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The Kumtor Gold Mine and the Rise Of
Central Asia Economic Papers No. 16 August 2015 The Kumtor Gold Mine and the Rise of Resource Nationalism in Kyrgyzstan Matteo Fumagalli Key points Matteo Fumagalli is an Associate Professor in the Department of The mining sector has become the battleground on which the International Relations at Central Kyrgyz authorities, the opposition, the local communities and European University in Budapest (Hungary). His work lies at the the mining companies, defend their interests. intersection of identity politics There is more than ‘just’ economics to resource nationalism and ethnic conflict and the poli- tics of natural resources in Asia. and the Kumtor controversy: Symbolic politics matters as Recent and forthcoming works include articles in East European much, and complicates matters further. Politics, Electoral Studies, the Political instability, unrest, and constant calls for renegotiating Journal of Eurasian Studies, Eu- rope-Asia Studies, Ethnopolitics, contracts with foreign mining companies have already tattered and the International Political the country’s image as an investment destination. Science Review. His monograph on State Violence and Popular Resource nationalism in the mining sector proceeds in tides Resistance in Uzbekistan is forth- coming with Routledge (2016). whose timing appears not to be aligned to the trends in global commodity prices. The opinions expressed here are those of the author only and do not represent the Central Asia Program. CENTRAL ASIA ECONOMIC PAPERS No. 16, August 2015 Kyrgyzstan’s mining sector has become the battleground on which a number of players, namely the government, the opposition, local communities, and transnational corporations, defend their interests. No other site illustrates this point more than the country’s most prized asset, namely the gold mine at Kumtor, located some 350 kilometers south-east of the capital city of Bishkek. -
IFES Faqs Elections in Kyrgyzstan: 2021 Early Presidential Election
Elections in Kyrgyzstan 2021 Early Presidential Election Frequently Asked Questions Europe and Eurasia International Foundation for Electoral Systems 2011 Crystal Drive | Floor 10 | Arlington, VA 22202 | USA | www.IFES.org January 8, 2021 Frequently Asked Questions When is Election Day? ................................................................................................................................... 1 What is the current political context, and what is at stake in these elections? ........................................... 1 What is the current form of government? ................................................................................................... 2 What is the term of the office of the president, and what is the president’s role? ..................................... 2 Who are the candidates? .............................................................................................................................. 2 Who is eligible to run as a candidate? .......................................................................................................... 3 What are the nomination and registration procedures for presidential candidates? ................................. 3 What is the campaign and electoral timeline? ............................................................................................. 4 Who is eligible to vote, and how many voters are registered to vote? ........................................................ 4 What are the campaign expenditure and donation limits? ......................................................................... -
A Practitioner's Handbook
Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights: A PRACTITIONER’S HANDBOOK OMCT Handbook Series Vol. 1 Alexander Morawa, Nicole Bürli Peter Coenen and Laura Ausserladscheider Jonas 2nd edition ARTICLE 3 OF THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS AUTHORS Alexander Morawa, Nicole Bürli, Peter Coenen, and Laura Ausserladscheider Jonas Print: Sté Crea Concept Layout: mostra-design.com First Edition: 2006 Second Edition: 2014 © 2014 World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) ISBN: 2-88894-055-8 World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) P.O. Box 21 8, rue du Vieux-Billard CH-1211 Geneva 8 Switzerland Tel: +41 (0) 22 809 49 39 Fax: +41 (0) 22 809 49 29 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.omct.org/ SERIES EDITOR: Helena Solà Martín DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: Gerald Staberock The World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) coordinates the activities of the SOS-Torture Network, which is the world’s largest coalition of non-governmental organisations fi ghting against torture and ill-treatment, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial executions, forced disappearances, and other serious human rights violations. OMCT’s growing global network currently includes 311 local, national, and regional organisations in 92 countries spanning all regions of the world. An important aspect of OMCT’s mandate is to respond to the advocacy and capacity-building needs of its network members, including the need to develop effective international litigation strategies to assist victims of torture and ill-treatment in obtaining legal remedies where none are available domestically, and to support them in their struggle to end impunity in states where torture and ill-treatment remain endemic or tolerated practices. -
