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Interdental Fricatives in Cajun English
Language Variation and Change, 10 (1998), 245-261. Printed in the U.S.A. © 1999 Cambridge University Press 0954-3945/99 $9.50 Let's tink about dat: Interdental fricatives in Cajun English SYLVIE DUBOIS Louisiana State University BARBARA M. HORVATH University of Sydney ABSTRACT The English of bilingual Cajuns living in southern Louisiana has been pejoratively depicted as an accented English; foremost among the stereotypes of Cajun English is the use of tink and dat for think and that. We present a variationist study of/9/ and /d/ in the speech of bilingual Cajuns in St. Landry Parish. The results show a complex interrelationship of age, gender, and social network. One of the major findings is a v-shaped age pattern rather than the regular generational model that is expected. The older generation use more of the dental variants [t,d] than all others, the middle-aged dramatically decrease their use, but the young show a level of usage closer to the old generation. The change is attributed to both language attri- tion and the blossoming of the Cajun cultural renaissance. Interestingly, neither young men in open networks nor women of all ages in open networks follow the v-shaped age pattern. In addition, they show opposite directions of change: men in open networks lead the change to [d], whereas women in open networks drop the dental variants of [t,d] almost entirely. The variety of English spoken by people of Acadian descent (called Cajuns) in southern Louisiana has been the subject of pejorative comment for a long time. -
Recommended Educational Practices for Standard English Learners
Recommended Educational Practices for Standard English Learners Cheryl Wilkinson, Jeremy Miciak, Celeste Alexander, Pedro Reyes, Jessica Brown, and Matt Giani The University of Texas at Austin: Texas Education Research Center January 31, 2011 T HE U NIVERSITY OF T E X A S A T A USTIN i Recommended Practices for SELs CREDITS The Texas Education Research Center is located at The University of Texas at Austin. The Texas ERC is an independent, non-partisan, and non-profit organization focused on generating data-based solutions for Texas education and workforce demands. The goal of the Texas ERC is to supply policymakers, opinion leaders, the media, and the general public with academically sound research surrounding today's critical education issues. Texas Education Research Center The University of Texas at Austin Department of Educational Administration, SZB 310 Austin, TX 78712 Phone: (512) 471-4528 Fax: (512) 471-5975 Website: www.utaustinERC.org Contributing Authors Cheryl Wilkinson, Jeremy Miciak, Celeste Alexander, Pedro Reyes, Jay Brown, Matt Giani, Carolyn Adger, and Jeffery Reaser Prepared for Texas Education Agency 1701 North Congress Avenue Austin, Texas 78701‐1494 Phone: 512‐463‐9734 Funded by The evaluation is funded through General Appropriations Act (GAA), Senate Bill No. 1, Rider 42 (81st Texas Legislature, Regular Session, 2009), via Texas Education Agency Contract No: 2501. ii Recommended Practices for SELs COPYRIGHT NOTICE Copyright © Notice: The materials are copyrighted © as the property of the Texas Education Agency (TEA) and may not be reproduced without the express written permission of TEA, except under the following conditions: 1. Texas public school districts, charter schools, and Education Service Centers may reproduce and use copies of the Materials and Related Materials for the districts‘ and schools‘ educational use without obtaining permission from TEA. -
The Performance of Cajun English in Boudreaux and Thibodeaux Jokes
The performance of cajun english in Boudreaux and ThiBodeaux jokes KAtie CArmiChAel Ohio State University abstract: in South louisiana, there is a genre of jokes featuring the bumbling Cajun characters Boudreaux and thibodeaux. these jokes are often told with an exagger- ated Cajun english accent, an ideal opportunity to examine and better understand local perceptions of Cajun english linguistic features. Th-stopping, nonaspiration of [p, t, k], and vowel quality were analyzed in recordings of six lafourche Parish, loui- siana speakers conversing casually as well as performing Boudreaux and thibodeaux jokes. While all speakers exaggerated one or the other consonantal feature while joketelling, vowel quality was not manipulated in the expected ways. Such patterning may indicate that th-stopping and nonaspiration of [p, t, k] are more salient, or more easily imitable, features of Cajun english than the vowel features examined. Notably, there was some patterning of features exaggerated based on where the speaker lived along the bayou, with “up the bayou” joketellers having a more standard baseline to begin with and thus exaggerating different features, demonstrating the importance of considering culturally specific social categories in analyzing performances of local speech varieties. Boudreaux and thibodeaux (Bt) jokes are a genre of ethnic jokes told by Cajuns in South louisiana. Bt jokes are similar in style to Newfie (New- foundlanders) jokes of Canada: both function to poke fun at a stigmatized socioethnic group, the members of which are seen as stupid (Davies 1982). Usually Bt jokes are humorous narratives about the eponymous fictional Cajuns, who are portrayed as ignorant, unsophisticated, and generally incom- petent, as in the following example: One day tibodeau told Boudreau that he was going to the trade school to make hisself smart. -
