Greece Social Briefing: Greek Public Opinion in 2019 George N

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Greece Social Briefing: Greek Public Opinion in 2019 George N ISSN: 2560-1601 Vol. 14, No. 3 (GR) January 2019 Greece social briefing: Greek Public Opinion in 2019 George N. Tzogopoulos 1052 Budapest Petőfi Sándor utca 11. +36 1 5858 690 Kiadó: Kína-KKE Intézet Nonprofit Kft. [email protected] Szerkesztésért felelős személy: Chen Xin Kiadásért felelős személy: Huang Ping china-cee.eu 2017/01 Greek Public Opinion in 2019 The beginning of 2019 finds all opinion polls in Greece anticipate a victory of New Democracy in the next national election. But the inability of the main opposition party and its leader Kyriakos Mitsotsakis to inspire the society give the opportunity to SYRIZA and Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras to fight hard ahead of the national election. Many undecided voters could perhaps make their final decision in the next months comparing the performance of SYRIZA and New Democracy on several policy areas. The Prespes Agreement does not currently facilitate the attempt of Tsipras to change the political game but the issue might not be on the agenda a few months later. The role of public opinion in Greece will be critical during 2019. As the national election is looming, Greek citizens will decide about the next political landscape. Although both the European Parliament and regional elections will take place this year (May), attention is certainly being directed towards the national one. At the time of writing the main opposition New Democracy is having a clear lead in all opinion polls. For example, the European Parliament’s Public Opinion Monitoring Unit recently published a report showing that – in January – the conservative opposition, which is a member of the European People’s Party, saw its popularity average come in at a high of 39.2 percent, while SYRIZA, which is a member of the European United Left, trailed at 25 percent. As far as smaller parties are concerned, neo-Nazi Golden Dawn came third with 7 percent, the Movement for Change fourth with 6.8 percent and the Greek Communist Party (KKE) fifth with 6.4 percent. According to the same report, smaller parties such as the Popular Unity, the Union of Centrists and Independent Greeks are not expected to surpass the necessary 3 percent and enter Parliament. Additional firms anticipate relatively similar results (on the basis of their methodological criteria). A January survey organized by Opinion Poll exhibits New Democracy received 31.5 percent of the vote, while SYRIZA 16.5 percent. The survey put support for Golden Dawn at 4.3 percent, KKE at 4.1 percent and the Movement for Change at 3.8 percent. On the same wavelength, according to a February Metron Analysis poll for To Vima newspaper, 28.4 percent of respondents said they would vote for New Democracy, compared with 19.2 percent who would cast a vote for SYRIZA. The far right Golden Dawn party came third with 6.9 percent, the Movement for Change fourth with 5.4 percent, and KKE fifth with 4.7 percent. Last but not least, Interview firm presented another survey for Vergina TV at the beginning of 1 February which demonstrates a difference of 10.2 percentage points between SYRIZA (21.1 percent) and New Democracy (31.1 percent). The following percentages were 6.4 percent for Golden Dawn, 5.5 percent for KKE and 5.2 percent for the Movement for Change. The image of SYRIZA is currently being damaged by the Prespes Agreement, although this accord opens a new political chapter in relations between Greece and North Macedonia. The sensitivity of many Greeks about the name ‘Macedonia’ makes them skeptical concerning the initiative of SYRIZA to solve the issue by making some concessions. An opinion poll carried out by Pulse on behalf of SKAI TV demonstrates 62 percent of respondents believed the name deal was ‘probably bad’ or ‘definitely bad’. The afore-mentioned survey of Metron Analysis also finds 71 percent of respondents would only refer to the neighboring North Macedonia as Skopje, the name of its capital. Furthermore, the survey of Interview firm shows 22.3 percent of respondents believed New Democracy’s stance on the debate about the Prespes Agreement was good while 12.6 percent said this had been the case for SYRIZA. While the majority of firms predict a clear victory of New Democracy, some exceptions do exist. Vox Pop Analysis company did recently publish the results of its research in the weekly newspaper Documento (this newspaper is supporting SYRIZA). In this case, the difference between the two parties does not appear to as large as in other opinion polls. In particular, 27.5 percent of respondents opt for SYRIZA and 29.5 percent for New Democracy in the ‘intention to vote’ question. More importantly, this survey presents SYRIZA as gradually boosting