Dealing with Russia: As in 1907, Wrong Again
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Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 33, Number 7, February 17, 2006 With Russia chairing the Group of Eight industrialized nations for the first time, the London Economist (“he is not the partner the West once hoped for”) and the Wall Street Dealing With Russia: Journal, chief mouthpieces of the London and New York financial oligarchy, also piled on demands that Russia be As in 1907, Wrong Again blocked from trying to accomplish anything substantial through the G-8. Putin has declared his G-8 agenda priorities by Rachel and Allen Douglas to be global energy security, combating the spread of infec- tious diseases, and education. There is some reflection of what is afoot in the fact that Five months ago,1 we told you how the career of Alexander Putin has gone out of his way, since the end of January, to Helphand “Parvus” sheds light on what the neo-con war party, stage a running joke at the expense of some British intelli- grouped around Vice President Dick Cheney, has really been gence operatives, caught in a Moscow park with a malfunc- up to. That is because the hereditary roots of the neo-cons’ tioning electronic dead drop concealed in a rock. “Putin current doctrine and practice of permanent warfare and prolif- knows the British are the problem,” Lyndon LaRouche com- erating regime changes trace back to the Anglo-Venetian op- mented on Feb. 6, “but he has shown no sign of understanding erative Parvus’s early-20th-Century theory and practice of the deeper aspects of the global strategic problem. He thinks Permanent War as the pathway to Permanent Revolution. he can position himself as an ‘energy tsar,’ to use Russia’s Now the dangerous excitement about a showdown with Iran, energy resources as a basis for Russia’s role in the world. This on the part of the same war party and the higher-ups providing is the wrong positive conception of Russia’s potential role. them guidance—as at British Foreign Minister Jack Straw’s Nonetheless, he has the right analytical sense of the strategic dinner party, reported on p. 36—forces us back to the opening crisis: He knows it’s the Brits.” Many people in the United years of the last century once more. States haven’t gotten that far. In the United States and Britain alike, certain enthusiasts for an imminent showdown with Iran are eager to get more The Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 bang for their buck, taking the opportunity to deal a blow to There was also an Iranian—Persian, at that time—angle Russia, as well. They are repeating the duplicitous and deadly to the Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907. As we reported approaches used by King Edward VII of Britain and his last week,2 elements of today’s escalation of conflicts in henchmen in the decade and a half before the outbreak of Southwest Asia are rooted in the British Foreign Office’s World War I in 1914, which set in motion all the disasters of carving up of that region, through the secret Sykes-Picot ac- the 20th Century. cord with France in 1916. The Anglo-French definition of Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.) exhibited the pathology in a spheres of influence in turn incorporated understandings pure form during the annual Munich Conference the weekend reached a decade earlier between British Foreign Secretary of Feb. 4-5. He warned Russia and China to cooperate against Sir Edward Grey and Russian Foreign Minister Count Alex- Iran in the UN Security Council, or else the U.S. would “seek ander P. Izvolsky—both of them operating at the behest of willing partners to impose these sanctions outside the UN King Edward VII of England—and enshrined in the Anglo- framework.” McCain lashed out at Russia, saying that “it is Russian Convention. clear that Moscow wishes to be seen as a great power,” but Today James Nixey, Russia-Eurasia specialist at Chat- that the only way to achieve that status is to “stand up to ham House (the Royal Institute of International Affairs), tells Iran’s threats, end the frozen conflicts in Europe’s east, ensure the Bloomberg news agency that Russia is “punching above Ukraine becomes an oasis of stability and prosperity instead its weight” in geopolitics, because “the U.S. and EU need it to of a Cold War-style battleground, and help to transform Cen- help persuade the UN Security Council to censure or sanction tral Asia.” But rather than doing that, McCain charged, Presi- Iran over its nuclear program.” Nixey’s remark expresses a dent Putin’s Russia continues “to pursue foreign and domestic less visible line of contingency planning than the outright war policies strongly at odds with our interest and values, . preparations: namely, to induce Moscow to join the Syn- seeks to prefer the pursuit of autocracy at home and abroad, archist financial oligarchy in a smoother termination of to prefer blocking concerted