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Introduction
24th Deutsche Schule Athen Model United Nations | 22nd-24th October 2021 Forum: Special Political and Decolonization Committee (GA4) Issue: The current political situation in Kyrgyzstan Student Officer: Chris Moustakis Position: Main Chair INTRODUCTION “A country without solid borders is like a house without solid walls – it is bound to collapse”. Kyrgyzstan is a nation located in Central Asia. It is bordered by Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and China. Its capital and largest city is Bishkek. Surprisingly, despite the state of solitude that one would assume the nation had throughout history (primarily due to its mountainous terrain and location), it has hosted countless civilizations throughout history, albeit temporarily. It served as a crossroads, as it was part of the Silk Road, a network of trade routes connecting the East and the West. On the 31st of August 1991, Kyrgyzstan declared independence from Moscow and formed a democratic government. It then attained sovereignty as a nation state, following the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991. Ever since then, Kyrgyzstan has remained (at least officially) a unitary presidential republic. Despite this, the nation itself hasn’t been stable since independence. It undergoes ethnic disputes, revolts, transitional governments, political conflict and even economic crisis. To top it all off, on the 28th of April 2021 began a border conflict between Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan. The reason for this is rather debatable, as there are multiple theories. Figure 1: A map of the area of Kyrgyzstan and its neighboring nations.1 As the situation was addressed by Russia, the nation is “without leadership” and “chaotic”. It is undeniable that Kyrgyzstan has not had political stability ever since its independence. -
OSW Commentary
OSW Commentary CENTRE FOR EASTERN STUDIES NUMBER 359 29.10.2020 www.osw.waw.pl Kyrgyzstan in the aftermath of revolution Mariusz Marszewski, Krzysztof Strachota On 15 October Kyrgyzstan’s president, Sooronobay Jeenbekov, resigned from his position and his duties were taken over by the opposition leader, Sadyr Japarov. The change in power was brought about by large-scale protests which broke out on 5 October, the day after the election; subsequently the protesters took over the main buildings of the central administration in Bishkek and released op- position leaders who had been imprisoned (among them Japarov). The demonstrations, which were forceful but not long-lasting, resulted in a compromise of sorts which led to changes in the highest state positions, the announcement of an early presidential election and a rerun of the parliamentary election. Despite the situation in the country (particularly in the capital) having been restored to one of relative stability, Kyrgyzstan is still struggling with grave problems: a crisis of the political system, social tensions and a dismal economic situation that is further exacerbated by the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic. The current state of affairs presents a serious challenge both for Russia and China, whose respective interests have an important impact on the politics of Kyrgyzstan and the entire region of Central Asia. The October Revolution accusations of being implicated in organised crime. Traditionally, the main political forces try to play The Revolution of 5 October is the third such event off the international actors present in Kyrgyzstan in Kyrgyzstan’s recent history (the previous ones (Russia and China which replaced the US at least took place in 2005 and 2010). -
A Practitioner's Handbook
Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights: A PRACTITIONER’S HANDBOOK OMCT Handbook Series Vol. 1 Alexander Morawa, Nicole Bürli Peter Coenen and Laura Ausserladscheider Jonas 2nd edition ARTICLE 3 OF THE EUROPEAN CONVENTION ON HUMAN RIGHTS AUTHORS Alexander Morawa, Nicole Bürli, Peter Coenen, and Laura Ausserladscheider Jonas Print: Sté Crea Concept Layout: mostra-design.com First Edition: 2006 Second Edition: 2014 © 2014 World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) ISBN: 2-88894-055-8 World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) P.O. Box 21 8, rue du Vieux-Billard CH-1211 Geneva 8 Switzerland Tel: +41 (0) 22 809 49 39 Fax: +41 (0) 22 809 49 29 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.omct.org/ SERIES EDITOR: Helena Solà Martín DIRECTOR OF PUBLICATIONS: Gerald Staberock The World Organisation Against Torture (OMCT) coordinates the activities of the SOS-Torture Network, which is the world’s largest coalition of non-governmental organisations fi ghting against torture and ill-treatment, arbitrary detention, extrajudicial executions, forced disappearances, and other serious human rights violations. OMCT’s growing global network currently includes 311 local, national, and regional organisations in 92 countries spanning all regions of the world. An important aspect of OMCT’s mandate is to respond to the advocacy and capacity-building needs of its network members, including the need to develop effective international litigation strategies to assist victims of torture and ill-treatment in obtaining legal remedies where none are available domestically, and to support them in their struggle to end impunity in states where torture and ill-treatment remain endemic or tolerated practices. -
