The Flag Burning Controversy: a Chronology, 70 N.C
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Politics in Action: Amending the Constitution Regory Lee Johnson Knew Little About the Constitution, but He Knew That He Was Upset
2 Listen to Chapter 2 on MyPoliSciLab The Constitution Politics in Action: Amending the Constitution regory Lee Johnson knew little about the Constitution, but he knew that he was upset. He felt that the buildup of nuclear weapons in the world threatened the planet’s survival, and he wanted to protest presidential and corporate policies G concerning nuclear weapons. Yet he had no money to hire a lobbyist or to pur- chase an ad in a newspaper. So he and some other demonstrators marched through the streets of Dallas, chanting political slogans and stopping at several corporate loca- tions to stage “die-ins” intended to dramatize the consequences of nuclear war. The demonstra- tion ended in front of Dallas City Hall, where Gregory doused an American flag with kerosene and set it on fire. Burning the flag violated the law, and Gregory was convicted of “desecration of a venerated object,” sentenced to one year in prison, and fined $2,000. He appealed his conviction, claiming that the law that prohibited burning the flag violated his freedom of speech. The U.S. Supreme Court agreed in the case of Texas v. Gregory Lee Johnson. Gregory was pleased with the Court’s decision, but he was nearly alone. The public howled its opposition to the decision, and President George H. W. Bush called for a constitutional amend- ment authorizing punishment of flag desecraters. Many public officials vowed to support the amendment, and organized opposition to it was scarce. However, an amendment to prohibit burn- ing the American flag did not obtain the two-thirds vote in each house of Congress necessary to send it to the states for ratification. -
Protecting National Flags: Must the United States Protect Corresp COMMENT
Phillips: Protecting National Flags: Must the United States Protect Corresp COMMENT PROTECTING NATIONAL FLAGS: MUST THE UNITED STATES PROTECT CORRESPONDING FOREIGN DIGNITY INTERESTS? INTRODUCTION On a summer day in 1984, Gregory Lee Johnson found his fif- teen minutes of fame. He burned an American flag outside the Re- publican National Convention in Dallas and was convicted of vio- lating a Texas statute that penalizes flag desecration.1 His conviction was eventually appealed to the United States Supreme Court.' The resulting June 21, 1989 decision, holding that his con- viction was unconstitutional, has been derided in the legal3 and popular4 press. Mr. Johnson would not have been prosecuted had he burned a foreign flag instead of the American flag, because no federal or state statute prohibits the desecration of a foreign flag.' He would not have been prosecuted under any legal theory, as shown by the 1. TEX. PENAL CODE ANN. § 42.09 (Vernon 1989) provides in full: Section 42.09 Desecration of Venerated Object (a) A person commits an offense if he intentionally or knowingly desecrates: (1) a public monument; (2) a place of worship or burial, or (3) a state or national flag. (b) For purposes of this section, 'desecrate' means deface, damage, or otherwise physically mistreat in a way that the actor knows will seriously offend one or more persons likely to observe or discover his action. (c) An offense in this section is a Class A misdemeanor. Subdivision (a)(3) was deleted by the 71st Legislature in 1989. The 71st Legislature added subdivision (d) which provides: "An offense under this section is a felony of the third degree if a place of worship or burial is desecrated." (Vernon 1990). -
Reagan's Victory
Reagan’s ictory How HeV Built His Winning Coalition By Robert G. Morrison Foreword by William J. Bennett Reagan’s Victory: How He Built His Winning Coalition By Robert G. Morrison 1 FOREWORD By William J. Bennett Ronald Reagan always called me on my birthday. Even after he had left the White House, he continued to call me on my birthday. He called all his Cabinet members and close asso- ciates on their birthdays. I’ve never known another man in public life who did that. I could tell that Alzheimer’s had laid its firm grip on his mind when those calls stopped coming. The President would have agreed with the sign borne by hundreds of pro-life marchers each January 22nd: “Doesn’t Everyone Deserve a Birth Day?” Reagan’s pro-life convic- tions were an integral part of who he was. All of us who served him knew that. Many of my colleagues in the Reagan administration were pro-choice. Reagan never treat- ed any of his team with less than full respect and full loyalty for that. But as for the Reagan administration, it was a pro-life administration. I was the second choice of Reagan’s to head the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH). It was my first appointment in a Republican administration. I was a Democrat. Reagan had chosen me after a well-known Southern historian and literary critic hurt his candidacy by criticizing Abraham Lincoln. My appointment became controversial within the Reagan ranks because the Gipper was highly popular in the South, where residual animosities toward Lincoln could still be found. -
