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1990-91 1991-92

Institute of Politics Jnliii i}\ KeHHech- School of Gcivernnient

Harvard University

PROCEEDINGS

Institute of Politics 1990-91 1991-92

John R School of Government

Harvard University

FOREWORD

The Institute of Politics continues to participate in the democratic process with the many and varied programs it sponsors: a fellows program for individuals from the world of politics and ihe media; a program for undergraduate and graduate students encouraging them to become involved in the practical aspects of politics; training programs for elected officials including newly-elected members of Congress and newly-elected mayors; a variety of conferences and seminars; and a dynamic public events series of speakers and panel discussions in the Forum of Public Affairs of the John F. Kennedy School of Government. This edition of Proceedings, the thirteenth, covers two academic years—1990-91 and 1991-92—and shows the range of activities through which the Institute addressed the political issues and events of the day, from the war in the Persian Gulf to the 1992 presidential election. The Readings section provides a glimpse at some of the actors involved and the issues discussed. The Programs section provides details of the many undertakings of the student program—study groups, twice-weekly suppers, intern­ ships, summer research grants, the quarterly Harvard Political Review, political debates and many special projects. There is also information on the program for fellows, on conferences, seminars and meetings, and a list of events held in ttie Forum. On October 25 and 26, 1991, the Institute celebrated the 25th anniversary of its founding with an exciting schedule of events including a traditional lOP supper, a debate between Ron Brown and , chairmen of the Democratic and Republican National Committees and a 1960s dance. Among other events were three panel discussions on why young elected officials chose politics, the "new world order" and political activism on campus. Among the many international political figures hosted by the Institute during these two years were Visiting Fellow Sir Geoffrey Howe of Great Britain and Forum speakers and panelists Georgy Arbatov, Fedor Burlatsky, Mikhail Gorbachev and Grigory Yavlinsky from the formerU.S.S.R., Jiri Dienstbier of Czechoslovakia, Yoriko Kawaguchi and Motoo Shiina of Japan, Leonid Kravchuk of the , Tshisekedi wa Mulumba of Zaire, Yitzhak Rabin of and Fernando Solana of Mexico. The Forum also presented a presidential candidates series and a six-part series on the . Speakers addressing domestic issues included U.S. Cabinet members Housing and Urban Development Secretary , U.S. Surgeon General Antonia Novello and Attorney General Dick Thomburgh; U.S. Senate Majority Leader George Mitchell; Governors Mario Cuomo of , L. of , Buddy Roemer of and of Cormecticut; and Mayors David Dinkins of and (Dixon) KeUy of Washington, DC.

Anne Doyle Kermey Editor

DIRECTOR'S MESSAGE

When I la~t communicated with you by way of ProCL'edlllgs, I had been in the job less than a year, had just returned from Roma­ nia where I observed and was thrilled by their first free elections in more than fifty years, and I promised you that the Institute would throw a big party for our twenty­ fifth anniversary. Two years later, I feel like a veteran in the job. We had a wonderful party for the twenty-fifth, which I hope you were able to attend or at lea t read about in our anniver­ sary publication, and we have had, I think, some vcry productive and exciting time in pursuit of the Institute's mission. Oh, and in the meantime, Romania had anotherelec­ tion (and elected the same guy!). As this edition of Proceedillgs goes to pre ,weareabout to have an election ourselves, which has made for an exciting year of politics here. During the primaries, most of the major candidates and many of the minor candidate for president appeared in the Forum, which for most of 1992 was alive with political discussion, campaign speeche and the re cntly completed presidential debate. 1992 was an e>..traordinary and eclectic year for the Forum whose guests ran the gamut from I Franken to Mikhail Gorbachev. It was also a year in which the Forum went back on national television, an exciting opportunity which ended after only two programs with the demise of the The Monitor Channel. We continue to look for opportunities to expand the audience for the Forum. \er the two yearscovered in this issue of Proceedings, we did expand by twenty-four the long and growing list of former In titute fellow. I'm certain you will agree it is a good list of former elected officials, campaign operative, and journalists who ha\'e b 'en inspirational to our students. nd talk about timeliness and relevance, two of our fellows left the Institute for high visibility positions in presidential campaign: Tom Luce (fall '90) with , and Betcy Wri 'ht (spring '92) who commuted between ambridge and Little Rock before joining the linton campaign full time. Doris Kearns oodwin and husband Dick oodwin were research fellows in fall '91 while Doris worked on her book about Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt, and Nikita Khruschev's son, Sergei, was a research fellow for a semester (fall '90) while working on a new book about his father. And Yelena Khanga's book, S01l1 to SOlll, was finished during her pring '92 fellowship. You may also have noted that one of the prestigious MacArthur Foundation grants was awarded to spring '91 fellow, , civil right pioneer and the mayor of Mayersville, Mississippi. There are always staff changes in organization and the Institute had its hare over the last two years. Among tho e who left is John Howell, who came with me from 'attic in January of 1990 to serve a deputy director. John, Claire and little Harrv moved back to eattle this eptember where he is a partner in a consulting firm. speaking of departures, the ebb and flow of students continues to dismay and delight. We lost to graduation some of our hardest working, most committed, most energetic student advisory committee members, only to welcome a band of feisty new freshmen. The only abiding concern about the SAC is the inability of its members to best Institute staff in the annual Softball game. I hope you find this issue of Proceedings as informative and enjoyable as these past two years have been for those of us privileged to work here. Charles Royer Director October 1992