Kyrgyzstan Brief No 1
Issue 1, 2008 9 MARCH - APRIL 2007 � CONTENTS Informal institutes as “rules of a political CONTENTS BazarbayValentin Mambetov: Bogatyrev:: game” in Kyrgyzstan A lot“Development must be done by theis MuratbekCentral Imanaliev Asia in ................................. 2007: Dynamics .......of Change..........2 and Development peopleinstability. of Kyrgyzstan Any stability and is a StatusRegional of formal conference political institutessummary .....................2and interactions with informal political firstsign of of all stagnation by the leadership or a latent structuresEvaluation in Kyrgyzstan of Political Situation after April 19 to accumulationrecognize the ofimportance possible ValentinRound Bogatyrev table summary ........................ ..................................3...........................4 of socialwater problemsexplosions. in Central In the Kyrgyzstan:Kyrgyzstan: is democracy Democratic on the Success agenda or Threat to Stability? Asianview politics. of such - p. a 27paradigm of for the country? BakytValentin Beshimov Bogatyrev ....................... ......................................4................................13 BRIEF Issue KYRGYZSTAN development, Kyrgyzstan “Authorities-Opposition” Tandem in 2007 HowBakyt decisions Beshimov are made ...........................................6 in Kyrgyzstan is the most stable state Roundtable transcript ..............................................19 in Central Asia since the Issues of National Statehood in Central Asia A perspectiveMuratbek Imanalievfor Central ......................................9 -
Engaging Central Asia
ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA ENGAGING CENTRAL ASIA THE EUROPEAN UNION’S NEW STRATEGY IN THE HEART OF EURASIA EDITED BY NEIL J. MELVIN CONTRIBUTORS BHAVNA DAVE MICHAEL DENISON MATTEO FUMAGALLI MICHAEL HALL NARGIS KASSENOVA DANIEL KIMMAGE NEIL J. MELVIN EUGHENIY ZHOVTIS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute based in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound analytical research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe today. The views expressed in this report are those of the authors writing in a personal capacity and do not necessarily reflect those of CEPS or any other institution with which the authors are associated. This study was carried out in the context of the broader work programme of CEPS on European Neighbourhood Policy, which is generously supported by the Compagnia di San Paolo and the Open Society Institute. ISBN-13: 978-92-9079-707-4 © Copyright 2008, Centre for European Policy Studies. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means – electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise – without the prior permission of the Centre for European Policy Studies. Centre for European Policy Studies Place du Congrès 1, B-1000 Brussels Tel: 32 (0) 2 229.39.11 Fax: 32 (0) 2 219.41.51 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ceps.eu CONTENTS 1. Introduction Neil J. Melvin ................................................................................................. 1 2. Security Challenges in Central Asia: Implications for the EU’s Engagement Strategy Daniel Kimmage............................................................................................ -
The Changed Position of Ethnic Russians and Uzbeks
KYRGYZ LEADERSHIP AND ETHNOPOLITICS BEFORE AND AFTER THE TULIP REVOLUTION: THE CHANGED POSITION OF ETHNIC RUSSIANS AND UZBEKS By Munara Omuralieva Submitted to Central European University Department of Political Science In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Political Science Supervisor: Professor Matteo Fumagalli CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2008 Abstract The Soviet Union’s multi-ethnic legacy in the Central Asian region, particularly in Kyrgyzstan was a crucial factor that largely impacted its post-independence state consolidation and transition. Especially the nation-building became difficult due to the ethnic heterogeneity of its population. More recently in 2005 there was the “Tulip Revolution”, basically an overthrow of the northern president by the southern clan leader. Despite the fact that the system and character of the government and of any other governmental structures did not change following the so- called Kyrgyz “Tulip Revolution”, there have been observations of the dramatic changes for the worse in the position of ethnic minorities, more specifically Russians and Uzbeks, and their relation with the titular nation. This work uses interviews and media material in order to demonstrate how the elite change has caused the changes analyzed in the thesis. The findings of the research demonstrate that the elite change, which was a result of 2005 events, is the main factor that has caused negative shifts in the political representation, ethnic organizations becoming more active and politicized, official policies taking more nationalistic tones, and in deteriorated inter-ethnic relations. CEU eTD Collection i Acknowledgements I want to express deep appreciation to my supervisor Professor Matteo Fumagalli for his useful comments and suggestions throughout the writing process. -
Women, the Parliament and Political Participation in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan
Women, the Parliament and Political Participation in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan Accepted version of an article published in Central Asian Affairs: Turdalieva, Cholpon, and Medet Tiulegenov. " Women, the Parliament and Political Participation in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan", Central Asian Affairs 5, 2 (2018): 134-159. Cholpon Turdalieva American University of Central Asia, Humboldt University [email protected] Medet Tiulegenov American University of Central Asia [email protected] Abstract This paper explores women’s participation in parliamentary elections in post- Soviet Kyrgyzstan. Using various methods, it offers an interdisciplinary perspective on factors that affect the likelihood of women participating successfully in parliamentary elections. This study supports the general literature on the effects of gender quotas and proportional representation, but its results on other factors are mixed. The factor of financial resources is significant, though its impact has been reduced with the introduction of gender quotas, while other factors—such as social status—may not be particularly important. The public perception of a woman in politics is not the greatest obstacle to women’s representation, and a female candidate’s professional status may often be attractive to party leaders. Keywords women – electoral politics – parliament – post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan – political participation Introduction Women’s participation in elections is the norm worldwide. Even Saudi Arabia, one of the last countries to allow women to stand for public office, agreed in doi 10.1163/22142290-00502003 Women, the Parliament and Political Participation 2 2015 that women could be elected to local councils. Yet despite considerable advances in formal electoral rights, there remain obstacles to the exercise of these rights throughout the world. -
The Colour Revolutions in the Post-Soviet Space: Illusion and Reality of the Post-Soviet Civil Disobedience
Krzysztof Kozłowski Warsaw School of Economics The Colour Revolutions in the Post-Soviet Space: Illusion and Reality of the Post-Soviet Civil Disobedience Abstract The political events that took place at the end of 2003 in Georgia, in 2004 in Ukraine and in 2005 in Kyrgyzstan are popularly called the Rose, Orange and Tulip Revolution or collectively: the Colour Revolutions in the post-Soviet space. At first glance the term “revolution” may seem appropriate. The Colour Revolutions have resulted in the regime change in all the three states. However, from a decade-long perspective one may notice that the revolutionary changes in the political systems of Georgia, Ukraine and Kyrgyzstan did not actually take place. The post-revolutionary reality: the Russian-Georgian war and criminal charges against the revolutionary Georgian President Micheil Saakashvili, the infamous ending to the political career of the revolutionary leader Victor Yushchenko just four year after the Orange Revolution and the spectacular collapse of the Victor Yanukovych regime, which led to a hybrid warfare with Russia, or Kyrgyzstan’s permanent political instability following the revolutionary events of 2005 require yet another insight into what has happened in Tbilisi, Kiev, and Bishkek. Without an in-depth analysis of the events, it is impossible to understand the fundamental social and political dynamics of the ongoing and future changes in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus or Central Asia. The re-evaluation of the Colour Revolutions is not only of historical importance, though. It is also a universal lesson concerning the most important challenge that all the democratic social movements active in the authoritarian or post-authoritarian states have to face: how to manage large-scale civil disobedience protests of a disappointed society while the ruling governments do not follow democratic rules and the international community does not fully comprehend the significance of the ongoing changes. -
Journal of Eurasian Studies
JOURNAL OF EURASIAN STUDIES _____________________________________________________________________________________ Journal of the Gábor Bálint de Szentkatolna Society Founded: 2009. Internet: www.federatio.org/joes.html _____________________________________________________________________________________ Volume II., Issue 2. / April — June 2010 ____________________ ISSN 1877-4199 April-June 2010 JOURNAL OF EURASIAN STUDIES Volume II., Issue 2. _____________________________________________________________________________________ Publisher Foundation 'Stichting MIKES INTERNATIONAL', established in The Hague, Holland. Account: Postbank rek.nr. 7528240 Registered: Stichtingenregister: S 41158447 Kamer van Koophandel en Fabrieken Den Haag Distribution The periodical can be downloaded from the following Internet-address: http://www.federatio.org/joes.html If you wish to subscribe to the email mailing list, you can do it by sending an email to the following address: [email protected] The publisher has no financial sources. It is supported by many in the form of voluntary work and gifts. We kindly appreciate your gifts. Address The Editors and the Publisher can be contacted at the following addresses: Email: [email protected] Postal address: P.O. Box 10249, 2501 HE, Den Haag, Holland Individual authors are responsible for facts included and views expressed in their articles. _____________________________________ ISSN 1877-4199 © Mikes International, 2001-2010, All Rights Reserved _____________________________________________________________________________________ -
