La Pace Calda. La Nascita Del Movimento Antinucleare Negli Stati Uniti E in Gran Bretagna, 1957-1963

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La Pace Calda. La Nascita Del Movimento Antinucleare Negli Stati Uniti E in Gran Bretagna, 1957-1963 Alma Mater Studiorum Università di Bologna DOTTORATO DI RICERCA IN Storia dell’età contemporanea nei secoli XIX e XX “Federico Chabod” Ciclo XXII Settore scientifico-disciplinare di afferenza: M-Sto/04 Storia Contemporanea La Pace Calda. La nascita del movimento antinucleare negli Stati Uniti e in Gran Bretagna, 1957-1963 Presentata da: Dario Fazzi Coordinatore Dottorato Relatore prof. Stefano Cavazza prof. Mario Del Pero Esame finale anno 2010 1 2 A Laura, l’affetto per la quale è nato e cresciuto con questa tesi 3 Introduzione Parte I – La Scienza Cap. 1, Origini La rivoluzione atomica, 1939-1945, p. 23 Il sostegno al controllo internazionale dell’energia atomica, 1946, p. 32 La campagna per il controllo civile, 1946, p. 40 Un movimento maturo, 1946-1948, p. 43 Cap. 2, Evoluzione L’assolutizzazione del nemico, 1949-1952, p. 49 Un biennio Gattopardesco, 1953-1954, p. 66 L’età degli appelli, 1955-1956, p. 78 Una coscienza solida, 1957-1960, p. 110 Cap. 3, Decadenza La scienza al potere, 1960- 1961, p. 139 Sull’orlo dell’abisso, 1962-1963, p. 148 Parte II – La Piazza Cap. 1, Origini Le fondamenta, 1945-1952, p. 167 La nascita di una nuova percezione, 1953-1955, p. 180 Cap. 2, Evoluzione La fase della maturazione, 1956-1957, p. 186 La battaglia per la conquista dell’opinione pubblica, 1958-1960, p. 200 Un movimento di massa, 1961-1962, p. 222 Cap. 3, Decadenza Pace calda e Guerra fredda, 1962, p. 236 Il successo e il declino, 1963, p. 245 Conclusioni Nota bibliografica e Bibliografia 4 Abstract The aim of this proposal is to offer an alternative perspective on the study of Cold War, since insufficient attention is usually paid to those organizations that mobilized against the development and proliferation of nuclear weapons. The antinuclear movement began to mobilize between the 1950s and the 1960s, when it finally gained the attention of public opinion, and helped to build a sort of global conscience about nuclear bombs. This was due to the activism of a significant part of the international scientific community, which offered powerful intellectual and political legitimization to the struggle, and to the combined actions of the scientific and organized protests. This antinuclear conscience is something we usually tend to consider as a fait accompli in contemporary world, but the question is to show its roots, and the way it influenced statesmen and political choices during the period of nuclear confrontation of the early Cold War. To understand what this conscience could be and how it should be defined, we have to look at the very meaning of the nuclear weapons that has deeply modified the sense of war. Nuclear weapons seemed to be able to destroy human beings everywhere with no realistic forms of control of the damages they could set off, and they represented the last resource in the wide range of means of mass destruction. Even if we tend to consider this idea fully rational and incontrovertible, it was not immediately born with the birth of nuclear weapons themselves. Or, better, not everyone in the world did immediately share it. Due to the particular climate of Cold War confrontation, deeply influenced by the persistence of realistic paradigms in international relations, British and U.S. governments looked at nuclear weapons simply as «a bullet». From the Trinity Test to the signature of the Limited Test Ban Treaty in 1963, many things happened that helped to shift this view upon nuclear weapons. First of all, more than ten years of scientific protests provided a more concerned knowledge about consequences of nuclear tests and about the use of nuclear weapons. Many scientists devoted their social activities to inform public opinion and policy-makers about the real significance of the power of the atom and the related danger for human beings. Secondly, some public figures, as physicists, philosophers, biologists, chemists, and so on, appealed directly to the human community to «leave the folly and face reality», publicly sponsoring the antinuclear conscience. Then, several organizations leaded by political, religious or radical individuals gave to this protests a formal structure. The Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament in Great Britain, as well as the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy in the U.S., represented the voice of the masses against the attempts of governments to present nuclear arsenals as a fundamental part of the international equilibrium. Therefore, the antinuclear conscience could be defined as an opposite feeling to the development and the use of nuclear weapons, able to create a political issue oriented to the influence of military and foreign policies. Only taking into consideration the strength of this pressure, it seems possible to understand not only the beginning of nuclear negotiations, but also the reasons that permitted Cold War to remain cold . 