Thomas Byrne Edsall Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt4d5nd2zb No online items Inventory of the Thomas Byrne Edsall papers Finding aid prepared by Aparna Mukherjee Hoover Institution Library and Archives © 2015 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA 94305-6003 [email protected] URL: http://www.hoover.org/library-and-archives Inventory of the Thomas Byrne 88024 1 Edsall papers Title: Thomas Byrne Edsall papers Date (inclusive): 1965-2014 Collection Number: 88024 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Library and Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 259 manuscript boxes, 8 oversize boxes.(113.0 Linear Feet) Abstract: Writings, correspondence, notes, memoranda, poll data, statistics, printed matter, and photographs relating to American politics during the presidential administration of Ronald Reagan, especially with regard to campaign contributions and effects on income distribution; and to the gubernatorial administration of Michael Dukakis in Massachusetts, especially with regard to state economic policy, and the campaign of Michael Dukakis as the Democratic candidate for president of the United States in 1988; and to social conditions in the United States. Creator: Edsall, Thomas Byrne Hoover Institution Library & Archives Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Library & Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover -
Texas V. Johnson: the Constitutional Protection of Flag Desecration
Pepperdine Law Review Volume 17 Issue 3 Article 6 4-15-1990 Texas v. Johnson: The Constitutional Protection of Flag Desecration Patricia Lofton Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/plr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Constitutional Law Commons, First Amendment Commons, Jurisprudence Commons, and the Law and Society Commons Recommended Citation Patricia Lofton Texas v. Johnson: The Constitutional Protection of Flag Desecration, 17 Pepp. L. Rev. Iss. 3 (1990) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pepperdine.edu/plr/vol17/iss3/6 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by the Caruso School of Law at Pepperdine Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pepperdine Law Review by an authorized editor of Pepperdine Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]. Texas v. Johnson: The Constitutional Protection of Flag Desecration I. INTRODUCTION On August 22, 1984, an American flag was flying in front of the Mercantile Bank building in Dallas, Texas. While Dallas was hosting the Republican National Convention, Gregory Lee Johnson and fel- low protesters were marching through the streets to challenge the policies of the Reagan Administration.1 Along the way, they spray painted buildings and staged "die-in's" to demonstrate the effect of a nuclear explosion.2 When the protestors arrived at the Mercantile Bank building, they bent down the flagpole and one of them removed the American flag from its pole and handed it to Johnson.3 The march continued to the Dallas City Hall where Johnson burned the flag while the protesters chanted "America, the -red, white, and blue, we. -
Should the U.S. Enact a Flag Desecration Amendment?
LandmarkCases.org Texas v. Johnson / Should the U.S. Enact a Flag Desecration Amendment? Texas v. Johnson / Should the U.S. Enact a Flag Desecration Amendment? Directions: 1. Read the Background section below. 2. Complete the Flag Desecration Amendment section (page 3). Background Did you know that the proper method of destroying or “retiring” a flag that is worn out or soiled is to burn it? Boy Scouts and American Legion groups regularly perform such ceremonies. However, ordinary U.S. citizens who have burned flags for other reasons, such as political protest, have often been subject to arrest. Congress passed the Flag Protection Act in 1968 while some people were protesting against the Vietnam War. It was a national law that made it illegal to burn or treat the flag disrespectfully, which is called desecration. Many states also had laws that made flag burning illegal. In 1984, Gregory Lee Johnson was arrested for burning a flag during a protest outside the Republican National Convention in Texas. His case, Texas v. Johnson, eventually went to the Supreme Court of the United States. In the 5-4 ruling the Court explained that what Johnson did is a form of speech that is protected by the First Amendment making all flag desecration laws unconstitutional. Because of the Supreme Court’s decision in Texas v. Johnson, those who wanted to ban flag burning would have to amend the Constitution to make it happen. The most common path to enact a proposed constitutional amendment is proposal by two-thirds majority in both houses of Congress and ratification by three-fourths of the state legislatures (see graphic on page 2). -
Free Speech and Flag Burning
