League leader Lal Miya and Congress leader K. P. Chattopadhyaya... Crowds watched from balconies and roofs. To many in the crowd... this massive strength of the Communist Party came as a revelation. Hostility too there was — one big Congress leader’s only comment was: ‘This must have cost the Communists Rs. 10,000’. He had forgotten that all Wavell’s crores never won him a procession anywhere in India.

“All through the day every tram and bus carried the Red Flag, while all government buildings were conspicuous by not flying any flag though every earlier victory from Tunis onwards had witnessed flags on government buildings. It is also interesting that tram-workers are supplied with British and American flags but not Red Flags. In North Calcutta, pictures of Nehru in prison above the caption, ‘Who is India’s representative at San Francisco’? attracted great attention. While it passed through Chittaranjan Avenue, many British and American soldiers greeted the procession. Late in the evening, it returned to Wellington Square where a huge meeting was held under the chairmanship of Bhowani Sen, and Somnath Lahiri spoke on the Red Army and its role.

The procession and the meeting was a tremendous tribute, above all, to the Red Army and the Soviet people, its recognition that Berlin’s fall is not just a military victory, but a great milestone on the humanity’s march

16 to freedom.”

It was not only the working class that hailed the glorious triumph of the Red Army. The Red Army and the land of the Soviets inspired many poets to sing in praise of this new, shining symbol of peace, light and progress. •

“Land of Soviets, Comrades!” sang the distinguished poet Shiv Mangal Suman: “You will not be able to survive the onslaught. But you repulsed, the fascist hordes,

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THE YEAR 1945 Kept the flame aglow for countless millions. Our land of Soviets, Comrades, Our land of Soviets, Your Victory meant Victory for the world, Defeat would have meant, Defeat for the world. You rose and rose in such a way The enemy had to concede victory. You rose with one voice, one faith, Moved forward, changing the course of history... ”

In a poem “Drum of Triumph” the great Malayali poet G. Sankara Kurup compared the great victory with “The Magnificent Splendour Ofthe New Dawn”: “Rejoice, O heart, rejoice! Rejoice at the victory celebrations of mankind! The eyes of eternal invincibility, The boundless expanse of the blue sky View the heroic Soviet land With delighted awe. The pages of history The days and nights. Are filled with the heroic Images of Soviet soldiers. Rejoice, O heart, rejoice! Rejoice at -the-victory of a lofty culture!”

The poets not only hailed the great victory; as the conscience of mankind they drew attention to the bitter lessons of the war. The outstanding poet Vallathol wrote:

The hunter decorates the wall with the skin of leopard he hunted and killed Time will thus hang Nazism on the walls of history. Let imperialist illusions take a shocking lesson!

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INSCRIPTION WITH BLOOD OF A GLORIOUS CHAPTER IN MAN’S HISTORY

Berlin’s fall was indeed not merely a military victory. It was a great milestone on the path to the liberation of mankind, to socialism, national liberation and peace. And India may be proud of its share in the anti-fascist struggle in the world.

As the war ended, Soviet prestige rose all over the world. The Soviet people inscribed with their blood a glorious chapter in man’s history. For the freedom-loving peoples of the world, they became the source of new hope, and as during the war after the war also the peoples were confident that they would continue to get Soviet support in their struggle for freedom and national independence.

At a conference of the FSU on December 6, 1945, poet Vallathol said: “It was the economic, political and cultural strength of the Soviet Union and its people that enabled it to defeat the most monstrous aggressor in the world. The worker and peasant in India will look with growing admiration and pride to the land of the hammer and sickle and to the people who raised the hammer and sickle. Our people must welcome the victory of the Soviet Union and learn from its great contribution to human culture and the cause of freedom.”

In this context, a very significant article “War and India” by Dr. Kailas Nath Katju, was published in The Leader (Allahabad) on May 9, 1945. It said in part: “... And the Russians, they have reason to be proud. Russia of today is the great miracle of the hour... These people of different nationalities, speaking different languages, with different outlooks on life, different manners and customs, different religious beliefs, what mortal dangers have they overcome, united and welded together by devotion to one common ideology and one common doctrine which makes them all into one and one into all! Truly great is this great joint family in which every member contributes to the common fund according to his capacity and gets what he needs. Contrast the Russia of 1917 with the Russia of 1941 and of 1945 and you see the immensity of this miracle. Excellent must be the doctrine which

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turns peasants into heroes within the space of a generation, which abolishes property and profit and yet makes men and women fight for their land and for each other, as men and women have never fought before. Would it be surprising if this excellent doctrine should encircle the globe and fill the mind of the lowly and the downtrodden with hope and faith everywhere? The Russians have indeed cause for rejoicing and each Russian may well, like an Advait exclaim, ‘I am the great Shiva and need not thank anybody outside myself for my deliverance’.”

Dr. Katju said, “This struggle for freedom, independence will now be intensified.