E., I. Readings Readings

CONTENTS DOMESTIC CHALLENGES 11 Health Issues of the 1990s Antonia Novello 16 The State of Our Cities David Dinkins 20 The American I>ream — Lost? Mario Cuomo

STRATEGIES FOR CHANGE 25 America's Children T. Berry Brazelton James Rockefeller Lizbeth Schorr 33 Winning the War on Poverty Jack Kemp 36 Rebuilding Our Country H. Ross Perot

INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES 42 A Conversation with the Former President of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev 48 Israel in the 1990s Yitzhak Rabin REFLECTIONS 53 The Gulf War: Impact on the Black Community Dallas Brown Louis Elisa Leo MacKay Fletcher Wiley 58 Personal Perspectives: Four Women Fellows Maria Berriozabal Unita Blackwell Margaret Carlson Yelena Khanga 67 John F. Kennedy and the Arts Peggy Charren Richard Goodwin Robert Hughes Edward M. Kermedy John Kennedy Shelby Steele

Domestic Challenges

Health Issues of the 1990s by Antonia Novello On April 15,1992 Antonia Novello, surgeon general of the , delivered a public address, ^'National Perspectives on Health Issues of the '90s/' in the Porum of Public Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government. The following article is an edited version of that address.

I come here with two messages: first for most of us our health status is molded and shaped one decision at a hme within a community, and second, women and minorities are threatened by a large number of serious health concerns which we can only address one decision at a time as a community. Unless we make every effort to provide the attenhon, recogr\ition, respect, empathy and care necessary for each of our citizens, we fail as policy makers and as a community. I wouldn't be here today without the help of a strong mother, dedicated physicians, outstanding educators and scholars, and a very understanding husband. I have been fortunate to receive the love and commitment of outstanding people who have helped to traiisform my life from a little town in Puerto Rico to 's capital. Growing up, I struggled with a congerutal birth defect which made me sick for long periods of time. I spent most of my summers in hospitals. While this problem was finally corrected after many surgeries, the lessons I learned could never be cut out by the surgeon's blade. I learned that one person can make a difference because so many people made a difference with me. No one gave up on me, everyone went the extra mile to help me with my studies or to bring books to the hospital. It was in this enviroimient that I learned the importance of strong parental support. My mother was the most influential figure in my life, helping me to learn about commitment, and pushing for education. My physicians also gave me a unique perspective about service through medicine. In Puerto Rico most physicians are not wealthy people. Often theirs is a life of long hours and difficult cases with little financial compensation. Yet, I was worth their time, not because I was someone special but because they adopted me and cared for me. I have wanted to be a physician for as long as I can remember because of the role models of my youth. Now I follow in their footsteps. 1 entered medical research in the hope of discovering information that might ease the burden of others. I became a pediatrician because I knew that the formative years of children were key. I accepted the job as Surgeon General because our citizens must have the facts—as Cervantes said, we cannot "mince the matter." I am dedicated to the proposihon that we must give our people the health informa­ tion they need to make vital healthy choices and decisions that will ripple out for years to come. We must also concentrate on the health issues that challenge women and members of our minority communities. We have several problems that cannot be considered inconsequential in women's lives, that demand both aggresive prevention and a community-based, family-cen­ tered approach, but more importantly, awareness of the issues by all.