Introduction to American English
LLL250 Introduction to American English 1st and 2nd quarters, Junior Instructor Charles Jannuzi Style of class Lecture, Seminar Number of Credits 2 Day and Period To be advised Course Description This course is a survey of American English through its dialects and accents. Some of the dialects and the sub-cultures that give rise to them that will be examined. These include the following: Gullah Geechee, Lanappe, Tidewater Brogues/White Coastal English, Pennsylvania Dutch English, Pittsburgh English, and Louisiana Cajun English. The term 'dialect' concerns variations in grammar, vocabulary, and idioms. Such variations can mark a given speaker as belonging to an identified dialect. Even communication strategies can identify a person as belonging to a dialect. For example, American English speakers might have very different ways of speaking in order to get to know someone for the first time. Strategies for making small talk can also vary. The term 'accent' is also often considered a part of dialect. It will cover aspects of the variations of pronunciation of spoken language as an element of identified dialects. Such variations in grammar, vocabulary, and pronunciation/accent will be compared and contrasted with the ideal of standard American English (also called 'General American'). In addition to socio-linguistic analysis, the course will also look at key aspects of the sub-cultures that give rise to, maintain, and reinforce linguistic differences within the political boundaries of the U.S. The course will also emphasize the practical aspects of dialects and accents for students of English. For example, what if you were going to do a home-stay in the US? Are you prepared for the shock of real, rapidly spoken English? Could you understand a simple question like, "Did you eat yet?" if it sounded more like, "JEAT-JET?" This course will familiarize you with a lot of American English as it is actually spoken across the country. -
American Dialects
AMERICAN DIALECTS Leonard R. N. Ashley President of the American Society of Geolinguistics Introduction Good for an oral presentation, local, area language, dialect often appears in phonetic spelling because English is notoriously unphonetic in a lot of its spelling and some find humor in misspelling, whether it be, for example, “posh” British (“Jolly Well Spoken”), Cockney (from London), Geordie (from Newcastle), Scouse (from Liverpool), Scottish English, Irish English, and in the style of comedian Ali G (something like US rap). However, my subject here, as the title shows, is not British dialect. British dialects constitute a huge corpus which has been fraffly (frightfully) well mapped and extensively studied for what idiom calls donkey’s years. There is too much of that for me. As Potter says: It would be no exaggeration to say that greater differences in pronunciation are discernible in the north of England between Trent and Tweed [two rivers about 100 miles apart] than in the whole of North America. There are, in fact, a great number of regional and social dialects in North America, too. The cinema and the broadcast media have made us all familiar with many American dialects (which involve both pronunciation, “accent,” and word choice, grammar, etc). You know the historic “Brooklyn accent” (toidy-toid, erl boiner, Greenpernt) or the egregious Bronx (cubba kwawfee uh tzee) and the current awesome, bitchen, grody, rad, but (like, y’know) totally beige (which is to say “boring”) airhead Valley Girl way of speaking. That comes from the San Fernando Valley of Southern California. I’m sooo sure you will be interested in and informed by something perhaps less familiar, even tubular, wonelly. -
Language Contact and Language Shift in Ireland
Language Contact and Language Shift in Ireland English as a Contact Language Raymond Hickey University of Zürich English Linguistics, Essen 7-9 June 2010 email: [email protected] 1 Contact scenarios by regions of the anglophone world The British Isles United States Historical contact African American English England Chicano English Wales German-influenced English Scotland Cajun English (Lower South of US) Ireland Canada Newfoundland English (dialect contact) Europe English in Quebec (contact with French) Malta, Gibraltar Channel Islands South Asia South Africa India, Pakistan Afrikaans English South-East Asia South African Indian English Singapore, Malaysia Hong Kong Australia The Philippines Aboriginal English New Zealand Pacific Maori English Hawaii, Fiji, Solomon Islands Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, etc. 2 Contact: Some preliminary distinctions 1)Language contact is really contact between speakers of different languages. 2)The term language is an abstraction from a certain type of symbolic human behaviour. 3)Contact can be motivated by necessity (filling of lexical gaps, new terms for new phenomena, e.g. scientific inventions) but can also be the result of prestige (granted a difficult concept), or just a passing fashion, as with the many borrowings from English which are not strictly speaking needed by the modern European languages which have them. 3 4 Linguistic levels and contact (not shift scenarios) Levels most affected Vocabulary (loanwords, phrases) Sentence structure, word-order Speech habits (general pronunciation, suprasegmentals [stress, intonation]) Sounds (present in loan-words) Grammar (morphology: inflections) Levels least affected 5 Language shift The original language of a speech community is abandoned and all the speakers shift to the new language within a fairly well delimited period of time, a few centuries at most. -