“... I feel that all of the Hindus and Muslims alike, during these last six years of war, have come to realise how sad our plight is, how low we stand in the international field and how fatal are our internecine quarrels to our progress... The only slogan now which counts is that India must become independent; ‘Swaraj is my birthright and I must have it’. Indian soldiers have, in foreign lands and in all quarters of the globe, fought as one great community, as Indians without distinction of the community as between themselves. They have seen much, suffered much and, 1 suppose, learnt much, and will return to their native land with a firm resolve to be free. They will have realised the absurdity, and, indeed, the humiliation of fighting for the liberation of Africa and Europe and Burma and Malaya and being a subject people in their own country. I trust these people may cure the Indian body politic of the poison which has entered the system,-and lead us to live a more healthy life. They will have seen that unity is strength, and India cannot, and must not, be cut off if it is to escape aggression from outside. A common defence is an absolute necessity, and subject to that overriding necessity, all else is in the field of discussion and amicable adjustment.

“The lesson that this war shall teach us is that as against freedom nothing is of importance or of any avail. And further, that violence and force revolve in a vicious circle_and lead nowhere. Europe today lies stricken arid prostrate at this altar of the bomb and the bayonet,

and unless political leaders shed their ideas of domination, of the subjection of Africa and Asia, a third world war would not be far distant.

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We in India have profited by different teaching, non¬cooperation with evil and seeking our ends by self-suffering and non-violence. This lesson Europe has not learnt, and will have to learn, if it desires to escape utter

17 destruction in the coming years.”

In the booklet “Victory...Whose?”, published in 1945 P. C. Joshi wrote that during “the last four years that changed and are changing the course of world history”, the people in India could see with their own eyes “the Red Army’s counter-offensive, the liberation of Europe, the establishment of progressively democratic regimes and more failures than successes for the Anglo-American agents”. The “Historic Soviet resistance opened their eyes” to the reality of the Soviet Union.

“Who may deny in the forties what Nehru had popularised quite widely in the thirties that without a correct understanding of the world in which we live, there can be no effective action in the interests of our own country”, P. C. Joshi continued. “It is right and proper for us to be interested in the world primarily from our own point of view; it is not enough to say that imperialists are imperialists and slaves are slaves. We must see what the colonial policy of the Three Great Powers, Britain, the USA and the USSR is in the specific context of today”.

Explaining the approach of the British and American ruling circles, Joshi said:

“The Anglo-American imperialists have selfish aims; therefore their proposals about the colonies have not even been published. The Soviet aim is liberationist and it has nothing to hide and bargain for. The USSR, being a socialist country, is opposed to colonial domination on principle and because it is building up socialism within its own boundaries it needs no colonies. In fact, the USSR, instead of wanting other countries as its market, is a very good market for any country that has anything to sell. With the growing prosperity of its people, its consumption needs are unlimited and with the socialist ambitions of its leaders, it goes from one five-year plan to another and needs production goods of all sorts. The Soviet Union is not interested in colonies for itself, but as a great socialist world power, it is vitally and directly interested in achieving world security by ending

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colonial “dependence.”

Joshi underlined that Soviet policy on the problem of colonies was openly declared by the Soviet delegation at UNO: “The Soviet delegation realises that from the point of view of international security we must, first of all, see to it that dependent countries are enabled, as soon as possible, to take the path of national independence.”

The Soviet spokesman’s statement on India had caused a greater stir in India than even the surrender of Germany or the end of the war in Europe. Quoting him, P.C. Joshi stressed that the Soviet delegate had said, “We have at this conference a delegation from India. But India is not an independent country. We must understand that a time will come when the voice of an independent India will be heard.”

Quoting the Hindustan Times correspondent Mr. J. J. Singh, who reported that “many fellow correspondents rushed over to me and said, ‘This is a day of victory for Indian freedom’ ” (The Hindustan Times, May 6, 1945), P. C. Joshi concluded: “The Soviet people are particularly interested in India not only because they are a great freedom-loving power and we are a great, ancient but today a dependent nation, but also because we are their close neighbours. India under foreign imperialist domination can be a base of aggression against the USSR, a threat to its south-eastern border. On the other hand, from our past history and the present-day aspirations of our national movement, the Soviet people know that an independent India will be a good and peaceful neighbour and a close democratically. That is why the Soviet people are interested in who rules India.

“India is assured of the moral support of the great USSR in the councils of the United Nations as often as the British and Indian peoples, i.e,, the two directly concerned, can put it on the agenda of the day. And there can be no bypassing the Indian problem for Churchill. The problem will come on the agenda of the United Nations every time they discuss any vital problems... India is too big for anyone to sit upon; it will haunt the

18 British imperialists until they throw up their hands.”

* * *

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The Soviet Union won the war, the Soviet people were ready to consistently help to complete the process of liberation of the downtrodden and oppressed nations of Asia, Africa and Latin America.

The decisive role played by the Soviet Union in the defeat of German fascism is now so widely acknowledged that it hardly needs elaboration. It is, however, necessary to stress that neither the Soviet role nor its impact on the post-war world can be measured purely in terms of military strategy or military might.