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Women are underrepresented in medicine and biomedical research positions. We have 586,000 physicians in the U.S. today and, despite a rapid increase over the past 20 years, only 93,000 are women; only 15 percent of biomedical scientists are women. You might be shocked to find how many times women have been left out of clinical trials, how many times scientists have conducted major studies on issues of vital importance to women and done the studies entirely on men. When the results are out, they either say, "We think it applies to women," or "We don't know." There were aspirin studies of 22,000 physicians—all men—to see if an aspirin a day cuts heart attacks and stroke. There were beta-carotene studies—in men—to see if it helps reduce lung cancer. There were longitudinal studies of aging—all of them without women. Excuses like, "It's dangerous because a woman might be pregnant," or "Women's hormonal cycles are too complex," were used about their lack of participation. Ibelieve that the same pregnant and "complex" women need the drugs and the treatments and have the same right as men to know the effect on them. Although female urological disorders exceed those in men by a ratio of at least 12:1, relevant epidemiologic studies have been largely conducted in veterans hospitals used mostly by men. A Harvard study of 17,000 men was released stating that exercise can cut colon cancer risk in half, probably by speeding potential carcinogens in food through the digestive system. There were no women in the study. Did they really think that women couldn't exercise? I say no more aging studies, no more beta carotene studies, no more aspirin studies, no more research studies pertinent to women without women! The days are over when doctors can prescribe treatment to women without describ­ ing risk and benefit. The era of paternalistic medicine has ended. No more fractionating a woman, prescribing medicines to help one system while not warning her about the specific risk for cancer or heart disease in others. Women and minorities lag behind the general population in several vital health care measurements. Approximately 250,000 women will die of cancer this year; more than 175,000 new cases will be diagnosed. Lung cancer, the leading cancer killer of women, will take about 51,000 women and breast cancer will take 44,500. Each year, about 250,000 women die of heart disease and more than 90,000 of stroke. Yet heart disease and stroke are still thought of as men's diseases. There are 22 million women smokers in the U.S. today, about 19 percent of whom use the "pill." Women who smoke and use oral contraceptives are ten times more likely to suffer heart attacks compared to those who use neither. Domestic violence is the second most common cause of injury to women overall and the leading cause of injury to women aged 15-44. In 1990, more than 800 women were killed by their husbands and 400 were killed by their boyfriends. Each year, approxi­ mately 626,000 violent victimizationsof women arecommitted by men who know them well, nearly two-thirds by husbands and boyfriends. Childrenarealsoaffected. Each year, more than 2.4 million cases of and neglect are reported. In our minority communities, there are more than 60,000 preventable deaths each year—some put the figure at 75,000—from higher rates of AIDS, cancer, heart disease, stroke, violence, and virtually every other health index. Dr. Robert Blendon found that African-Americans have a one-and-one-half times higher death rate than whites. HHS

12 Domestic Challenges

studies have found that have lower health status, regardless of income, than the general population. One in four Hispanics, the fastest growing minority population in the U.S., live in poverty. A recent GAO report found a disproportionate number are uninsured—33 percent in 1989—and noted a lack of relevant health statishcs. Many states do not collect health data. The results are predictable: Hispanics are two to three times more likely than non-Hispanics to suffer from complications due to lack of care. Surely, part of the problem is access. Cultural and language barriers, inconvenient hours, poor education and other barriers translate into poor health and premature death. I would now like to examine in more detail three specific health problems—AIDS, tobacco use, and illegal underage drinking. HIV Infection The Center for Disease Control (CDC) reports that AIDS is spreading rapidly among minorities and women. In the U.S., minority patients account for over 40 percent of diagnosed cases; women for more than 12 percent. In the past, little attention has been given to the social and economic impact of this pandemic on minorities and women. That must come to an end. The number of adolescent AIDS cases has increased by almost 500 percent since 1984. Over 20 percent of cases are in persons 29 and yoimger. With a median latency period of ten years between HIV infection and AIDS, most of these people were infected before they were 21. College students are now at risk. The CDC estimates than one in every 500 college students has been exposed to the virus. Until Americans begin to act to protect themselves and their children, the epidemic will continue to infect and kill more and more Americans and people around the world. According to the World Health Organization's latest figures, ten to twelve million people have become infected with the HIV virus since the beginning of the epidemic. By the year 2000, there will be more than ten million AIDS worldwide. Over one million of those infections have occurred since April 1991. Well over 90 percent of infected adults acquired their infection from heterosexual intercourse. Statistics in the U.S. show that AIDS is now the sixth leading cause of death for women between the ages of 15 and 44, the childbearing years, and is one of the top ten causes of death for children ages one to four. Of all AIDS cases among women reported to the CDC to date, over 50 percent have been reported since January 1,1989. The number of pediatric AIDS cases continues to increase. From 1988 to 1989, there was a 12 percent increase; from 1989 to 1990, a 37 percent increase. Fifty-one percent of these children are African Americans; 26 percent are Hispaiuc. Before 1985, 58 percent of children reported with AIDS were from New York City, Newark, or Miami. After 1985, only 36 percent of children with AIDS were from those cities. All of us must be prepared to deal with children and families with AIDS. We must use culturally- sensitive and culturally-responsive programs. We must know Harlem to design a program for Harlem and know the barrios of Texas to be able to work there. Some programs must be in Spanish, or whatever language is necessary. We must increase our vigilance to stop its spread, educate about AIDS, and help everyone involved in the care of those with HIV disease. We must send the message that we must fight the disease, not the people with the disease. We must teach people