its popularity (from 23.8 percent in July 2018 and 26 percent in September 2018 to 29.5 percent in January 2019). By contrast, New Democracy percentages remain stable (from 28.4 percent in July 2018 and 29.5 percent in September 2018 to 29.5 percent in January 2019). It is interesting that Vox Pop Analysis predicts a tight electoral battle despite the interpretation of the Prespes accord by the majority of Greek citizens which it also depicts as negative. The poll finds 64 percent of respondents thought the deal would not serve Greece’s national interest. Can SYRIZA change the game? The immediate question that is raised is whether SYRIZA will be able to change the game in the next months or the lead of New Democracy will prove irreversible. Although unexpected political developments can happen, a closer look at the details of the results of surveys can offer useful insights about current trends. For the purpose of this analysis, two surveys producing different results, namely the one of Metron Analysis (difference between SYRIZA and New Democracy is measured to be 9.2 percent) and that of Vox Pop Analysis (difference between 2 SYRIZA and New Democracy is measured to be 2 percent) can be compared. In both cases the percentage of undecided voters remains high though. It is 11.4 percent in the survey of Metron Analysis and 13.9 percent in that of Vox Pop Analysis. The behavior of undecided voters could judge the result of the national election. A proportional distribution of the votes of undecided voters in line with results offered in the ‘intention to vote’ question could be risky. The lead of New Democracy in opinion polls does not mean Greek citizens are deeply satisfied with its performance and that of the leader of the party Kyriakos Mitsotakis. The Metron Analysis survey which finds that more Greeks prefer Mitsotakis (30 percent) than Tsipras (19 percent) to be the new prime minister does also focus on the former’s problematic record. 60 percent of respondents disagree with his handling of politics. For its part, the Vox Pop Analysis poll demonstrates more Greeks prefer Tsipras (29.2 percent) than Mitsotakis (28.4 percent). Generally speaking, both polls reflect the reserved stance of several respondents to applaud the leader of the main opposition party while Premier Tsipras naturally sees his profile damaged after four years in power. In the next months ahead of the national election Tsipras is expected in invest in polarization in order to send a clear message to disenchanted supporters of SYRIZA to vote for the party again. It cannot be now anticipated how this effort will impact on undecided voters, especially those identifying themselves as belonging to the political center. According to the Metron Analysis poll, many voters, who have not yet decided which party they will support in the national election, supported several parties in 2015 (SYRIZA: 13 percent, New Democracy: 6 percent, Democratic Alliance: 4 percent, KKE: 3 percent, To Potami: 2 percent etc. or abstained). No doubt, most Greeks are not happy with current economic conditions (41 percent are pessimistic according to Metron Analysis). But if they decide to vote, they will have to make a comparison between the political parties. They will have to examine which party better serves their personal interests as well as the national ones. Within this context, the Vox Pop Analysis firmed asks citizens how the valued SYRIZA and New Democracy on specific areas of policy. New Democracy is having the lead in questions regarding better security (34,7 percent as opposed to SYRIZA’s 24.3 percent), perspectives for growth (35 percent as opposed to SYRIZA’s 26.9 percent) and the reduction of unemployment (30.3 percent as opposed to SYRIZA’s 29.5 percent). But SYRIZA is also preserving the lead in other areas. These include the fight against corruption (29.3 percent in comparison to New Democracy’s 19.4 percent), fair taxation (26.8 percent in comparison to New Democracy’s 25.6 percent), social policy (30.8 percent in comparison to New Democracy’s 23.4 percent) and labor conditions (30 percent in comparison to New 3 Democracy’s 19.8 percent). Obviously, balanced answers as the ones discussed above might arguably challenge New Democracy’s superiority in view of the next national election. Conclusion Polling firms measuring and analyzing the attitude of the Greek public opinion miserably failed in the past. But the results of their research remains the only available tool to discuss the potential electoral behavior of citizens. The lead of New Democracy is unquestionable but – at the same time – the main opposition party and its leader Kyriakos Mitsotakis can hardly inspire the society, particularly undecided voters. This gives SYRIZA and Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras the opportunity to fight hard in the pre-election period.