It is rather because the Soviet Union vindicated all that it stands for by merging triumphantly through this ordeal that the post-war world history took the course it did. That is why Soviet Communist Party leader L. I. Brezhnev could say later with full justification: “The defeat of Nazi Germany meant the triumph of progress over reaction, humanism over barbarism, the triumph of socialism over the obscurantism of imperialism.” He was again resoundingly right when he claimed that victory over Nazism “opened the road for the rising revolutionary struggle of the working class, unprecedented expansion of the national-liberation movement and the collapse of the disgraceful colonial system”.

On May 9, 1945, the whole world learnt with great relief that in Karlshorst, a suburb of Berlin, which Soviet troops had captured by storming it, representatives of the German Supreme Command signed the instrument of unconditional surrender of Nazi Germany. And though the Second World War was still raging on the boundless expanses of the Asian continent, its outcome had already been decided.

Less than four months later Soviet troops dealt a crushing blow at the “backbone” of Japanese militarism — the almost 1.5 million strong Kwantung Army. During a truly lightning military campaign, lasting only 24 days, the Soviet Army liberated from Japanese occupation more than 1.5 million square kilometres of territory inhabited by about 70 million people. The Kwantung Army of Japan lost more than 677,000 officers and men, of whom about 84,000 were killed or wounded, and more than 593,000, including 148 generals, were taken prisoner.

World military history has never known such rapid collapse of

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such a vast and well-equipped army. As a result, militarist Japan was compelled to sign the instrument of unconditional surrender on September 2, 1945, marking the final termination of the Second World War.

The Soviet Union’s contribution to the war effort against Japan and to the defeat of Japanese imperialism was of equal significance for the destiny of the peoples of Asia. It was a continuation of the Great Patriotic War, a necessary component of the common struggle against fascism, militarism and colonialism.

Thanks to the Soviet Union’s entry into the war against militarist Japan, as Soviet scholar, Professor G. L. Bondarevsky, has pointed out,19 the latter was defeated almost two years ahead of the time envisaged by the General Staffs and the ruling circles of the United States and Great Britain. This factor acted as an effective catalyst for the national-liberation movement in South-East Asia and promoted its success. Till August 1945, London, Washington, Paris and the Hague had thought they would be able to complete the preparations for the final assault on Tokyo only in 1947. The Western powers calculated that the Japanese armed forces, which continued to occupy vital areas of Indo-China, Malaya, Indonesia and the Philippines, would be able to bleed the national-liberation movements to death and destroy the guerrilla troops led by Communists. The men in Washington also hoped that an American protectorate could be established over vast territories washed by the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The ruling circles of Great Britain hoped to utilise this two-year ‘respite’ to restore their rule in Burma and, above all, to strengthen their weakened positions in India.

However, these hopes and calculations were to remain unrealised. A few days after the USSR entered the war against Japan, i.e., on August 17, 1945, a declaration, proclaiming the independence of Indonesia and the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia was issued in Jakarta, the capital of the new Republic. The revolution in Vietnam triumphed in August. On August 19 people’s power was established in Hanoi and on August 25, in Saigon. On September 2, Ho Chi Minh proclaimed the foundation of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam on the Central square of Hanoi.

The Second World War exhausted the military and economic resources 2 8 5

not only of the defeated countries but also of the colonial powers. They emerged from the war badly mauled. In sharp contrast, the prestige of the Soviet Union, the main force in the anti-fascist coalition, grew enormously. A world socialist system emerged. The balance of world forces changed radically in favour of socialism and democracy. All this considerably helped strengthen the anti-imperialist, national-liberation movements. With the aggravation of the general crisis of capitalism the rapid collapse of the colonial system began.

However, this process did not develop uniformly either in different regions of the world or within the regions themselves in South and South- East Asia in particular. While Vietnam and Indonesia proclaimed independence before the end of the Second World War, the Philippines gained independence in July 1946, India and Pakistan in August 1947, Burma in January 1948, and Sri Lanka (then called Ceylon) in February 1948. It took Malaya, Laos and Cambodia many years to win their independence.

The granting of independence to the countries of South and South- East Asia was a step forced on the colonial powers, a step which brought forth the stubborn resistance of the reactionary colonialist quarters in the metropolitan countries and their agents in the colonies. The imperialist powers sought to retain their super profits and military bases, to prevent the strengthening and growth of the socialist camp and to put obstacles in the way of the alliance of this camp with the newly- independent countries of the East. This policy led to prolonged bloody wars and armed interventions which shook the countries of South and South-East Asia and the Far East over a period of several decades.

It is obvious that the young countries, whose state machine, economy and armed forces were weak, could not have resisted the pressure of the imperialists, had not the Soviet Union rendered them vigorous all-round support. The countries of the socialist community did their utmost to help the young states of that region to stabilise themselves and make further progress. The socialist world gave them political, economic and diplomatic support. It is necessary to point out the broad identity of the basic interests of the Soviet Union, the peoples of the other socialist states and the developing countries of South, South-East Asia and the Far East. In particular, this was

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manifested in the fact that the developing countries supported the Soviet Union in its struggle for the peaceful settlement of conflicts, for the relaxation of tensions, for disarmament, against colonialism, aggressive military blocs and racialism.