13 Domestic Challenges

that, first, abstinence is the only sure way to protect from contracting HIV. But we must also be realistic and educate our youth and their parents about other methods of protecting themselves when they continue to be sexually active. AIDS today means families, young people, women, children. Until all of us focus our concerns and energies on education and on prevention without stigmatization, w^e w^ill continue to watch these numbers increase. We must know the groups at risk and tailor our AIDS prevention message with a clear and sensitive understanding of the history, cultural and family traditions, and economic realities of those we need to reach. Tobacco We must also become more concerned about smoking, still one of the leading causes of preventable death in America. Each year, smoking causes over 400,000 deaths from lung and other kinds of cancer, heart disease, emphysema, chronic bronchitis, and stokes. We must be concerned for those who do not smoke but inhale the smoke from others. The Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) estimates that more than 3,700 nonsmokers w^ill die every year from lung cancer. It is estimated that passive smoke now causes 22,000 new cancers of all types annually, including 7,000 in people who never smoked. Nonsmokers married to smokers have a 30 percent greater risk of heart attack ftian nonsmokers married to nonsmokers. According to EPA, nine to twelve million children in the United States are exposed to passive or side-stream smoke from their parents. These children suffer more ear infections and have a 200 to 400 percent greater risk for deep chest infections. In spite of these statistics, the tobacco industry looks for more victims and have found them among the most vulnerable in our population, our nation's youth. The advertisers have done their job well—too well for comfort. Researchers found that by three years of age children understand both the intent and for whom commercials are made. Of course, R.J. Reynolds and other tobacco companies stubbornly insist that they don't want children to smoke, that their advertising does not target kids, that their ads are aimed olny at making adults switch brands. In one way or another, all cigarette manufacturers promote images of youth and fun, glamour and affluence, independence and achievement, and rugged spiritedness, promoting these images with the full knowledge that nearly 90 percent of smokers becom^e regular smokers before they turn 21. Tobacco manufacturers spend incredible amounts of money—$3.6 billion each year in advertisement and promotion—to expose children and adolescents to their messages touting peer acceptance and the social rewards of smoking. It's time for the tobacco industry to stop preying on our nation's youth, time that cigarette companies act—voluntarily and responsibly—to help the nation achieve a key Healthy People 2000 objective: to eliminate or severly restrict all forms of tobacco product advertising and promotion to which youths younger than 18 are likely to be exposed. It's time for the tobacco industry and their hired guns, their advertising agencies, to take responsibility and stop marketing practices than entice this impres­ sionable age group.