Recommended publications
  • 'I Think That the Dilemma of 'Reform Or Revolution?' Is Still Valid'
    'I think that the dilemma of 'reform or revolution?' is still valid' https://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article4198 'I think that the dilemma of 'reform or revolution?' is still valid' - Debate - Perspectives in Greece - Publication date: Sunday 30 August 2015 Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine - All rights reserved Copyright © International Viewpoint - online socialist magazine Page 1/4 'I think that the dilemma of 'reform or revolution?' is still valid' Left Voice interviewed Kostas Skordoulis, a leading member of OKDE-Spartakos about the current situation in Greece following the resignation of Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras and the recent formation of Popular Unity. Kostas spoke to us in a personal capacity. Alejandra Ríos From Athens How do you read Tsipras' resignation and what are the implications? The collapse of the SYRIZA government is a direct outcome of the massive OXI vote in the referendum of the 5th July. This massive 62% in favour of OXI was an explicitly class vote. It was a vote against the strategic choices of the Greek and European capital i.e. neoliberalism, austerity policies, memoranda, the euro. I have many good reasons to believe that Tsipras and his fraction in the party had built their plans for negotiations with the troika on the basis of the defeat of OXI. They miscalculated the social dynamics. When Tsipras agreed on the 3rd memorandum, he knew very well that his government has lost its legitimacy among the people. But there is more than that. It has to do with the class nature of SYRIZA as a party and the illusions for a "left government".
    [Show full text]
  • Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece
    VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DIPLOMACY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Eimantas Kočanas EUROSCEPTICISM IN POLITICAL PARTIES OF GREECE Master’s Thesis Contemporary European politics study program, state code 621L20005 Political sciences study direction Supervisor: Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas Defended: PMDF Dean - Prof. Doc. Šarūnas Liekis Kaunas 2016 European Union is like a painting displayed in a museum. Some admire it, others critique it, and few despise it. In all regards, the fact that the painting is being criticized only shows that there is no true way to please everybody – be it in art or politics. - Author of this paper. 1 Summary Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1).
    [Show full text]
  • Election in Greece
    CRS INSIGHT Election in Greece September 14, 2015 (IN10356) | | Paul Belkin, Analyst in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-0220) Fourth Election in Three Years Reflects Ongoing Political Instability Greece will hold a snap legislative election on September 20, only eight months after the country's last election. The new election comes as Greece continues to struggle with the negative repercussions of a sovereign debt and financial crisis that began in 2009. Over the past six years, Greece's economy has contracted by 25% and unemployment has tripled to above 25%. Economic challenges have in turn shaken the political system. This will be Greece's fourth parliamentary election since May 2012. Since 2009, the country has had six different governments (including two caretaker governments). Each has struggled—and three have collapsed—in the face of growing public and political pressure to halt the spending cuts, tax increases, and economic reforms that have been implemented in exchange for financial assistance from other European governments and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). For more information on the Greek debt crisis and the European response, see CRS Report R41167, Greece's Debt Crisis: Overview, Policy Responses, and Implications; and CRS Insight IN10303, Crisis in Greece: Political Implications. Why the Snap Election? Incumbent Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras took office in January 2015 following a campaign in which his far-left Syriza party pledged to reverse austerity measures and secure debt relief from creditors, but remain in the European Union's (EU) common currency, the Eurozone. This position ultimately proved untenable—Greece's creditors insisted that the government continue fiscal and structural reforms in exchange for the financial assistance Greece needed to stay in the Eurozone.
    [Show full text]
  • Austerity, Collapse, and the Rise of the Radical Left in Greece
    Austerity, Collapse, and the Rise of the Radical Left in Greece This article and its title are based on a presentation made at the Mapping Socialist Strategies Conference, hosted by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung–New York Office at the Edith Macy Conference Center, New York, August 1-4, 2014. 2010-2014: The Establishment of Austeritarianism as the “New Normality” and Its Lethal Consequences Although signs of financial and fiscal instability became more than evident in the last decade, the global crisis officially struck Greece in 2010 under a government of the Panhellenic Socialist Party (PASOK), the forty-year-old social democratic party led by George Papandreou. Papandreou’s was the first eurozone government to invite the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to interfere in Greece’s internal European Monetary Union affairs through the formation of the troika (the IMF, the European Union, and the European Central Bank). During the period of the implementation of the first “Memorandum of Understanding” with the troika (May 2010), the government quickly understood that it would be almost impossible to maintain social peace and consensus while applying the barbaric austerity provisions of this framework. That’s why it decided to unleash an unprecedented smear and terror campaign against its own citizens. As always, major corporate media immediately became the pioneers of this new neoliberal crusade. Their main argument was that the application of the memorandum was the only solution to avoid an imminent Greek exit from the eurozone. They embellished this narrative by building up a sense of collective guilt: The crisis was presented as a “Greek particularity,” because a) Greeks had been living beyond their means; and b) public spending had grown excessive due to an “over-sized,” “non- efficient,” and corrupt public sector.