The establishment and development of Soviet-Indian relations is a vivid example of this. Documents from the archives show that J. V. Stalin, General Secretary of the CPSU (B) Central Committee and Head of the Soviet Government, had, in his first meeting with President Roosevelt of the United States in Teheran on November 28, 1943, raised the question of exerting pressure on British Prime Minister Churchill to expedite the liberation of India.20 The Soviet Government and the entire Soviet people followed with great sympathy the anti-imperialist upsurge in India. This compelled the British colonialists to give their consent to the formation of the interim government in India early in September 1946, i.e., a year before the British withdrawal from the country. Jawaharlal Nehru was appointed to the post of Deputy Head of government. In his first official address over the radio on September 7, Nehru said that he was confident that the governments of the USSR and India would cooperate in the solution of many important problems. In September 1946, the representatives of both countries opened preliminary talks on the establishment of diplomatic relations.

Without waiting for the conclusion of these talks, Soviet diplomacy rendered India energetic assistance in the settlement of a number of key issues raised by the Indian government in the United Nations. Diplomats of both countries cooperated successfully in different UN committees, in particular, the Political and Trusteeship Committees. In November 1946, A.

A. Gromyko, the then Permanent Representative of the USSR in the Security Council and Deputy Foreign Minister of the USSR, vigorously upheld India’s demand for censuring the policy of the South African racialists.

On April 13, 1947, a communique on the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries and the forthcoming exchange of ambassadors was published in Moscow and Delhi. The Indian press emphasised the fact that the Soviet government had decided to establish

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diplomatic relations with India while it was still formally a British colony with a view to strengthening India’s position.

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Similar Soviet support, encouraging and expediting the national- liberation struggle, emerged in other parts of Asia.

The link between the rout of Nazism and the success of the national- liberation movements became clearer with the march of history, which witnessed the decolonisation process gathering momentum. From the historic perspective, the Soviet Union’s contribution to this process can be seen in bold relief.

In a resolution adopted on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of victory over Nazism, the Council of the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organisation declared:

“The results of the Second World War have basically changed the situation in the world. They formed the foundation of a new world... the age-old aspirations of Afro-Asian peoples and, above all, their hopes for gaining national independence have come true in a historically short span of time.” —

Post-war history amply bears this out. The political map of the world in the later thirties showed that almost the whole of Africa and a considerable part of Asia were ruled by Great Britain, France, Holland and other West European countries. After the war, the map began showing the emergence of dozens of young independent national states whose peoples had cast off the fetters of colonialism. In 1955, only ten years after the end of the war, 1,200 million people out of 1,500 million, who lived in colonies and semi-colonies (in 1939), had liberated themselves from foreign rule. Then the “Africa Year” began in 1960, and the process of the liquidation of the last colonial empire, the Portuguese was completed in essence.

It is no accident of history that though the enslaved peoples waged an intense struggle against their oppressors for a very long period, before the 1917 Great October Socialist Revolution, liberation from the colonial yoke had seemed an almost hopeless affair. The First World War and the triumph of the Socialist Revolution in Russia resulted in imperialism forfeiting its role as the world’s predominant force. In the period between the two world wars, the colonial peoples stepped up the social content of their struggle for independence.

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Sixty-one states, with 80 percent of the world’s population, participated in the Second World War, which practically embraced the whole planet. Battles were fought on the territories of 40 states; 110 million people carried arms, and 27 million of them were killed on the battle fields.

Victory in this most destructive and murderous of all wars was won through the efforts and sacrifices of all peoples and states that were united in the anti-Hitler coalition. However, it is acknowledged that the Soviet people and their armed forces made a decisive contribution first to the defeat of Hitlerite Germany and then of militarist Japan. The Russian armies, Franklin Roosevelt wrote in a letter to General McArthur, Commander of the US forces in Australia, on May 6, 1942, destroyed more enemy soldiers and material than all the other 25 states of the alliance put together. It was the Russian Army that tore out the guts out of the German war-machine,

21 said Winston Churchill speaking figuratively in September, 1944.

The Indian Express (Delhi), writing editorially on the occasion of the thirtieth anniversary of the victory over fascism and militarism (May 9, 1975), wrote: The Soviet-German front was the main theatre of the war. According to the late Sir Winston Churchill, it was at this front that “the monstrous juggernaut engine of the German might and tyranny has been beaten and broken, outfought and outmaneuvered by Russian valour, generalship and science.”22

The destinies of hundreds of millions of people in South and South- East Asia were decided in the historic battles of Moscow and Stalingrad, at the foothills of the Caucasus and on the Kursk Bulge, although these battles took place thousands of miles away from Delhi, Rangoon, Bangkok, Singapore and Jakarta.