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Alcohol Another area of deep concern to me in relation to our nation's youth is illegal underage alcohol consumption. In September 1990,1 launched a fact-finding mission to try to find out just how prevalent and costly illegal underage drinking was. What I have learned has prompted me to lead an all-out campaign to fight this significant public health problem. • According to the series of reports on underage alcohol use done for me by the Health and Human Services (HHS) Inspector General, 10.6 million of the 20.7 million students nationwide in grades 7-12 drink. Eight million of those drink weekly. Three million have binged (at least five drir\ks in a row) in the past month and half a million binge weekly. • Many of these students—over eight milUon of them—driiik to help them deal with stress and boredom and many of them are drinking alone. • Of the two-thirds of teens who drink, almost seven million simply walk into a store and buy alcohol. • Advertising is a large part of the problem. Studies have shown that youths are especially attracted to ads which make lifestyle appeals, show risky and adventurous activities, make sexual appeals, or use sports figures to sell their products. These figures are not startling until the significant and saddening human cost is figured in: • Two-thirds (5,009) of the 7,549 alcohol-related deaths were among youths aged 15-19; more than 31 percent of all deaths among adolescents aged 15-19 are alcohol related. • Nearly 30 percent (29.1) of the 15-20 year old drivers involved in fatal car accidents had a detectable blood alcohol level with 20.1 percent having a blood alcohol level greater than 0.10. This means that more 15-19 year olds die each year from causes related to alcohol than from all diseases combined! What can we do to help save the lives of our youth—the leaders of tomorrow? First, we have to send a more honest and consistent message. We must be better role models. We must be less tolerant of drinking in youth. And, we must help close the loopholes in state laws. We must make alcohol education a part of every student's life from the very start—and provide then with clear and honest information about the number one killer of our nation's youth. Kids these days are smart—probably smarter than you or I were at their age—and I believe that they can and will make responsible choices when given a consistent message of correct informahon.

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The State of Our Cities by David Dinkins Following is an edited version of a public address by Mayor David Dinkins of New York City, delivered on October 4,1991 in the Forum of Public Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government.

There are few topics about which I am more concerned than the state of our cities. Our city is one of the greatest urban centers in the world and also one of the most threatened urban centers in our country. I am chiefly responsible for what President George Bush has kindly referred to as "that domestic stuff." To me, "that domestic stuff" equals the lives and welfare of each of our citizens. Where will they sleep? Will infants be born undernourished? Will children have enough to eat? Will we be able to nurture minds that can produce the great ideas needed for the next century? I am deeply troubled by the lack of answers to these questions in Washington. Our mayors and governors have been left with a tremendous burden. We cannot solve these problems alone. If our President continues to be more interested in foreign policy than in our own state of affairs he will soon discover, as Foreign Affairs editor William Hy land recently stated, "The enemy is not at the gate but may already be inside." Our European friends understand that cities have been the key to modernity, that cities serve as our commercial and intellectual marketplaces, w^here economies and philosophy, entertainment and art, science and technology, ideas and emotions, flourish and enrich our experience. Yet in this country, even as our cities led the way to freedom and democracy, they were viewed with suspicion. Indeed, since our nineteenth century debate over who should build roads and canals in the west, demand for federal involvement in cities has most often met a deaf ear. The first direct grants to cities did not even appear until 1940, and the federal airmesia has erased the fact that cities have made neighboring regions economically sound. Like a mighty engine, urban America pulls all of America into the future. Seventy- seven million Americans, almost one-third of our population, live within the limits of our cities. Corporate America lives within our cities as well. For all the growth of suburban office parks and shopping malls, no major bank or insurance company, no leading law firm or hospital would be at home outside of our cities. Our ballet compar\ies and museums, theaters and sports teams, and our great halls of education— Harvard and Berkeley, , Columbia, and CUNY—all depend on urban centers. While our recent federal abandonment of the urban poor never made sense in our hearts—we all understood that ketchup wasn't really a vegetable to put on children's plates—how could it ever have made any economic sense? The federal government's abandonment of its cities really meant an abandorunent of the entire country. Since the 1980s, cifies have been the acrobats of a federal circus. 's "new federalism" left cities to fend for themselves, and created a very short-lived illusion that supply-side economics was something other than voodoo economics. Slowly and painfully, we all witnessed the consequences of that federal abandonment that we had anficipated all along. Homelessness spread across the country, steelworkers lost their