    [Show full text]
  • Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
    Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of European and National Election Results 2014-2019 Mid-Term January 2017
    Review of European and National Election Results 2014-2019 Mid-term January 2017 STUDY Public Opinion Monitoring Series Directorate-General for Communication Published by EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Jacques Nancy, Public Opinion Monitoring Unit PE 599.242 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit REVIEW EE2014 Edition Spéciale Mi-Législature Special Edition on Mid-term Legislature LES ÉLECTIONS EUROPÉENNES ET NATIONALES EN CHIFFRES EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTIONS RESULTS TABLES Mise à jour – 20 janvier 2017 Update – 20th January 2017 8éme Législature 8th Parliamentary Term DANS CETTE EDITION Page IN THIS EDITION Page EDITORIAL11 EDITORIAL I.COMPOSITION DU PARLEMENT EUROPÉEN 6 I. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 6 A.REPARTITION DES SIEGES 7 A.DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS 7 B.COMPOSITION DU PARLEMENT 8 B.COMPOSITION OF THE PARLIAMENT 8 -9-9AU 01/07/2014 ON THE 01/07/2014 -10-10AU 20/01/2017 ON THE 20/01/2017 C.SESSIONS CONSTITUTIVES ET PARLEMENT 11 C.CONSTITUTIVE SESSIONS AND OUTGOING EP 11 SORTANT DEPUIS 1979 SINCE 1979 D.REPARTITION FEMMES - HOMMES 29 D.PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN 29 AU 20/01/2017 ON 20/01/2017 -30-30PAR GROUPE POLITIQUE AU 20/01/2017 IN THE POLITICAL GROUPS ON 20/01/2017 ET DEPUIS 1979 AND SINCE 1979 E.PARLEMENTAIRES RÉÉLUS 33 E.RE-ELECTED MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT 33 II.NOMBRE DE PARTIS NATIONAUX AU PARLEMENT 35 II.NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN 35 EUROPEEN AU 20/01/2017 PARLIAMENT ON 20/01/2017 III.TAUX DE PARTICIPATION 37 III. TURNOUT 37 -38-38TAUX DE PARTICIPATION
    [Show full text]
  • Chile's Democratic Road to Socialism
    CHILE'S DEMOCRATIC ROAD TO SOCIALISM: THE RISE AND FALL OF SALVADOR ALLENDE, 1970-1973. A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History in the University of Canterbury by Richard Stuart Mann University of Canterbury 1980 ABSTRACT This thesis studies the Chilean experience of a democratic road to socialism, initiated with the election of Salvador Allende as president in 1970 and ending with his overthrow by the Chilean armed forces in 1973. The interplay of political, economic and cultural variables is considered and an effort is made to assess their relative significance concerning the failure of la via chilena. Allende's Popular Unity government was within the tradition$ of Chilean history since 1930: leftist electoral participation and popular support, respect £or the democratic system, state direction in the economy, ideological competit­ ion and the political attempt to resolve continuing socio- economic problems. Chile was politically sophisticated but economically underdeveloped. In a broader sense, th~ L:e.ft sought complete independence £or Chile and a genuine national identity. U.S. involvement is therefore examined as a continuing theme in perceptions 0£ Chilean history. The seeds 0£ Popular Unity's downfall were as much inherent in the contradiction between an absolute ideology and a relative political strength as in the opposition 0£ those with a vested interest in the existing system. Indeed, the Left itself was a part 0£ that system. Popular Unity went a considerable way in implementing its policies, but the question of power was not resolved as the political forces became stalemated.