Chicano English in Children's Literature
Western Oregon University Digital Commons@WOU Honors Senior Theses/Projects Student Scholarship 6-1-2017 Chicano English in Children’s Literature Katie Nance Western Oregon University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/honors_theses Recommended Citation Nance, Katie, "Chicano English in Children’s Literature" (2017). Honors Senior Theses/Projects. 134. https://digitalcommons.wou.edu/honors_theses/134 This Undergraduate Honors Thesis/Project is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at Digital Commons@WOU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Senior Theses/Projects by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@WOU. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. Chicano English in Children’s Literature By Katie Nance An Honors Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation from the Western Oregon University Honors Program Dr. Robert A. Troyer, Thesis Advisor Dr. Gavin Keulks, Honors Program Director June 2017 ii Acknowledgments I would like to extend the sincerest thanks to Dr. Robert A. Troyer, for inspiring in me a passion for linguistics and its place in the elementary classroom, as well as for his tireless guidance in the process of writing this thesis. I also owe gratitude to professors within the Education Department at Western Oregon University for their recommendations of a variety of Chicano authors, resources, and children’s literature, which helped me immensely in my research; these include Dr. Marie LeJeune, Dr. Patty Beauchamp, and Prof. Jennifer Schulze. I would also like to thank Dr. Gavin Keulks for his assistance and guidance throughout my four years in the Honors program at Western Oregon University. -
English Accent-02-P for WEB.Qxd 8/9/11 17:38 Page 1
English Accent-02-p FOR WEB.qxd 8/9/11 17:38 Page 1 1 2 3 4 Glossary 5 6 7 8 9 *SAE A reference to the idea of a homogenous, standard spoken language in which the 10 * emphasizes the fact that this is in fact an abstraction that is never realized. 11 AAVE See African American Vernacular English. 12 13 Accent A set of phonological features, loosely bundled, that provide clues about the 14 speaker’s geographic origin, social and ethnic allegiances, standing, education, and 15 other characteristics that are socially distinctive in a given language community. 16 Accent hallucination An individual may decide that a speaker has a particular foreign 17 accent on the basis of physical features, when in fact the person in question is a native 18 speaker of English. This phenomenon has been documented in numerous studies 19 (Fought 2006; Kang and Rubin 2009). See also reverse linguistic stereotyping. 20 Accommodation theory In face-to-face conversation between speakers of different 21 language varieties, subconscious or conscious choices are made about whose com- 22 munication system to use and how much to accommodate each other. 23 24 Affirm To approve, agree or uphold, used primarily when a superior court reviews the 25 rulings of a lesser court and finds no wrongdoing. 26 African American Great Migration Between 1910 and 1940, roughly 1.5 million 27 African Americans left the South to escape poverty and racism (the first great 28 migration). After the interruption of WWII, another 1.5 million African Americans 29 moved north, a trend that continued until about 1970. -
French in Louisiana by Nicholas R
"Ltlche pas la patate:" French in Louisiana by Nicholas R. Spitzer Middle-aged Cajuns often tell a story about being punished as children for speaking French at school. One punishment, aside from whipping, was to have students write 1000 times, "I will not speak French on the school grounds." It was an officially sanctioned devaluation of French Louisiana's language and culture which in Nick Spitzer, on the staffof the Office ofFo lk turn encouraged this generation not to teach French to its own life Programs, served for seven years as Louisi children. However, there is also evidence of resistance. People tell a ana State Folklorist. He has worked with Cajun and Creole French communities to produce a joke about unAmericain teacher instructing country children in film, LP's, andpublications about traditional numbers: culture in south Louisiana. "All right children everyone say 'one.' " "One," is the dutiful class response. "OK children," continues the teacher, "say 'two'." The class jumps up to leave with one boy exclaiming, ''Merci maitre~ on vatu voir!" (Thanks teacher, see you later). Inter preting ((c'est tout" (that's all), the class has a joke at the teach er's expense. Cajuns and Black Creoles of south Louisiana still use humor to criticize negative views of their culture, though increasingly in the Talking Cajun French in Mamou, Louisiana. last two decades the various dialects of Louisiana French have not Photo © by Philip Gould 32 EST -CE QUE VOS ENFANTS APPRENNENT LE FRANCAIS A L'ECOLE CODOFIL signs were written in Standard French been seen as sources of sdgma to their speakers. -