The victories won by the Red Army in these battles frustrated the Nazi plans of a military crusade across Asia, worked out by the Third Reich, for enslaving the Asian peoples and for setting up on this vast continent the “economic sphere of great Germany” — in other words, a new German colonial empire.

Secret documents of the so-called Colonial-Political Bureau of the Nazi party, which came to light after the war, showed that it was planned to

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include in this empire almost the entire Middle East, a considerable part of the South Asian subcontinent, Indonesia, Singapore, a part of Malaya, New Guinea, Borneo, as well as a number of other islands in Oceania. The rest of the territories in Asia, lying east of the 70th meridian, including Indo-China, Burma, Thailand, and the Philippines, were supposed “to be ceded” to the Japanese militarists. The latter, too, under the “racial community” flag and the false slogan of resistance to “white imperialism”, intended to create the Yamato pan-Asian empire, which was officially referred to “as the great co- prosperity sphere of East Asia”.

More or less the same plans for colonial repartition of Asia were recorded in the secret supplements to the so-called Tripartite (German-Italo- Japanese) Pact which was later specified in the secret agreement between the three main partners of the fascist coalition signed on January 18, 1942.

But the Nazi plans for great colonial conquests were doomed to failure. The Soviet people and their armed forces not only upheld in bitter battles the freedom and independence of their own country, the world’s first socialist state, but also blocked the fascists’ road to Asia charted through the Soviet Caucasus, and then drove away from the Nazi invaders from the European countries they had occupied.

Today the young national states exercise an even greater positive influence on international affairs. The alliance of the forces of socialism and peace, brought about by the national-liberation movement, is becoming a paramount factor of world development. Any attempts to suppress the liberation movement are doomed today. This is proved by the glorious victories won by the Vietnamese peoples, the patriots of Laos and Cambodia, and the success of the Angolan people’s liberation struggle.

“We are brought together with the vast majority of the states that arose on the ruins of the colonial system by our deep common allegiance to peace and freedom and our aversion to all forms of aggression and domination and to exploitation of one country by another’’, said L. I. Brezhnev, General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, from the rostrum of the 25th CPSU Congress. “This community of basic aspirations provides a rich and

23 fruitful soil on which our friendship will continue to grow and flourish.”

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“The community of basic aspirations” to which L. I. Brezhnev referred is the cementing force which binds the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries to the newly-independent states. It is a bond that throbs with life. It is, indeed, a “rich and fruitful soil” on which friendship grows.

More than three decades after the war, when these bonds were first hammered into shape as instruments of joint action for liberation, freedom, and progress, it can be seen that mutual understanding and meaningful cooperation continue to be the guiding principles of relations between the socialist and the developing countries.

Soviet-Indian relations illustrate this better, perhaps, than any other.

References

1. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, January 28, 1945. 2. Ibid., February 25, 1945. 3. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, February 3, 1945. “The Last Page”, conducted by Chronicler. 4. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I) section, file No. 18/3/1945 — political, p. 11, strictly confidential, D.O. No. P-4-5, Government of Madras, March 26, 1945. 5. Ibid., p. 113, D.O. No. p-4-6, Government of Madras, April 9, 1945. (16.4.1945.) 6. NAI, Government of India, Home Department. Political (I) section, file No. 18/4/1945 — political, p. 162, confidential^ Government of Bihar, Political Department (special section), May 5. 1945. 7. “My Experiences in Soviet Russia”, by Meghnad Saha, F.R.S., Calcutta, The Bookman, 1947, pp. 61-63. 8. NAI, Home Department, Political, file No. 18/4/1945, confidential, p. 25-H (S)/45, Government of Sind, Home Department, special, Karachi, May 2, 1945, p. 196. 9. Ibid., confidential, D.O. No. C/132, Government of the Central Provinces and Berar, May 4 and 5, 1945, p. 172. 10. NAI, Home Department, Political, file No. 18/3/1945, confidential, D.O. No. 1/3/45-C.X., Government of the United Provinces, confidential department, dated March 19, 1945. 11. NAI, Home Department, Political, file No. 18/4/1945, strictly confidential, D.O. No. p 4-7, Government of Madras, April 23, 1945, p. 9. 12. NAI, Government of India, Home Department, Political (I) section, file No. 18/5/1945, political, p. 3, strictly confidential, Government of Madras, Public (General) Department, D.O. No. P-4-9, May 22, 1945.

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13. Ibid., p. 54, confidential, D.O. No. 99C.T., Government of Bihar, Political Department (special section).