    [Show full text]
  • Review of European and National Election Results Update: September 2019
    REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 A Public Opinion Monitoring Publication REVIEW OF EUROPEAN AND NATIONAL ELECTION RESULTS UPDATE: SEPTEMBER 2019 Directorate-General for Communication Public Opinion Monitoring Unit May 2019 - PE 640.149 IMPRESSUM AUTHORS Philipp SCHULMEISTER, Head of Unit (Editor) Alice CHIESA, Marc FRIEDLI, Dimitra TSOULOU MALAKOUDI, Matthias BÜTTNER Special thanks to EP Liaison Offices and Members’ Administration Unit PRODUCTION Katarzyna ONISZK Manuscript completed in September 2019 Brussels, © European Union, 2019 Cover photo: © Andrey Kuzmin, Shutterstock.com ABOUT THE PUBLISHER This paper has been drawn up by the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit within the Directorate–General for Communication (DG COMM) of the European Parliament. To contact the Public Opinion Monitoring Unit please write to: [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSION Original: EN DISCLAIMER This document is prepared for, and primarily addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament to assist them in their parliamentary work. The content of the document is the sole responsibility of its author(s) and any opinions expressed herein should not be taken to represent an official position of the Parliament. TABLE OF CONTENTS EDITORIAL 1 1. COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT 5 DISTRIBUTION OF SEATS OVERVIEW 1979 - 2019 6 COMPOSITION OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT LAST UPDATE (31/07/2019) 7 CONSTITUTIVE SESSION (02/07/2019) AND OUTGOING EP SINCE 1979 8 PROPORTION OF WOMEN AND MEN PROPORTION - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 28 PROPORTIONS IN POLITICAL GROUPS - LAST UPDATE 02/07/2019 29 PROPORTION OF WOMEN IN POLITICAL GROUPS - SINCE 1979 30 2. NUMBER OF NATIONAL PARTIES IN THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT CONSTITUTIVE SESSION 31 3.
    [Show full text]
  • Challenger Party List
    Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against
    [Show full text]
  • Mouvement Communiste/Kolektivně Proti Kapitălu Letter Forty Two
    Mouvement Communiste/Kolektivně proti Kapitălu Letter forty two Mouvement Communiste/Kolektivně proti Kapitălu Letter number 42 September 2015 GREECE: CAPITALIST INTERNATIONALISM TROUNCES PETTY GREEK NATIONALISM. PLENTY OF PROLETARIANS FALL INTO THE TRAP OF THE REFERENDUM CONTEST. MISERABLE ELECTORALISM TRIUMPHS AS STRUGGLES RETREAT THE ELECTORAL FARCE In July 2015, Greece was put in the world spotlight. The spectacle which followed it demands the answers to a series of questions of interest to the proletariat. Why was this famous referendum called, and by who? Who won and who lost? This electoral masquerade was the terrain for confrontation between the fractions of capital in Greece which are more internationalised on one side and the sectors of the dominant classes who are “pro-drachma” and hostile to a restructuring of the Greek economy and state carried out under European command on the other. These latter sectors correspond to petty Greek nationalism. Today they have a new political formation ready to represent them: Popular Unity, formed by the go-back- to-the-drachma brigade coming out of Syriza. The referendum obliged the Syriza-Anel government to put its cards on the table, to unveil its real policies. The Greek referendum on 5 July 2015 asked this question: “Should the plan of agreement be accepted, that was submitted by the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund in the Eurogroup of 25 June 2015 and comprises of two parts, which constitute their unified proposal?”1. The response of the voters (62.5% of those registered) was unequivocal. No at 61.31%, Yes at 38.69% and spoilt or blank at 5.8%.
    [Show full text]
  • Expressions of Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece Eimantas K* Master’S in Political Science, Kaunas, Lithuania
    al Science tic & li P Eimantas, J Pol Sci Pub Aff 2016, 4:2 o u P b f l i o c DOI: 10.4172/2332-0761.1000202 l A a Journal of Political Sciences & f n f r a u i r o s J ISSN: 2332-0761 Public Affairs Research Article Open Access Expressions of Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece Eimantas K* Master’s in Political Science, Kaunas, Lithuania Abstract Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the Eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing Eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of Eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). Perception of European integration; 2) Measurement of Euroscepticism; 3). Source of eurosceptic behavior; 4). Application of Euroscepticism; is presented in order to compile a method of analysis to be applied to current active Greek political parties in a duration of 2014-2015 period.
    [Show full text]