16 Domestic Challenges

jobs with each flip of the calendar day, and the life expectancy for a young man in Harlem grew shorter than the life expectancy for his peer in Bangladesh. We created wealth and we wasted it. While money went into Star Wars research and the defense budget, it never made it into our cities. If the federal government had maintained the level of aid it gave New York City ten years ago, our operating budget would have received an additional $1.2 billion this year. Moreover, another $2.5 billion in housing money would have enriched our capital construction program in ttiis year alone. Figure the size of the budget gap thatl've had to fill since I've been mayor— some $8 billion—and you can appreciate what this kind of money means. In the last decade, federal discretionary aid to state and localities was cut in half, from $50 billion in 1978 to $25 billion in 1989. Community Development Block Grants, employment and training, and mass transit aid, the funding required for economic development and growth, were virtually cut in half. In Europe, the essential threads of the social safety net, education for the young, health care for the old and sick, are paid for by the national government. But our federal government has shifted the tax burden to the states and local goverrmients, leaving us with an enormous hole to fill while in a months-long debate last year, it argued over whether taxes should be raised by a small percentage for the richest members of this country. These were Washington's choices: At the beginning of the Reagan administration, the federal government spent only seven dollars on defense for every dollar it spent on housing. Now that ratio has skyrocketed to 46 dollars spent on defense for every dolllar spent on housing. While our President has wisely chosen to reduce nuclear arms, he still has not provided the necessary peace dividend to aid our damaged cities. Indeed, Defense Secretary Richard Chaney has already announced that the cuts to nuclear weapons will actually cost us more money in the short term. We must stop this redlining of American cities by the federal government. We need a new American order which means a leadership that cares about rebuilding New York and Detroit—and small, low-income cities like Chelsea, —at least as much as it cares about rebuilding City. Our lawmakers in Washington must realize that the enemy is within our own sight. They must address this strange notion that our national security, foreign policy ambitions, and domestic needs are somehow unrelated. I hope that our lawmakers will respond to the conclusion of Dr. William W. Kaufman that we can safely reduce defense spending by 50 percent over the next ten years. We need to consider legislation such as Senator 's proposal to transfer $3 billion from our defense budget to domestic programs. Another interestingproposal was that of Senator , who is suggesting the reallocation of money earmarked for military and domestic programs, putting these dollars directly into the pockets of Americans in the form of a $350 tax credit for every dependent child. We are now at a critical juncture. We must begin to see our cities as part of a larger global society. From the industrial revolution to World War II, the United States has not had to compete internationally, but today we are slippinginto technological backward­ ness. While we are eliminating trains tiiroughout our country, Japan is building a superconductive model that will soar 325 miles in an hour flat. Of the seven leading industrial nations in the world, Japan and Germany invest the most in human and

17 Domestic Challenges

physical infrastructure, while the United States invests the least. Is it any wonder that there has been so much talk lately of our economic decline? Historically, our cities have served our regions, from the creation of hand-crafted objects to the production of manufactured goods, but if we are to survive in the twenty- first century, we must develop another precious commodity. We must produce the great ideas that will continue to keep this country a superpower. We must reinvest in our schools and universities and in our communications networks. Right now, according to the federal Departmentof Education, our students rank behind Korea, the Uruted Kingdom, Canada and Spain in science proficiency of 13 year olds. We must create an environment in which ideas can germinate, an environment that will lead the way to new technology. Unless our great cities prosper, unless we become cities that fully participate in a global society, the American civilization that inspired a whole world to freedom will itself begin to decline. As Professor Robert Reich has pointed out, our nation's future economic success depends not on national borders—in fact, he argues such borders will cease to exist in a new global economy—but on the unique attributes of our citizens and on the skills and insights of our work force. It is within our cities, as it has been since the dawn of civilization, in Egypt, Athens, and Rome, that tiiese great ideas will be born. If we cannot train Americans for the emerging global economy, than we must be prepared to take a back seat and give up our role as a superpower. Last fall, in an attempt to better prepare our cities for the singular challenges and demands of the next century, we held, in New York City, what we called an urban summit. Thirty-five mayors from around the country, representing some 26 million people in cities like Chicago and , and Cleveland, San Francisco and , came together and produced an agenda. We called it an urban compact and gave it a title, "In the National Interest." It has since been adopted by the U.S. Conference of Mayors and the National League of Cities. At the heart of our agenda is the recognition that no matter how hard we work, no matter how creative we are, we desperately need more resources to complete the job. Last May, our urban summit mayors held a meeting with Congressional leaders in Washington to call for emergency anti-recessionary legislative aid to our cities. First, we must address the effects of our country's downward economic spiral and provide relief for our citizens with antirecessionary legislation. We are asking that Congress appropriate an addittonal $2 billion for the Community Development Block Grant program tobe distributed to those cities that meet at least one of two criteria: they are cities that have experienced a loss of jobs for two consecutive calendar quarters; or cities that have an unemployment rate of more than seven percent. Second, we must invest in roads, bridges, and indeed the enhre transportation network delivering goods and services to our people that has been the underpinning of our prosperity. We urged Congress to enact promptly an expanded surface transportation act. Third, we must invest in our families and our children by providing them with decent housings health care and education. We support making Head Start an entitlement, thus allowing every child in ttiis country access to this proven successful program to prepare children for their education. It seems to me that if we as a society fail to