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14. The Bombay Chronicle Weekly, May 6, 1945. 15. NAI, Home Department, Political, file No. 18/5/1945, p. 82, confidential, No. 1363C, Government of Orissa, Home Department (special section), Cuttack, May 19, 1945. 16. Anti-Fascist Tradition in Bengal, Calcutta, 1974, pp. 94-95. 17. The Leader, May 9, 1945, p. 4, “War and India”, by Dr. Kailas Nath Katju. 18. “Victory.. .Whose?”, by P. C. Joshi, People’s Publishing House, Bombay, 4, 1975 (Reprinted from The People’s War, May 20, 1945). 19. Soviet Union’s Victory over Fascism and Destiny of Peoples of Asia, by G. L. Bondarevsky, Soviet Review, New Delhi, Vol. 12, No. 33, p. 17-18. 20. Ibid., p. 19. 21. For more facts about Soviet Union’s role in the Second World War, refer to “World War Two and Asia’s Struggle for Independence” by D. Yefimov, Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1975. 22. The Indian Express, New Delhi, May 9, 1975. 23. L. I. Brezhnev, “Report of the CPSU Central Committee and the Immediate Tasks of the Party in Home and Foreign Policy”, Socialism, Theory and Practice, Soviet monthly digest, March 3, 1976, p. 21.

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SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

Documents

1. This work has extensively drawn from the generally unpublished documents: 2. Government of India, Home Department, Political files for the year 1941-45, National Archives of India, New Delhi. 3. VOKS Records, the Central Archives of the October Revolution of the USSR, Moscow. 4. Other important documents made use of include: 5. FSU Documents and Publications 1941-45. All-India FSU Report, 1944. Party-Letter, March, 1942, Nagpur Session of the All-India Kisan Sabha, 1942. Adhik’ari, G., ed., Documents of the History of the Communist Parly of India, New Delhi, 1971. 6. Roy, Subodh, ed., Communism in India — Unpublished Documents (1935-1945), Calcutta, 1976. 7. Joshi, P. C., Communist Reply to the Congress Working Committee, 2 parts, Bombay, 1945. 8. Joshi, P. C., Congress and Communists, Bombay, 1944. 9. Reports of the Annual Sessions of the Indian National Congress, 1917- 1947, All India Congress Committee, New Delhi, 1947. 10. Background of India’s Foreign Policy (Resolutions of the Indian National Congress), ed. by Raj Kumar, All India Congress Committee, New Delhi, 1952. 11. Indian Annual Register, 1941-45. 12. L. I. Brezhnev: Friendship with India our Consistent Course. Selected Speeches of the General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee (November 1’973-October 1976), People’s Publishing House, New Delhi, 1976.

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13. Isloriya Vtoroy Mirovoj Voiny — 1939-45 (History of the Second World War), Vols. 1-4, Moscow, 1973-76.

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Books

1. Abbas, K. A., / Am Not An Island, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1977. Anti-Fascist Traditions in Bengal, Calcutta, 1969. Banglar Fascist Birodhi Aitijhya, 2. Manisha Publishers, Calcutta, 1975. 3. Arnot, R. Page, Roosi Kranti Ka ltihas (1905-1936) (History of the Russian Revolution). 4. Azad, Abul Kalam, India Wins Freedom, Calcutta, 1959. 5. Battle of Kursk, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1974. 6. Bhuyan, Arun C., The Quit India Movement: The Second World War and Indian Nationalism, Manas, New Delhi, 1975. 7. Chander, Jag Parvesh, ed., Gandhi Against Fascism, Lahore, 1943. 8. Chari, A. S. R., Memoirs of an Unrepentant Communist, Orient Longmans, Bombay, 1975. 9. Congress Responsibility for the Disturbances, 1942-43, New Delhi, 1943. 10. Dutt. R. Palme, Europe Against Hitler, Soviet Series,’6, Calcutta, 1942. 11. Ghosh, Binoy, Soviet Sovayda (Soviet Civilisation), Part II, Calcutta, 1943. 12. Goshal, K., The People of India, New York, 1944. 13. Grechko, Marshal A. A., Battle for the Caucasus, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971. 14. Hansraj, Against Fascism: Forward to Freedom, New Delhi, 1942. 15. Hewlett, Johnson, Dean of Canterbury, The Socialist Sixth of the World, FSU Publication, Bombay, 1944. 16. Hirlckar, K.S., ed., Soviet Russia: The Secret of the Success, Avanti Prakashan, Bombay. 17. Hirlekar, K. S„ ed., Soviet Asia - The Power Behind USSR, Bombay. 18. Hooper, A. S. (Major), A Short History of the Red Army, Red Star Publication, Banaras, 1943. 19. I. S. J. Souvenir, Selected Extracts from Indo-Soviet Journal, Calcutta, 1944. Issraelyan, Victor, The Anti-Hitler Coalition, 1941-45, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1971. 20. Imam, Zafar, Colonialism in East-West Relations, New Delhi, 1969.