5 Introduzione L’obiettivo generale che si propone questa ricerca è quello di tentare di offrire un punto di vista complementare allo studio della storia della Guerra fredda. È, infatti, abbastanza comune fra gli storici fare un uso, implicito od esplicito, delle categorie realiste per analizzare le caratteristiche di quel periodo di contrapposizione bipolare sorto a partire dalla fine della Seconda Guerra mondiale. Questo tipo di analisi si concentra in prevalenza sugli interessi, sul potere e sugli stati quali attori principali della politica estera e delle relazioni internazionali. Solo di recente, tuttavia, sembrerebbe essersi affermata la tendenza ad offrire una maggiore attenzione nei confronti di quei soggetti non statali le cui azioni hanno contribuito a condizionare, a volte in maniera decisiva, il corso degli eventi della Guerra fredda. Tra questi ultimi attori è possibile includere anche i movimenti e le organizzazioni che hanno avviato la grande protesta contro l’uso, lo sviluppo e la diffusione delle armi nucleari 1. Sebbene queste proteste siano sorte e si siano diffuse, in specie all’interno della comunità scientifica, subito dopo lo scoppio delle bombe atomiche statunitensi in Giappone, fu solo a partire dalla seconda metà degli anni Cinquanta che il vario movimento antinucleare fiorì, raggiungendo la sua massima espressione. Questo avvenne, almeno, per un paio di ragioni. Da un lato, infatti, tra il 1952 ed il 1953, Stati Uniti ed Unione Sovietica avviarono i rispettivi programmi di sperimentazione delle armi all’idrogeno (le bombe-H), le quali presentavano una potenza distruttiva nell’ordine delle migliaia di volte superiore a quella delle bombe sganciate su Hiroshima e Nagasaki. Da un altro lato, fu proprio quando il movimento antinucleare riuscì a catturare l’attenzione dell’opinione pubblica, uscendo dai ristretti circoli scientifici, che esso 1 Vedi, ad esempio L. Wittner, The Struggle Against the Bomb. Resisting the Bomb. A History of the World Disarmament Movement 1954-1970 , vol. 2, Stanford, CA, Stanford University Press 1997, nel quale l’autore definisce il world nuclear disarmament movement , in grado di mobilitare milioni di persone in tutto il mondo, il «missing ingredient» nella classica spiegazione e descrizione della Guerra fredda fondata sulla deterrenza nucleare. 6 finì con il contribuire alla costruzione ed all’acquisizione di una sorta di vera e propria coscienza del pericolo costituito dalle armi nucleari. In questo caso, fu a partire dal 1954, con la contaminazione di un’imbarcazione di pescatori giapponesi causata dalle radiazioni prodotte da alcuni test nucleari statunitensi condotti nel Pacifico, che sorse la prima grande ondata di preoccupazione all’interno dell’opinione pubblica 2. L’acquisizione di una simile coscienza antinucleare fu, a sua volta, il risultato combinato di due specifici fattori. In primo luogo, l’attivismo di una parte rilevante ed influente della comunità scientifica internazionale offrì una forte base di legittimazione, intellettuale e politica, alla protesta antinucleare. In secondo luogo, i movimenti antinucleari riuscirono, attraverso metodi di pressione politica innovativi, a condizionare le scelte dei governi. L’azione combinata delle proteste provenienti dagli scienziati e dagli attivisti sostenne, dunque, l’affermazione di questa coscienza antinucleare, la quale contribuì a produrre un clima relativamente nuovo nelle relazioni internazionali della Guerra fredda e a promuovere i primi riavvicinamenti tra le due superpotenze impegnate nel mantenimento dell’equilibrio del terrore. Le conseguenze di tali riavvicinamenti in ambito di armamenti nucleari, a partire dalla firma del Limited Test Ban Treaty (Treaty Banning Nuclear Weapon Tests in the Atmosphere, in Outer Space and Under Water) del 1963, si dispiegarono appieno nel periodo della distensione, mentre la solidità di una simile coscienza antinucleare venne ad essere ulteriormente confermata in occasione di quelle grandi manifestazioni di protesta che, dalla guerra del Vietnam fino agli anni Ottanta, si sono nel corso del tempo susseguite. 2 Fu il famoso caso della Lucky Dragon, descrito in L. Wittner, The Struggle Against the Bomb , cit., cui fece seguito, un paio d’anni più tardi, il caso della contaminazione da stronzio 90 di alcune partite di latte proveniente da alcune aree specifiche, che erano state a loro volta contaminate dalle radiazioni provenienti dai test nucleari americani condotti nei deserti del New Mexico. Le preoccupazioni prodottesi in seguito ad eventi del genere culminaronoi nella nascita di movimenti come il Sane, vedi infra . 7 Dal momento che lo scopo della ricerca è quello di fornire un’analisi
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