FIRST AMENDMENT: FREE SPEECH AND FLAG BURNING This activity is based on the landmark Supreme Court case Texas v. Johnson, 491 U.S. 397 (1989), which deals with First Amendment protection of flag burning as symbolic speech. About These Resources Analyze the facts and case summary for Texas v. Johnson. Build arguments for both sides, starting with these talking points. Use critical thinking skills and share reflections on the discussion questions. How to Use These Resources This activity is a modified Oxford style debate. 1. To get started, have participants read the Texas v. Johnson facts and case summary. 2. Assign student attorneys to the issues listed in the talking points. They are suggested points– not a script– for the debate. Student attorneys are encouraged to add their own arguments. 3. All other students are jurors who deliberate (and may refer to these talking points) during the open floor debate. They debate among themselves in the large group or smaller groups and come to a verdict after the attorneys present closing arguments. Background: Texas v. Johnson United States v. Eichman, 496 U.S. 310 (1990) The Johnson decision only affected a Texas state law. In the wake of the decision, the federal government enacted a law that also prohibited flag burning. In order to try to get around constitutional challenges, the law prohibited all types of flag desecration, with the exception of burning and burying a worn-out flag, regardless of whether the action upset others. The Supreme Court held that this did not cure the constitutional defect and the same 7-3 majority from Johnson held that the law still impermissibly discriminated upon viewpoint and struck it down. -
Texas V. Johnson / Background Reading ••
LandmarkCases.org Texas v. Johnson / Background Reading •• Texas v. Johnson / Background ••—Answer Key Gregory Lee Johnson participated in a political demonstration during the Republican National Convention in Dallas, Texas, in 1984. The demonstrators were protesting the policies of the Reagan Administration and of certain corporations based in Dallas. They marched through the streets, shouted slogans, and held protests outside the offices of several companies. At one point, another demonstrator handed Johnson an American flag. When the demonstrators reached Dallas City Hall, Johnson poured kerosene on the flag and set it on fire. During the burning of the flag, demonstrators shouted “America, the red, white, and blue, we spit on you.” No one was hurt, but some witnesses to the flag burning said they were extremely offended. One witness picked up the flag’s burned remains and buried them in his backyard. Johnson was charged with violating the Texas law that prohibits vandalizing respected objects. He was convicted, sentenced to one year in prison, and fined $2,000. He appealed his conviction to the Court of Appeals for the Fifth District of Texas, but he lost this appeal. He then took his case to the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals, which is the highest court in Texas that hears criminal cases. That court overturned his conviction, saying that the state could not punish Johnson for burning the flag because the First Amendment protects such activity as symbolic speech. The state had said that its interests were more important than Johnson’s symbolic speech rights because it wanted to preserve the flag as a symbol of national unity and because it wanted to maintain order. -
Texas V. Johnson (1989)
Street Law Case Summary Texas v. Johnson (1989) Argued: March 21, 1989 Decided: June 21, 1989 Background and Facts The Bill of Rights is made up of the first 10 amendments to the Constitution of the United States. These amendments let Americans know what their rights are. The First Amendment states: “Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech….” It makes sure that all Americans have a right to free speech. Under the protection of this amendment, Americans are able to express their ideas and beliefs. Symbolic speech is the expression of those ideas through actions instead of spoken words and is also protected by the Constitution. There are some forms of speech that aren’t protected under the First Amendment. These include obscene material, true threats, fighting words, defamation, and plagiarism. During the Republican National Convention in 1984, Gregory Lee Johnson participated in a group political demonstration on the steps of Dallas City Hall. The demonstrators were opposed to nuclear weapons. One demonstrator took an American flag from a flagpole and gave it to Johnson, who set fire to the flag. While the flag burned, protesters chanted “America, the red, white, and blue, we spit on you.” There were no injuries or threats of injury during the demonstration. Johnson was arrested and charged with violating a Texas state law that banned the desecration of the American flag in a way that would seriously offend one or more persons observing the action. Several people were offended by the flag burning and said so in court. Johnson was convicted, but he appealed. -
Stuart Stevens, Romney's Chief Strategist and Svengali, Was Driving to Oxford on a Warm Evening in Late April