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21. Joshi, P. C., “Victory... Whose!” People’s Publishing House, Bombay, 1945. Kalinin, M. I. & Shcherbakov, A. S., The Soviet System, People’s Publishing House, Bombay, 1943. 22. Kiernan, Victor, G., The Working Class in the Soviet Union, FSU, Punjab

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Branch, N.D. 23. Kononenko, Elena, Baby Killers (The book contains the facts of Nazi brutality against Soviet children), People’s Publishing House, Bombay, 1943. 24. Kunitz, Joshua, Dawn Over Samarkand, Rebirth of Central Asia, Calcutta, 1943. Kursky, Alexandar, Planned Economy in the USSR, People’s Publishing House, Bombay, 1943. 25. Lidov, P., The Story of a Heroic Russian Partisan, People’s Publishing House, N.D. Merctskov, K., City Invincible, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1970. 26. Mitin, M., 25 Years of the USSR, People’s Publishing House, 1943. 27. Mitrokhin, L. V., Fedin, N. M., India’s Great Son, Allied Publishers, New Delhi, 1975. 28. Mukcrjee, Hiren, US — A People’s Symposium, Calcutta, 1943. 29. Mukerjee, Hiren, Under Marx’s Banner, Catcutta, 1944. 30. Mukerjee, Hiren, Time-Tested Treasure: Recollections and Reflections on Indo-Soviet Friendship, Allied Publishers, 1975. 31. Nehru, Jawaharlal, An Autobiography: With Musings on Recent Events in India, London, 1955. ‘ 32. Nehru. Jawaharlal, A Bunch of Old Letters: Written mostly to Jawaharlal Nehru and Some Written by him, Bombay, 1958. 33. Nehru, Jawaharlal, China, Spain and War: Essays and Writings, London, 1940. Nehru, Jawaharlal, Glimpses of World History, Bombay, 1967. 34. Nehru, Jawaharlal, India and the World, London, 1936. 35. Nehru, Jawaharlal, The Discovery of India, Calcutta, 1946. 36. Nehru Jawaharlal, The Unity of India: Collected Writings 1937-1940, London, 1941.

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Nehru, Jawaharlal, Soviet Russia: Some Random Sketches and Impressions, Allahabad, 1929. 2. Nehru, Jawaharlal, Where are Wei Allahabad and London, 1939. 3. Selected Works of Jawaharlal Nehru, 9 Vols., Gopal, S., ed., Delhi, 1972- 1977. Prasad, Birrtal., ed., Indo-Soviet Relations: A Documentary Study, Allied Publishers, New Delhi, 1973.

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4. Pritt, D. N., If. C., P. M. & the Dean of Canterbury, The Heritage We Acclaim, Bombay; 1944.

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5. Perepiska Predsedatelya Soveta Ministrov SSSR s Prezidentami SSHA Premier- Ministrami Velikobritanii vo vremya Vtoroj Mirovoj Voiny, 1941-45, Moscow, 2 Vols., 1957. 6. Problemi Kommunisticheskogo Dvizheniya V Indii (Problems of the Communist Movement in India), Moscow, 1971. 7. Saha, Meghnad, My Experiences in Soviet Russia, Calcutta, 1947. 8. Samra, Chattar Singh, India and Anglo-Soviet Relations 1917-1947, Bombay, 1959. Sardesai, S. G., India and the Russian Revolution, New Delhi, 1967. 9. Sengupta, Padmini, Sarojini Naidu — A Biography, Allied Publishers, New Delhi. Sitaramayya, Pattabhi, History of the Indian National Congress, 2 Vols., Bombay, 1935, 1947. 10. Sladkovsky, M., China and Japan, Moscow, 1971. 11. Tagore, Rabindranath, Letters from Russia, Calcutta, 1960. 12. Tendulkar, D. G., 30 Months in Russia, Bombay, 1943. 13. Usmani, Shaukat, Peshawar to Moscow: Leaves from an IndianMuhajireen’s Diary, Banaras. 1927. 14. Usmani, Shaukat, Historic Trips of a Revolutionary (Sojourn in the Soviet Union), Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1977. 15. Verulam, Frank, Imperialism and the People: Soviet Worker Looks at the War, Peo¬ple’s Publishing House, Bombay. 16. Yagnik, Indulal, Shyamnji Krishnavarma: Life and Times of the Indian Revolutionary, Bombay, 1950. 17. Yefimov, D., World War Two and Asia’s Struggle for Independence, Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, 1975. 18. Zaheer, Sajjad, Roshnai (Ink), Azad Kitab Ghar, Kalan Mahal, Delhi, 1959. Zhilin, P., They Sealed Their Own Doom, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1970. Zhukov, Marshal G. K., Reminiscences About the Second World War, 2 Vols., APN, Moscow, 1974.

Periodicals

1. Aina, weekly, Delhi. 2. Amity, the official organ of the ISCUS, New Delhi. 3. Arani, Calcutta. 4. Bombay Chronicle Weekly, Bombay...

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5. Communist, published by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of India.

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6. Hansa, monthly, Allahabad. 7. Indian Information, New Delhi. 8. Indo-Soviet Journal, organ of the FSU, monthly, Bombay & Calcutta. 9. Modern Review, monthly, Calcutta. 10. National Front, Bombay. 11. Parichay, Calcutta. 12. People’s War, weekly, Bombay. 13. Socialist Congressman, weekly, New Delhi. 14. Student, organ of the All India Students’ Federation. 15. Soviet Land, New Delhi, 16. Soviet Review, New Delhi. 17. Soviet Union News, Delhi.