Kyrgyzstan Brief No 1
Issue 1, 2008 9 MARCH - APRIL 2007 � CONTENTS Informal institutes as “rules of a political CONTENTS BazarbayValentin Mambetov: Bogatyrev:: game” in Kyrgyzstan A lot“Development must be done by theis MuratbekCentral Imanaliev Asia in ................................. 2007: Dynamics .......of Change..........2 and Development peopleinstability. of Kyrgyzstan Any stability and is a StatusRegional of formal conference political institutessummary .....................2and interactions with informal political firstsign of of all stagnation by the leadership or a latent structuresEvaluation in Kyrgyzstan of Political Situation after April 19 to accumulationrecognize the ofimportance possible ValentinRound Bogatyrev table summary ........................ ..................................3...........................4 of socialwater problemsexplosions. in Central In the Kyrgyzstan:Kyrgyzstan: is democracy Democratic on the Success agenda or Threat to Stability? Asianview politics. of such - p. a 27paradigm of for the country? BakytValentin Beshimov Bogatyrev ....................... ......................................4................................13 BRIEF Issue KYRGYZSTAN development, Kyrgyzstan “Authorities-Opposition” Tandem in 2007 HowBakyt decisions Beshimov are made ...........................................6 in Kyrgyzstan is the most stable state Roundtable transcript ..............................................19 in Central Asia since the Issues of National Statehood in Central Asia A perspectiveMuratbek Imanalievfor Central ......................................9 -
Engaging Central Asia
ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA THE EUROPEAN UNION’S NEW STRATEGY IN THE HEART OF EURASIA EDITED BY NEIL J. MELVIN CONTRIBUTORS BHAVNA DAVE MICHAEL DENISON MATTEO FUMAGALLI MICHAEL HALL NARGIS KASSENOVA DANIEL KIMMAGE NEIL J. MELVIN EUGHENIY ZHOVTIS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. This study was carried out in the context of the broader work programme of CEPS on European Neighbourhood Policy, which is generously supported by the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Open Society Institute. ISBN-13: 978-92-9079-707-4 © Copyright 2008, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS 1. Introduction Neil J. Melvin ................................................................................................. 1 2. Security Challenges in Central Asia: Implications for the EU’s Engagement Strategy Daniel Kimmage............................................................................................ -
Download the Preelection Assessment PDF
Kyrgyzstan Preelection assessment Parliamentary elections set for fall 2021 Kyrgyzstan’s upcoming elections are the first national contest since a protracted political crisis, as well as constitutional amendments that effectively changed the country from a parliamentary to presidential system. Two days after the October 2020 parliamentary elections, the Central Election Commission unilaterally annulled the election amid allegations of vote buying, intimidation, and misuse of administrative resources. Opposition parties had failed to pass the threshold necessary to gain seats in the October election; the parties that performed well were linked to then-president Sooronbay Jeenbekov and Raimbek Matraimov, a former government official and subject of recent, largescale money-laundering case. Mass protests opposing the results continued after the annulment, prompting the resignation of Jeenbekov and the dissolution of the government. The parliament subsequently postponed new elections, instead extending its own mandate in a process that lacked a clear legal basis. Sadyr Japarov, a formerly imprisoned nationalist-populist politician with links to organized crime, briefly assumed the position of prime minister and acting president before being winning the January 2021 presidential election. Japrov’s controversial ascent to the newly empowered presidency may signal a return to strongman rule and a diminished role for the parliament. The upcoming vote takes place in a climate of heightened volatility and restrictions on civic space. Over 600 people were injured in post-election clashes between the police, Japarov supporters, and the opposition, leading to the brief imposition of martial law in Bishkek. Journalists who covered the elections and ensuing protests were also intimidated, detained, and attacked for their work. -
Kyrgyzstan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests
Kyrgyzstan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Jim Nichol Specialist in Russian and Eurasian Affairs August 30, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov 97-690 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Kyrgyzstan: Recent Developments and U.S. Interests Summary Kyrgyzstan is a small and poor Central Asian country that gained independence in 1991 with the breakup of the Soviet Union. The United States has been interested in helping Kyrgyzstan to enhance its sovereignty and territorial integrity, bolster economic reform and development, strengthen human rights, prevent weapons proliferation, and more effectively combat transnational terrorism and trafficking in persons and narcotics. Special attention long has been placed on bolstering civil society and democratization in what has appeared to be the most receptive—but still challenging—political and social environment in Central Asia. The significance of Kyrgyzstan to the United States increased after the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States. Kyrgyzstan offered to host U.S. forces at an airbase at the Manas international airport outside of the capital, Bishkek, and it opened in December 2001. The U.S. military repaired and later upgraded the air field for aerial refueling, airlift and airdrop, medical evacuation, and support for U.S. and coalition personnel and cargo transiting in and out of Afghanistan. The Kyrgyz government threatened to close down the airbase in early 2009, but renewed the lease on the airbase (renamed the Manas Transit Center) in June 2009 after the United States agreed to higher lease and other payments. President Almazbek Atambayev and the legislature have stated that the basing agreement will not be renewed when it expires in 2014. -
After the Revolution
KYRGYZSTAN: AFTER THE REVOLUTION 4 May 2005 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 1 II. THE PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS..................................................................... 2 A. THE OPPOSITION ...................................................................................................................2 B. THE CAMPAIGN.....................................................................................................................3 C. VOTING.................................................................................................................................5 III. THE POPULAR UPRISING ......................................................................................... 6 A. THE SOUTH...........................................................................................................................6 B. BISHKEK ...............................................................................................................................7 IV. AFTER THE REVOLUTION..................................................................................... 10 A. THE NEW GOVERNMENT.....................................................................................................10 B. NEW PARLIAMENT ..............................................................................................................11 -
The Changed Position of Ethnic Russians and Uzbeks
KYRGYZ LEADERSHIP AND ETHNOPOLITICS BEFORE AND AFTER THE TULIP REVOLUTION: THE CHANGED POSITION OF ETHNIC RUSSIANS AND UZBEKS By Munara Omuralieva Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Supervisor: Professor Matteo Fumagalli CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2008 Abstract The Soviet Union’s multi-ethnic legacy in the Central Asian region, particularly in Kyrgyzstan was a crucial factor that largely impacted its post-independence state consolidation and transition. Especially the nation-building became difficult due to the ethnic heterogeneity of its population. More recently in 2005 there was the “Tulip Revolution”, basically an overthrow of the northern president by the southern clan leader. Despite the fact that the system and character of the government and of any other governmental structures did not change following the so- called Kyrgyz “Tulip Revolution”, there have been observations of the dramatic changes for the worse in the position of ethnic minorities, more specifically Russians and Uzbeks, and their relation with the titular nation. This work uses interviews and media material in order to demonstrate how the elite change has caused the changes analyzed in the thesis. The findings of the research demonstrate that the elite change, which was a result of 2005 events, is the main factor that has caused negative shifts in the political representation, ethnic organizations becoming more active and politicized, official policies taking more nationalistic tones, and in deteriorated inter-ethnic relations. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements I want to express deep appreciation to my supervisor Professor Matteo Fumagalli for his useful comments and suggestions throughout the writing process. -
Women, the Parliament and Political Participation in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan
Women, the Parliament and Political Participation in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan Accepted version of an article published in Central Asian Affairs: Turdalieva, Cholpon, and Medet Tiulegenov. " Women, the Parliament and Political Participation in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan", Central Asian Affairs 5, 2 (2018): 134-159. Cholpon Turdalieva American University of Central Asia, Humboldt University [email protected] Medet Tiulegenov American University of Central Asia [email protected] Abstract This paper explores women’s participation in parliamentary elections in post- Soviet Kyrgyzstan. Using various methods, it offers an interdisciplinary perspective on factors that affect the likelihood of women participating successfully in parliamentary elections. This study supports the general literature on the effects of gender quotas and proportional representation, but its results on other factors are mixed. The factor of financial resources is significant, though its impact has been reduced with the introduction of gender quotas, while other factors—such as social status—may not be particularly important. The public perception of a woman in politics is not the greatest obstacle to women’s representation, and a female candidate’s professional status may often be attractive to party leaders. Keywords women – electoral politics – parliament – post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan – political participation Introduction Women’s participation in elections is the norm worldwide. Even Saudi Arabia, one of the last countries to allow women to stand for public office, agreed in doi 10.1163/22142290-00502003 Women, the Parliament and Political Participation 2 2015 that women could be elected to local councils. Yet despite considerable advances in formal electoral rights, there remain obstacles to the exercise of these rights throughout the world. -
The Events in Kyrgyzstan
بسم هللا الرحمن الرحيم Answer to Question The Events in Kyrgyzstan (Translated) Question: [“Earlier on Friday, the Kyrgyz Parliament approved the resignation of President Sooronbay Jeenbekov, and cancelled the state of emergency, which was declared a week ago in the capital, Bishkek...” (www.yenisafak.com/ar/,16/10/2020)]. The Kyrgyz capital has witnessed violent protests; protesters took control of government headquarters, demanding the dismissal of President Sooronbay Jeenbekov, who is loyal to Russia, and this has been achieved for them... So, what is the reality behind the events in Kyrgyzstan? Is the Russian influence on its way out of this Islamic country? Is there any role for America in this conflict? Jazak Allah Khair. Answer: To get a clear answer and to understand the reality of events in Kyrgyzstan, the following must be clarified: First: the general situation in Kyrgyzstan: 1- Kyrgyzia or Kyrgyzstan, is one of the Islamic countries in Central Asia, its borders are connected to China today from the East Turkestan side, in addition to other Islamic Central Asian countries: Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Tajikistan. Kyrgyzstan has been subjected to the Russian Tsarist occupation since 1876 CE. There were many revolutions against the Russian occupation there. However, Russia managed to abort them. Kyrgyzstan became a republic within the Soviet Union, meaning that it was ruled directly from Moscow from 1876 until 1991 when the Soviet Union dismantled and Kyrgyzstan declared its independence. But the political class in it was immersed in their loyalty to Russia, so Russia, after its independence, had a great influence over Kyrgyzstan... 2- Kyrgyzstan was ruled since its independence by the leaders of the Communist Party after they changed their masks and established parties with multiple names. -
October 29, 2020
INSIGHTi Kyrgyz Parliamentary Elections Annulled Amid Protests and Unrest Updated October 29, 2020 The Kyrgyz Republic (commonly known as Kyrgyzstan) faces political upheaval in the wake of disputed October 4, 2020, parliamentary elections that heavily favored pro-government parties. As a parliamentary republic that holds contested elections, Kyrgyzstan has long been considered the most democratic country in Central Asia, with a vibrant civil society and a higher degree of press freedom than found elsewhere in the region. Promoting a more inclusive and accountable democracy is a stated goal of U.S. foreign policy in Kyrgyzstan, and Kyrgyzstan is one of 21 countries worldwide that participate in the House Democracy Partnership. Many Members of Congress and other U.S. policymakers have long voiced support for consolidating Kyrgyzstan’s gains as Central Asia’s only parliamentary democracy. Corruption is pervasive, however, and political institutions remain weak. Opposition parties alleged widespread irregularities in the October 4 vote, including vote-buying and voter intimidation; these assertions were deemed credible by international election observers. Mass protests broke out in the capital, Bishkek, on October 5, and protestors seized the government building that houses both Parliament and presidential offices. Hundreds, including multiple parliamentary candidates, were reportedly injured in clashes with police; one protestor was killed. On October 6, the Central Election Commission (CEC) announced that the October 4 results had been annulled, resulting in a power vacuum as the prime minister, the parliamentary speaker, and other officials announced their resignations. Although the term of the current parliament had not yet expired, lawmakers had difficulty establishing a quorum throughout the week of October 5, impeding attempts by some Members of Parliament to initiate impeachment proceedings against President Sooronbai Jeenbekov and making it legally impossible to appoint a new prime minister and speaker.