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understand that our future is in our young, we don't understand anything. Old folks like me are going to be gone one day, and in some cases not too long from now. We adults hold our cities and states and indeed the nation and the planet in trust for the young and those not yet bom. It's illogical, irrational, not to provide for the young. Separate and apart from humane considerations, it just makes no sense. We also support the Urban Schools of America Act, or USA Act, that would target resources at local educational agencies serving urban areas. These are only some of the programs that we are advocating now. You ask me where we are going to get the money and I will tell you that the federal government has plenty of money. The federal government came up with $500 billion to bail out the corrupt bankers who milked the Savings and Loan industry while turning its back on the men and women in all of our cities who want a decent education for their children and who can't afford warm clothes and a hot meal for their family. As mayor of one of the largest cities in this country, I can speak first hand of the stress that has afflicted our citizens as they struggle to earn enough money to pay the rent, to buy a home. The stress is great and it has taken its most immediate form in a monstrous body we know as racism. In these exceedingly difficult times, we are all searching for a piece of tiie pie and the most frightened mistakenly believe that something is being taken away from them. These people—and Ibelieveit is only a small group of people— threatened by the differences of their neighbors, react by lashing out. In cities as in nations, in Croatia and in Crown Heights, diversity is tested by poverty and by fear. We must begin to understand that if our brothers and sisters thrive, then we too will thrive. As I speak, America is undergoing its greatest ethnic and cultural change since the turn of the century. According to the 1990 census, the majority of residents in New York's metropolitan area is composed of minority people. We have now reached a so- called "minority majority," helping to insure that we are the most diverse cosmopolitan city in the world. In the city of New York, we have more than 170 separate ethnic identities. By the year 2000, people of color will comprise the majority of the work force in Los Angeles. Miami has become an Hispanic city; Milwaukee has seen a revival of its Polish neighborhoods; and Lowell, Massachusetts now has the second largest Cambodian community in our country. It is this great mixture of ethnic and social identities learning to live together that makes our cities the places where ideas are bom and democracy flourishes. The ten largest metropolitan areas—which account for nearly 20 percent of our country's population—welcomed more than half the immigrants who came here in 1989. Yet, at the same time, federal support had evaporated almost entirely. To win our cause and to halt the destruction of our cities, urban leaders must band together into the largest lobbying effort Washington has ever seen. In the words of John F. Kermedy, "United there is Uttle we cannot do in a host of new cooperative ventures. Divided, there is little we can do—for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder." We must bring urban affairs back to the top of the list of priorities of both our s tate and federal governments, and we must do it with the commitment and dedication of a people who know that their future will be darkened if we accept the loss of our radiant cities.

19 Domestic Challenges

The American Dream—Lost? by Mario Cuomo FoUowing are edited excerpts from a public address by Mario Cuomo of New York delivered on February 12,1992 in the Forum of Public Affairs, John F. Kennedy Sclwol of Government.

1 want to share with you some of what I have learned about a subject that has taken on a sudden, extraordinary political significance in my state and beyond: the subject of welfare. I suspect that were it not for the peculiar political circumstances of this time and this place, it's not a subject that would attract a great deal of media attention. But it is a subject that deserves scrutiny because its implications profoundly affect the current political debate, millions of human beings, and in a real sense, the soul of the nation. In recent months, the President has been forced to concede the grotesquely obvious failure of the economy that he had claimed was only in a mild, cyclical lag. At the least, he has had to confess what he says his advisors did not wish to tell him: the recession is real and punishing. How could he not concede it in this harsh winter of our economic discontent with factory workers robbed of their jobs and their dignity, forced onto unemployment lines, family businesses built up over generations facing bankruptcy, mothers clinging to welfare checks to feed their children, parents telling their eager high school seniors they can't afford college, knowing that they probably won't be able to find a job to earn tiieir own way either. The evidence of recession is hard for any astute politician to ignore in this already phrenetic campaign season. But there is something far more fundamental that until now has been largely ignored by the President and some others—the long-term deterioration of our economy. Even after the recession, the excesses and the short­ sightedness of the '80s will leave us falling further behind our global competitors because the nation's economic wound is closer to the heart. We are strangled by debt, public and private. Today, other nations invest more than we do in making things to sell. We buy from japan and Germany and other nations the things that we used to make and sell to them, giving them now our dollars for their cars and their clothes. Then at the end of the year we borrow back those dollars, paying billions more in interest to them, increasing our debt, decreasing our ability to invest, perpetuating the terrible debihtating cycle. In no time at all we have gone from the greatest seller, lender, creditor nation to the world's largest buyer, borrower, debtor nation. As we have lost that economic dominance, the sure promise of the American Dream, built by the power of our ideas and industries, sustained by strong hands and bright minds, has gradually dissipated until today we are not as sure as our parents were that life will be better for our children. More than that, we are not even sure of what lies ahead for us in the years that are left to us. The hope that brought my parents here and maybe yours, that by hard work and discipline and a little luck we could gain security, comfort, peace of mind, is gradually fading as our nation seems less and less willing to do the things necessary to right itself.