Newspapers

1. Amrita Bazar Patrika, Calcutta. 2. Hindu, Madras. 3. Hindustan, New Delhi. 4. Hindustan Times, New Delhi. 5. Indian Express, New Delhi. 6. National Herald, Lucknow. 7. Pravda, Moscow. 8. Searchlight, Patna. 9. Times of India, Bombay. 10. The Tribune, Lahore.

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Hitler crucifies freedom in Europe

The Hindustan Times., 27.8.39

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Cartoons Against Fascism — By Shankar

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The Bombay Chronicle, Sunday Edition, 9.11.1941 The

paper wrote:

“On our cover this week we reproduce one of the most remarkable masterpieces of Soviet Russian sculpture. ‘Cobblestones, the weap- ons of the Proletariat,’ by the well- known sculptor Ivan Shadr, is one of the best examples of realistic Soviet art which draws inspira- tion from proletarian activity and revolutionary ideals. Today, this sculpture which is kept in the Museum of the Revolution, Moscow, symbolises the determination of the Russian peasants and workers to keep out the Nazis even if they have to use cobblestones as their only weapons of defence.”

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Acharya Prafulla Chandra Ray (1861-1944), great Indian scientist, who was first to sign the statement of leading intellectuals of Bengal in support of the Soviet Union in August 1941.

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The Bombay Chronicle

Weekly Sunday, 21.6.1942

BOMBAY CHRONICLE WEEKLY tremendou ’ -A. s sacrifices you have monstrate our who’e- made In tin cause of hearted sympathy with yon You are n- Sundry. June 21, 1942 freedom- The t onlv - victim of atgress’on, yon are thoroughness with which the. pioneer of the pro'e'a- rlan Dear Comrade, you have followed a. revolution. W'th VO-«T fwtvre h linked 'scorched earth* policy the fu’ore o’ w'r'd socialism. We Greeting* from will live dor long in the cannot afford to a-e yoa lose. India. memory of man.£unafraid. We Tomourn those with who you havethe death been have not even widowedof or orphaned we orthgearlslantsshoonusl achieved national freedom. We are On thia, the fint anniver •end our heart-felt still tied to the apron strings of condolences. We share aary of your war with Nnxi who died so British Imperialism. To volte the Germany, we salute you. theird l ivgrief.e—fr ee demand for freedom la still a crime In thia country. Hundreds of our radicals. We salute yew tor the magnlfl- atand the Soviet Including Communists, are still eeot stand you bare made Mains* the languishing In Jails Bound ourselves, gisant'c mill'ary rower of Hitler's Union and to plan despatch of a Goodwill M how can we light for freedom and ltordea. We c jratoiate you and wish democracy? Aa I write these lines the sslon to RUSSIA. you Back In the strenuous battles teleprinter In our office taps out the that He ahead on the road to final message: SECRETARY OF THE victory. Y ou see, dear CALCUTTA FRIENDS OF SOVIET Whether yon be fighting on of comrade, our UNION AR- your far-flung fronts, or carrying on own guerilla warfare In the enemy's rear, political whether you are In the Red Army. RESTED. Isn’t It grimIrony? subjection nas mad.- us Not once but many extremely sensitive to limes over and over again, our leaders Bed Navy or the Bed other peoples* woes. have expressed our hostility to Nttlim Air Force, whether you lighting your Whatever our own and Fascism and our determination country's battle a factory or on a difficulties, we are ever to participate In the light for collective farm —wherever yqj» are. ready to demonstrate our freedom— 1/ tint we can u- cure our we know you are doing your duty sympathy and goodwill to with exemplary courage and. patriot! every vletlm of imperialist own freedom! But the British _ devotion. Your heroism will s?rve or fascist aggression or Imperialism, despite Ito many aa a model and an inspiration to the exploitation. In 1920 we professions Of sympathy for entlrsf* world. We sa’ute you. We linked our entire national democratic Ideals, continues ti» rule congratulate you We envy you. movement with the ever us In the same old autocratic demand-.for the free- manner and Is not pro- pared to admit dom of Turkey. We lost no us to the ranks of free nations on a Yea, we envy you your hst-irlc basis Of equality. Need you be rale In thia great struggle tor Pre tlm? In expressing our sympathy for WAbyislnla. surprtwd that, lnsplte of our serration at human liberties and yewr e are wholehearted sympathy for you, we own national freedom. for Spain, for China, for Czechoslovakiaeven tyithln cannot fight alongside you? our limited resources, wc But we are not more eagereven sent material help to unmindjul the terrible these countries sufferings you have had to de- to undergo during the past one year. The destruction of the Dnieper Dam built with your sweat and Mood, a symbol of your constructive genius, was but one example of the

“A letter to a Russian: Salute to the Soviets/

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