Joan Shorenstein Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy Discussion Paper Series #D-80, September 2013 Did Twitter Kill the Boys on the Bus? Searching for a better way to cover a campaign By Peter Hamby Shorenstein Center Fellow, Spring 2013 CNN Political Reporter Research Assistant: Karly Schledwitz Licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NoDerivs 3.0 Unported License. Stuart’s lament Stuart Stevens, Romney’s chief strategist and all-purpose svengali, was driving to Oxford on a warm evening in late April. A sixth-generation Mississippian whose first job in politics was an internship for then-congressman Thad Cochran in the 1970s, Stevens had just flown in from Los Angeles, where he is developing a television project for HBO, to appear on yet another panel looking back on the 2012 campaign. The latest one was being hosted by an old pal, the reporter and author Curtis Wilkie, a veteran of eight presidential campaigns who now teaches journalism at the University of Mississippi. Stevens has never been shy about discussing—or decrying—the state of the political news media. Almost every reporter who covered the 2012 race can recall waking up to find a late-night email from Stevens bemoaning a story, or tweet, about Romney. A number of his compatriots on the Romney campaign, including communications director Gail Gitcho, spokeswoman Andrea Saul, and Deputy Campaign Manager Katie Packer Gage, were also known to fire off barbed emails to reporters about tweets they saw as silly or unfair. Stevens’ missives were often more whimsical or esoteric than mean, but it was clear he harbored some deep resentments about the press and its treatment of his candidate. -
Political Communication
Political Communication Media & Public Affairs Robert Mann, Series Editor Political Media & Public Affairs, a book series published by Louisiana State University Press and the Reilly Center for Media & Public Affairs at the Manship School of Mass Communication, LSU, explores the complex relationship between knowledge and power in our democracy. Communication Books in this series examine what citizens and public officials know, where they get their information, and how they use that information to act. For more information, visit www .lsu.edu/mpabookseries. Edited by ROBerT MANN and DAVID D. PerLMUTTer The Manship School Guide Political Communication Edited by ROBerT MANN and DAVID D. PerLMUTTer Revised and Expanded Edition Louisiana State University Press Baton Rouge Published by Louisiana State University Press Copyright © 2011 by Louisiana State University Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America LSU Press Paperback Original first printing designer: Amanda McDonald Scallan typeface: Whitman printer: McNaugton & Gunn, Inc. binder: Dekker Bookbinding Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Manship School guide to political communication Political communication : the Manship School guide / edited by Robert Mann and David D. Perl- mutter. — Rev. and expanded ed. p. cm. Includes index. ISBN 978-0-8071-3789-5 (pbk. : alk. paper) — ISBN 978-0-8071-3790-1 (pdf) — ISBN 978-0-8071- 3955-4 (epub) — ISBN 978-0-8071-3956-1 (mobi) 1. Campaign management—United States. 2. Political campaigns—United States. 3. Political consultants—United States. 4. Mass media—Po- litical aspects. I. Mann, Robert, 1958– II. Perlmutter, David D., 1962– III. Manship School of Mass Communication. IV. Title. -
Here Is the Original NPF Newsboy
AWARDS CEREMONY, 5:30 P.M. EST FOLLOWING THE AWARDS CEREMONY Sol Taishoff Award for Excellence in Broadcast Journalism: Audie Cornish, National Public Radio Panel discussion on the state of journalism today: George Will, Audie Cornish and Peter Bhatia with moderator Dana Bash of CNN. Presented by Adam Sharp, President and CEO of the National Academy of Television Arts & Sciences Breakout sessions, 6:20 p.m.: Innovative Storytelling Award: Jonah Kessel and Hiroko Tabuchi, The New York Times · Minneapolis Star Tribune cartoonist Steve Sack, joined by last year’s Berryman winner, Presented by Heather Dahl, CEO, Indicio.tech RJ Matson. Honorable mention winner Ruben Bolling will join. PROGRAM TONIGHT’S Clifford K. & James T. Berryman Award for Editorial Cartoons: Steve Sack, Minneapolis Star Tribune · Time magazine’s Molly Ball, interviewed about her coverage of House Speaker Nancy Presented by Kevin Goldberg, Vice President, Legal, Digital Media Association Pelosi by Terence Samuel, managing editor of NPR. Honorable mention winner Chris Marquette of CQ Roll Call will speak about his work covering the Capitol Police. Benjamin C. Bradlee Editor of the Year Award: Peter Bhatia, Detroit Free Press · USA Today’s Brett Murphy and Letitia Stein will speak about the failures and future of Presented by Susan Swain, Co-President and CEO, C-SPAN the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, moderated by Elisabeth Rosenthal, editor- in-chief of Kaiser Health News. Everett McKinley Dirksen Award for Distinguished Reporting of Congress: Molly Ball, Time · The Washington Post’s David J. Lynch, Josh Dawsey, Jeff Stein and Carol Leonnig will Presented by Cissy Baker, Granddaughter of Senator Dirksen talk trade, moderated by Mark Hamrick of Bankrate.com.