Cans and French Americans in Kate Chopin's Short Stories
Rencontres américaines: Encounters between Anglo-Ameri- cans and French Americans in Kate Chopin’s Short Stories Florian Freitag ABSTRACT This article uses a revisionist approach to American local-color fiction—one that combines historicist or ideological hegemonic readings of local color as imperialistic with feminist, coun- terhegemonic analyses of the genre as a literature of resistance—to examine the depiction of Anglo-American characters in Kate Chopin’s short fiction in general and of their encounters with French Americans (Creoles and Cajuns) in particular. I argue that Chopin’s stories rely solely on the category of cultural affiliation (as opposed to a combination of the categories of race, class, gender, age, and geographical origin) to distinguish between Anglo- and French Americans and thus construct members of both cultural groups as regional characters. How- ever, the texts nevertheless consistently associate Anglo-Americans with metropolitan, hege- monic, and French Americans with provincial, resistant perspectives. This categorization of Anglo-Americans as agents of cultural imperialism and of French Americans as resistant pro- vincials is further confirmed by the texts’ regionalist critiques of Anglo-Americans and their local-color depictions of French Americans, which are continuously played off against and most often also balance each other. “A Gentleman of Bayou Têche” Perhaps one of the most interesting pieces of Kate Chopin’s short fiction is “A Gentleman of Bayou Têche,” written in 1893 and first published in Chopin’s collection Bayou Folk (1894). In this story a Cajun man initially refuses to let an artist who is “looking for bits of ‘local color’” draw his picture for fear of being ridiculed (319), but eventually agrees when he is allowed to name the picture. -
Speaking English in Spanish Harlem: the Role of Rhythm
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics Volume 20 Issue 2 Selected Papers from NWAV 42 Article 18 10-2014 Speaking English in Spanish Harlem: The Role of Rhythm Cara Shousterman Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl Recommended Citation Shousterman, Cara (2014) "Speaking English in Spanish Harlem: The Role of Rhythm," University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics: Vol. 20 : Iss. 2 , Article 18. Available at: https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol20/iss2/18 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/pwpl/vol20/iss2/18 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Speaking English in Spanish Harlem: The Role of Rhythm Abstract This study investigates how community change is reflected in language, yb examining the English of 28 Puerto Rican-identified native English speakers across two generations. Prosodic rhythm, which has been shown to differentiate Latino Englishes from other American English varieties including contemporary African American English, is measured here using the Pairwise Variability Index (Low, Grabe and Nolan 2000). Results indicate that New York Puerto Rican English speakers in East Harlem maintain syllable- timing (a substrate influence from Spanish) across-the-board, even when contact with African American English is evident at other levels of the grammar. PVI scores are higher for younger speakers (indicating more stress-timed speech) than for older speakers (indicating more syllable-timed speech) and younger speakers show a more even spread of PVI scores than older speakers do. Age differences appear to be linked to social factors like ethnic integration of housing, Spanish usage and social networks. -
UK Language Variation and Change 12 London | 3-5 September 2019
UK Language Variation and Change 12 London | 3-5 September 2019 BOOK OF ABSTRACTS PLENARIES 8 Modelling sociolinguistic cognition with existing systems 8 Kathryn Campbell-Kibler Ohio State University Calibrate to innovate: variation and change between childhood and adolescence 9 Sophie Holmes-Elliott University of Southampton Urban contact dialects: A comparative view 10 Heike Wiese Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin TALKS 11 A [ʃ]triking change in Manchester English 11 George Bailey1, Stephen Nichols2, Maciej Baranowski2 & Danielle Turton3 1University of York, 2University of Manchester & 3Lancaster University The role of identity and mobility in reconciling individual and community change: Insight from a combined panel and trend study 13 Karen Beaman Queen Mary University of London Phonetic stability across time: Linguistic enclaves in Switzerland 16 Andrin Büchler & Adrian Leeman University of Bern Intersections between race, place, and gender in the production of /s/ 18 Jeremy Calder1 & Sharese King2 1University of Colorado Boulder, 2University of Chicago 'BE LIKE' quotatives in other languages: pragmatic borrowings or independent developments? 19 Jenny Cheshire1 & Maria Secova2 1Queen Mary University of London, 2The Open University The Effect of Priming on Accent Attitudes: An Investigation of their Affective and Cognitive Bases 21 Mary Chioti University of Manchester - 1 - The Evolution of a Vernacular: Insights into the Motivations for Linguistic Change through Longitudinal Case Study Research 23 Patricia Cukor-Avila University of North