After the Revolution: Long-Term Effects of Electoral Revolutions
Problems of Post-Communism ISSN: 1075-8216 (Print) 1557-783X (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/mppc20 After the Revolution Long-Term Effects of Electoral Revolutions Grigore Pop-Eleches & Graeme Robertson To cite this article: Grigore Pop-Eleches & Graeme Robertson (2014) After the Revolution, Problems of Post-Communism, 61:4, 3-22, DOI: 10.2753/PPC1075-8216610401 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.2753/PPC1075-8216610401 Published online: 07 Dec 2014. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 503 View related articles View Crossmark data Citing articles: 2 View citing articles Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=mppc20 After the Revolution Long-Term Effects of Electoral Revolutions Grigore Pop-Eleches and Graeme Robertson Although none of the color HE color revolutions in the former Soviet bloc and Tthe uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa revolutions has proved to be demonstrate once again that dictators can be overthrown by pressure from the streets and that seemingly stable completely successful in bringing authoritarian regimes can unravel in a matter of weeks. about long-term democratic The capacity of such revolutions to contribute to longer- term democratic development is, however, far less certain. change, differences in outcomes While politicians and journalists highlight the transforma- tive power of revolutions in the street, political scientists among them cast light on and sociologists tend to be more skeptical, stressing the both the possibilities and the importance of deep structural factors in shaping longer- term regime trajectories. -
Tourism After the 'Tulip' Revolution : Akayev's Bitter Legacy and the Prospects for the Kyrgyz Republic
Tourism after the ‘Tulip’ Revolution : Akayev’s bitter legacy and the prospects for the Kyrgyz Republic Schofield, P, Maccarrone-Eaglen, A and Yesiltas, M Title Tourism after the ‘Tulip’ Revolution : Akayev’s bitter legacy and the prospects for the Kyrgyz Republic Authors Schofield, P, Maccarrone-Eaglen, A and Yesiltas, M Type Conference or Workshop Item URL This version is available at: http://usir.salford.ac.uk/id/eprint/44071/ Published Date 2006 USIR is a digital collection of the research output of the University of Salford. Where copyright permits, full text material held in the repository is made freely available online and can be read, downloaded and copied for non-commercial private study or research purposes. Please check the manuscript for any further copyright restrictions. For more information, including our policy and submission procedure, please contact the Repository Team at: [email protected]. Tourism after the ‘Tulip’ Revolution: Akaev’s Bitter Legacy and the Prospects for the Kyrgyz Republic Peter Schofield, University of Salford, U.K. Agata Maccarroni-Eaglen, University of Salford, U.K. Mehmet Yesiltas, Gazi University, Turkey Address for Correspondence: Dr. Peter Schofield Management and Management Sciences Research Institute Salford Business School University of Salford Salford M6 6PU, U.K. Tel +44 (0)161 295 4579 Fax: +44 (0)161 295 2020 E-Mail: [email protected] Paper presented at conference: “Tourism in Asia: new trends, new perspectives”, Leeds Metropolitan University, UK, June 10-12, 2006 Tourism after the ‘Tulip’ Revolution: Akayev’s Bitter Legacy and the Prospects for the Kyrgyz Republic Peter Schofield, University of Salford, U.K. -
Revolutions of Kyrgyzstan Timeline: an Open Source Look at Key Events
Revolutions of Kyrgyzstan Timeline: An Open Source Look at Key Events By Matthew Stein Foreign Military Studies Office, Fort Leavenworth, KS 66027 The views expressed in FMSO publications and reports are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official policy or position of the Department of the Army, Department of Defense, or the U.S. Government. 1 Revolutions of Kyrgyzstan Timeline: An Open Source Look at Key Events When looking at the events in Kyrgyzstan, it is necessary to look at clan politics in the country. Clan politics are not an all encompassing answer to why things happen in Kyrgyzstan; it simply helps explain some of the people and the motivation behind events, particularly in regard to resource competition. Clan politics were a significant aspect of the 2005 and 2010 revolutions and of the current political system emerging from the October 2010 parliamentary elections. For the purposes of this timeline the term “clans” is defined as an informal organization based on kinship ties, whether these ties are real or perceived. Clans are synonymous with tribes; the real ties are based on familial relationships, however distantly related, while perceived ties are based on non-familial regional (provinces, districts, towns, even specific neighborhoods), and on other business or personal based relationships like classmates or colleagues.1 Clans are difficult to identify, especially for a westerner, since they have no tangible characteristics. Clans will also not appear in the news as the reasons behind events. People are not able to simply leave their clan and join another; they grow up into clans as part of their lives.