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The Strength of Social Norms Across Human Groups PPSXXX10.1177/1745691617708631Gelfand et al.Strength of Social Norms 708631research-article2017 Perspectives on Psychological Science 2017, Vol. 12(5) 800 –809 The Strength of Social Norms Across © The Author(s) 2017 Reprints and permissions: Human Groups sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI:https://doi.org/10.1177/1745691617708631 10.1177/1745691617708631 www.psychologicalscience.org/PPS Michele J. Gelfand1, Jesse R. Harrington1, and Joshua Conrad Jackson2 1University of Maryland and 2University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Abstract Social norms are a defining feature of human psychology, yet our understanding of them is still underdeveloped. In this article, we present our own cross-cultural research program on tightness-looseness (TL)—which draws on field, experimental, computational, and neuroscience methods—to illustrate how going beyond Western borders is critical for understanding social norms’ functions and their multilevel consequences. Cross-cultural research enables us to account for the universal features of norm psychology but also explains the great cultural diversity we see in social norms around the globe. Keywords culture, diversity, neuroscience, individual differences, environment Imagine a world where everyone drives on both sides around town, to having conversations, to running an of the road. There are stoplights but no one pays atten- organization turn into an uncoordinated mess. tion to them. Trains, buses, and airplanes don’t operate Perhaps because of their important role in human with any fixed schedule. In conversations, people don’t behavior, social norms have been a central topic of greet each other, interrupt each other frequently, and study in psychology. The earliest studies of normative invade each other’s space. At home, children wake up conformity include Milgram’s (1963) obedience study, when they want and are free to leave the house with Asch’s (1951) line study, Sherif’s (1936) research on the or without clothes on. At restaurants, people ask for autokinetic effect, and Bandura’s (1978) studies of things that aren’t on the menu, chew with their mouths social learning and aggression. Throughout the 20th open, taste food off of strangers’ plates, and do not say century, literature on social norms grew with Price and please or thank you. In elevators, people sing loudly, Bouffard’s (1974) research on situational strength, J. lean against each other, and face the wrong direction. Jackson’s (1965) return potential model, Walter Mischel’s At school, students text during lectures, play music out Personality and Assessment (1968), and Cialdini’s focus loud, and openly cheat on exams. People in city streets theory (e.g., Cialdini, Reno, & Kallgren, 1990), among don’t hesitate to throw their garbage on the ground and many others. These authors began to move beyond steal strangers’ bicycles off racks when they want to demonstrating humans’ conformist tendencies to docu- get across town. Sex isn’t reserved for private places menting the conditions where norms exert the strongest like bedrooms; you might see it happening on public influence on behavior. They also showed how motiva- transportation, in parks, or on train platforms. tion for social belonging could interact with the This is a world without social norms—where people don’t have socially agreed-on standards for behavior. From the examples above, it becomes quickly apparent Corresponding Author: that this kind of world wouldn’t function very well. Michele J. Gelfand, University of Maryland, Department of Psychology, When people don’t follow norms, even simple activities 1147 Biology-Psychology Building, College Park, MD 20742 become hopelessly difficult. Everything from navigating E-mail: [email protected] Strength of Social Norms 801 presence of social norms to influence large-scale behav- culture-level factors (values and norms), which in turn ioral trends with acute applied implications (e.g., litter- facilitate and are reinforced by individual-level psychol- ing, violent crime; Cialdini, 2003). ogy (Berry, 1979; Gelfand et al., 2011; Triandis, 1972). However, the psychological science of social norms Cultural psychology not only provides theoretical remains surprisingly limited. Like other topics in this insight into norm psychology but also enables the vari- special issue, theorizing and research on social norms ance to put these theories to the test. Put differently, have been largely a Western enterprise, neglecting the we can’t fully understand the etiology and conse- vast array of differences we see across human groups quences of social norms by working only within one around the globe. Until recently, the connection cultural context (e.g., the United States), which, by between social norms and basic psychological pro- definition, restricts the range of variation available on cesses (e.g., cognition, motivation, emotion), or culture-level predictors and consequences. For exam- between social norms and the macro ecological and ple, as we’ll demonstrate below, it would be difficult historical contexts in which they are embedded, have to show how the experience of a hundred years of rarely been examined in psychological science. For territorial invasions shaped the strength of norms in the example, what causes certain properties of norms to context of the United States given that it has not expe- evolve in the first place? Why are some norms stronger rienced chronic historical threat. Cultural perspectives than others across groups and across time? Do such are thus invaluable for building theories concerning differences in norm strength have an adaptive function social norms’ etiology and multilevel consequences. for human groups? They enable us to both account for the universal fea- Some theories did touch on these issues (e.g., tures of norm psychology and also explain the cultural Cialdini & Trost, 1998). Of particular note is research diversity we see in social norms around the globe. that contrasted norms from a social value perspective In this article, we present our own research journey (e.g., Berger & Luckmann, 1966; Sherif, 1936), where on the strength of social norms as one example of how norms were thought to arise from cultural idiosyncra- cross-cultural research deepens and broadens psycho- sies, with those that took a functionalist perspective logical science. We first describe research in anthropol- (Jacobs & Campbell, 1961; Schaller & Latané, 1996), ogy that sets the stage for research on the strength of where norms were thought to emerge on the basis of norms in modern societies and nations. We then their ability to increase survival-related actions such as describe research using field, experimental, computa- finding food and shelter and successfully mating. Nev- tional, and neuroscientific methods that collectively ertheless, scholars seldom discussed the way that eco- elucidate some of the functions and consequences of logical features could affect culture-level norms, or how the strength of social norms for human groups. We culture-level norms could affect individuals’ personality conclude with new frontiers for norm psychology that and motivation. Outside of psychology, work in evolu- await investigation. tionary anthropology has examined the conditions under which norms evolve (e.g., norms for coopera- The Strength of Social Norms: Etiology tion) using the same evolutionary models that biologists and Multilevel Consequences applied to genetic evolution (see Boyd & Richerson, 1988). This research was important in recognizing that Herodotus, an ancient Greek who is generally consid- variance in social norms was not accidental, but ered the “father of history,” was one of the first to emerged on the basis of evolutionary selection pres- document cultural differences in human behavior in sures. Yet it remained largely isolated from psychology, his Histories. Writing about the Persians, Herodotus perhaps because it neglected the role of individual noted their looseness and openness to foreign ideas: psychological processes in cultural evolution. “There is no nation which so readily adopts foreign Contemporary cultural psychologists build on customs as the Persians. Thus, they have taken the insights from anthropology and evolutionary theory to dress of the Medes, considering it superior to their enrich psychological models of human behavior. In this own; and in war they wear the Egyptian breastplate” way, cultural psychology research has the strength of (Herodotus, 1998, I.135). By contrast, he described studying group-level cultural differences and their psy- the Egyptians as having very strong norms, especially chological adaptations through a dynamic socioecologi- for cleanliness, religion, and authority relations cal lens. Above all, cross-cultural research enables us (Herodotus, 1998, II.37). to build multilevel theories to understand how features Thousands of years after Herodotus, modern-day of socioecological contexts (e.g., ecological and histori- anthropologists documented similar forms of cultural cal threat, climate, mobility) lead to differences in variation. Perrti Pelto (1968) was the first to formally 802 Gelfand et al. quantify differences in the strength of social norms of avoiding sanctions in tight cultures. For example, across many cultures. In his study of over 20 traditional individuals in tighter cultures are theorized to have societies, he observed that the Hutterites, Hanno, and greater self-monitoring, greater cautiousness, stronger Lubara were “tight” in that they had strong
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