action against rogue states, to Iran’s sovereignty. weaken [Russia’s] democratic adversaries. Under Mr. The 1907 Convention divided Persia into British and Rus- Putin, Russia today is neither a democracy nor one of the sian spheres of influence, while maintaining a puppet govern- world’s leading economies, and I seriously question whether ment in Tehran: “The Governments of Great Britain and Rus- the G-8 leaders should attend the St. Petersburg summit.” sia having mutually engaged to respect the integrity and 1. Jeffrey Steinberg, Allen Douglas, and Rachel Douglas, “Cheney Revives 2. Muriel Mirak-Weissbach, “Shades of Sykes-Picot Accord Are Cast Over Parvus ‘Permanent War’ Madness,” EIR, Sept. 23, 2005. Southwest Asia,” EIR, Feb. 10, 2006. 40 International EIR February 17, 2006 © 2006 EIR News Service Inc. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission strictly prohibited. clipart.com Library of Congress King Edward VII of England (right) sowed discord between the great powers led by his nephews, Kaiser Wilhelm II of Germany (center, shown with Winston Churchill) and Tsar Nicholas II of Russia (left), leading to World War I. While he courted Nicholas to ally Russia with England, his henchmen plotted the Tsar’s overthrow. independence of Persia, and sincerely desiring the preserva- safeguarding their interests. The two Powers hope that in the tion of order throughout that country and its peaceful develop- future Persia will be forever delivered from the fear of foreign ment, as well as the permanent establishment of equal advan- intervention, and will thus be perfectly free to manage her tages for trade and industry of all other nations; own affairs in her own way.” That did not prevent Russian “Considering that each of them has, for geographical and Foreign Minister Sazonov, a few years later, from wiring to economic reasons, a special interest in the maintenance of London that “The Imperial Government expects that in future peace and order in certain provinces of Persia adjoining, or in its full liberty of action will be recognized in the sphere of the neighborhood of, the Russian frontier on the one hand, influence allotted to it, coupled in particular with the right and the frontiers of Afghanistan and Baluchistan on the other of preferentially developing in that sphere its financial and hand, and being desirous of avoiding all cause of conflict economic policies.”4 between their respective interests in the above-mentioned The geopolitical horse trading continued, that is, well into provinces of Persia; the World War I that the Anglo-Russian alliance had helped “Have agreed on the following terms. .” to precipitate, and even as Russia itself plunged into the con- Then followed a list of vital Persian national assets, the flagration of that war (9 million Russian dead), the Revolu- control of which was to be divided up between Britain and tions of 1917, and its Civil War of 1918-21 (10 million dead). Russia: “railways, banks, telegraphs, roads, insurance, . The Anglo-Russian Convention of 1907 likewise deline- concessions of political or commercial nature, . customs ated spheres of influence in Afghanistan and Tibet. The three revenues,” and the servicing of “Persian loans.”3 regions had been the front lines of confrontation between the Sir Cecil Spring Rice, British Minister at Tehran, assured Russian Empire in the heart of Eurasia and the British Empire the Persian foreign secretary in September 1907, “The object along the inland fringes of its Asian coastal holdings. Thus of the two Powers in making this agreement is not in any way the 1907 deal is known as the end point of the Great Game, to attack, but rather to assure forever, the independence of as Rudyard Kipling dubbed the 19th-Century contest for dom- Persia. Not only do they not wish to have at hand any excuse inance over the Eurasian continent. for intervention, but their object in these friendly negotiations was not to allow one another to intervene on the pretext of 4. F. Seymour Cox, The Secret Treaties and Understandings; text of the available documents with introductory comments and explanatory notes 3. U.K. Parliamentary Papers, 1908. (London: 1918). EIR February 17, 2006 International 41 At the same time, the agreement was the final break- tral banking, slave labor, and global cartels. through towards formation of the Triple Entente among Eng- “It was the industrial might of the Federal states—based land, France, and Russia, which Edward VII and his team had on the Hamiltonian American System policy—that provided sought to forge for over three decades. It was the official the margin of victory against the Confederate insurrection. reconciliation between Britain and Russia, after the Crimean Lincoln was also greatly assisted by the vital international War of the 1850s, when the British had cut the erstwhile support of his close ally, Russia’s Tsar Alexander II, who “gendarme of Europe,” Russia, down to size.