Women in the Politics of Kyrgyzstan

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Women in the Politics of Kyrgyzstan Women in the Politics of Kyrgyzstan Minara Sherikulova Professor, Linguistics, Bishkek Humanities University, Kyrgyzstan Gender equality has been always an issue in Kyrgyzstan. Despite numerous efforts made by the Soviets and later post-Soviet Kyrgyz government, the position of men and women is still not equal. Although the women in Kyrgyzstan are declared many rights and freedoms, they couldn’t enjoy them as fully as men. One of the examples is the participation of women in politics. This paper will discuss the engagement of women in the political sphere and those factors that affect their political behavior. Historical background The position of women in the pre-Soviet period was quite traditional. Women were perceived as wives and mothers, first of all. They had to take care of the family and children. Of course, the position of women in the nomadic society was much different from that of the settled population. Females participated in the public and tribal life along with males. Some of them were nominated to very high positions. One example is Kurmanjan datka that became the ruler of Alai Kyrgyz following the death of her husband. She was also awarded the highest title datka meaning “general”. Moreover, Kyrgyz women never covered their faces like their Uzbek and Tajik neighbors. The Russian Empire that annexed the region in the second half of the nineteenth century did not interfere much with the domestic affairs of the Kyrgyz. So, the position of women during the Russian colonization did not change significantly. After the establishment of the Soviet rule in Central Asia, the situation changed. The Soviet authorities declared gender equality. Women could participate in the social, cultural and political life of the country. They were encouraged to be educated and employed. Young mothers had various social and medical benefits such as 112 days of maternity leave at full pay, nurseries and kindergartens. As a result, 92% of women were employed (The Role of Women, http://countrystudies.us/russia/51.htm). At the same time, the practice was quite different. Soviet women did not enjoy the same Empowering Asian and African Women through Education 69 AAWC proceeding논문부.indd 69 11. 9. 28. 오후 9:50 positions and salaries as men. The majority of women worked in health care, medicine, education, science and culture. The average salary of women was below the average salary of men. As for the high-ranking and high-paying positions of the state, women were underrepresented there. Less than 30% of women were the Communist Party members, less than 5% of them were represented in the Central Committee of the party, and no woman ever achieved full membership in the Politburo (The Role of Women, http://countrystudies.us/russia/51.htm). With the collapse of the Soviet Union and former fifteen Soviet republics declared independent, the position of women became even more problematic. The Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic declared woman and man to be equal and prohibited discrimination on the basis of sex (Constitution of the Kyrgyz Republic, Article 15). However, such declarations failed to address the existing conditions of Kyrgyzstan. The increasing economic pressure left women little choice. Most of women were forced to work because the salaries of their husbands were not enough to support the family. Women were not any more granted paid maternity leave and other social allowances. That is, the women of Kyrgyzstan found themselves even in a more complex position. They had to handle daily the “double burden” of work and family responsibilities. National policy on gender equality To achieve gender equality Kyrgyzstan initiated various programs. It ratified more than 30 conventions and protocols concerning human rights. One of them was the Beijing Declaration of 1995 that concerned gender equality issues. The next year of 1996 was announced the Year of Women. In 1996, the State Commission on the issues of family, women and youth created under the Government of the Kyrgyz Republic along with the National Statistic Committee launched the Ayalzat National Gender Program. Ayalzat became the first national program on gender issues based on the Beijing Declaration. It was a complex of long-term and short-term measures that aimed to improve the position of women in Kyrgyzstan (Umetalieva). Among the main objectives of the program were: • to observe women’s rights and freedoms along with men’s; • to set up conditions for equal participation of women and men in the decision making process at all levels of management; • to provide equal rights and opportunities in the labor market, in the spheres of business and finances; • to provide health care to women and men, to rise their life expectancy; • to stop violence against women. The results achieved by Ayalzat were positively evaluated by the society and international organizations. At the same time, a number of organizational, legal and institutional shortcomings were revealed during its implementation. All that became a good ground to establish the National Council on gender policy under the President of the Kyrgyz Republic in 1998, later reorganized and renamed as the National Council on the issues of women, family and gender development (Umetalieva). The main priorities of the National Council were: • to coordinate the state gender policy and to control the implementation of international 2011 ASIAN AND AFRICAN WOMEN’S CONFERENCE 70 AAWC proceeding논문부.indd 70 11. 9. 28. 오후 9:50 commitments of the Kyrgyz Republic on gender development; • to monitor the activities of ministries, agencies and state bodies on the implementation of the National plan on gender equality; • to introduce gender approaches to the national policy and state programs and to promote the normative legal documents of the Kyrgyz Republic on gender issues. In 2002, as a continuation of Ayalzat program, the Decree of the President of the Kyrgyz Republic, the National Activities Plan on Gender Equality was adopted. That plan was developed by the initiative of the National Council on the issues of women, family and gender development along with other concerned state, public and international organizations and institutions. The National Plan defined the strategic directions of the gender policy in Kyrgyzstan for 2002-2006. One of the priorities of the National Plan was to introduce the gender approach into all spheres of state and community activities. The National Plan became a complex of measures implemented at both the national and local levels (Natsional’nyi plan, p 67). Factors of women political behavior According to Linda and Stephen Bennet (Women in Politics, p 34), there are three main groups of factors that explain the political behavior of women and their participation in politics. The first group is socialization. Political behavior is learned by girls from their parents, peers, and media as well as at school and university. Since the early childhood girls are exposed to a number of socializing agents that teach them to believe that politics is only for men (Women in Politics, p 34). The second group of factors is socioeconomic factors such as education, employment, income. Education is one of the most important factors affecting women’s involvement and participation in politics. The women having higher education are finally more interested, more informed and more participatory in politics that those without higher education. Employment could be another factor in this group. Working women more likely would participate in politics, especially those with higher positions and income (Women in Politics, p 34). The third group of factors is situational factors. Situational factors include the marital status of women, their household tasks and motherhood. Married women and especially those having children are less politically active. But it is not always the case. Situational factors should be considered along with other factors such as education. For example, educated women are politically active. However, when they get married and have children, they become less interested in politics. According to the authors of the 2008 Kyrgyzstan analytical report on gender assessment, the motives behind the participation of women in politics are quite different. They are economic, moral and carrier-oriented. First of all, participation in the politics in Kyrgyzstan is economically profitable. Politicians have good salaries and many other benefits such as free accommodation and transportation. On the other hand, the motive to “protect his/her business” drives many businessmen and businesswomen into politics. Once he/she gets a seat in the parliament, his/her business becomes much safer and more stable. Secondly, moral or ideological motives lie behind the desire of women to participate in politics. Women come to politics after they gain some experience somewhere else. They feel a need to apply their Empowering Asian and African Women through Education 71 AAWC proceeding논문부.indd 71 11. 9. 28. 오후 9:50 knowledge and experience more efficiently. Therefore, they come into politics with a ready agenda of activities that often reflects their previous background. Thirdly, career motives drive women into politics. Politics is the space where women can apply their professional skills. Traditionally politics was considered for men only. Therefore, expectations for women politicians are much higher than for men politicians. Women have to be much more skilled in order to have their voice heard and considered (Kyrgyz Republic: Country Gender Assessment in the Sphere of Politics 2008). Women in politics Although various measures were implemented by the government of Kyrgyzstan to improve the position of women, the level of women participation in politics from 1991 to 2006 was very low. Since 2007 the situation dramatically changed. In 2007, upon the recommendation of the United Nations Committee on Elimination of Discrimination against Women the new amendment was introduced in the Election Code of the Kyrgyz Republic. The new amendment provided 30% quota for women in the parliament.
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