20 Domestic Challenges

That could becomea terrible tragedy. If we lose that vision of the American Dream, then we lose the nation as we have known it Most Americans have come to imderstand this bitter truth. It took them a while, but they understand it now. It concerns them, it saddens them, it angers them. Today they are demanding that those who purport to be their leaders—whatever their label, their slogan, their name, their history, their party—recognize the full extent of the catastro­ phe, demonstrate an understanding of its painful dimensions, and show a propensity to do something, indeed to do everything, necessary to change it basically and convincingly. Americans want back the right to earn their own bread and security and even a chance for comfort, and to pass on that dream as it was passed to them. They are asking at this moment, "Who can give it back to us?" Most Americans, I think, believe that the response, so far, has been faint. At least rhetorically, politicians are coming to a rough consensus as to the kinds of things we ought to be doing: reduce interest rates; encourage more investment in plants, in equipment, in factories, in research and development; step up efforts to educate and train our workers; rebuild our infrastructure; deal with our trade imbal­ ance. They are all inarguably good things, like saying we need universal health care. It has become an easy, glib litany. The difficulty is that there is not the same ease in admitting that these things cannot all, or even mostly, be achieved without some pain. That is a diffidence that we can no longer afford. Like many others I have been speaking about denial and evasion in our politics, denial of the nation's economic weakness in order to make easier the evasion of remedies needed to cure that weakness. We are now mostly beyond denial but we are not yet free enough of evasion. The President, in his State of the Union address, spent the firs t fifteen minutes looking backwards to two historic wars already won, before acknowledging the casualties mounting every day in the economic war that we are currently losing. Instead of a significant blueprint to rebuild our economy for the long, hard struggle ahead, the President threw our badly undernourished nation a few delicious but meager bon bons. He told us, in effect, that even without more substantial fare, the cyclical economic Gods, titillated by low interest rates, will revive us in time for the election. We may indeed get a small economic bounce around October. My guess is it will happen. But even if monetary steroids arouse the economy temporarily, that's not going to do anything about dealing with the profound economic weakness that threatens our future. The President's palliatives do not offer Americans a plan that deals compreherisively and persuasively with our fundamental problems. He can't, politically, because that would require the President admitting that he and his prede­ cessor had failed fundamentally. Because that's true we must be alert to diversions. The President cannot admit the truth and he is coming to us to ask us, once again, to allow him to lead us. History shows that the Republicans have proven to be masters of diversionary tactics. That's what the Pledge of Allegiance was, that's what Boston Harbor and WiUie Horton were, that's what the quota debate was last year, and that is what welfare could be about this year. It is important that we address and think about the issue of welfare because elevating welfare as a campaign issue could make it less likely that this campaign will ever

21 Domestic Challenges

produce a real, workable agenda for action. People are always eager to blame someone for hard times. They do it in all recessions. Certainly they did it in the . In 1932, people blamed other people, they blamed the rich, the stock brokers, the mighty industrial barons, the bankers and the land owners, the powerful officials and politi­ cians who failed them. The logic at least was intact, "You are in command of the society. It failed us. You are responsible." Some of that is happening now but something else is happening that makes this very different. This time the powerful, instead of confessing error and pledging to correct, are deflecting the blame from themselves to the powerless—to the poor, to the child who just had a child, to the new immigrant— and it might work because the people are angry and frightened and susceptible to scapegoating. You know and I know that if it's scapegoatmg, it wouldn't be right and it wouldn't be helpful. Of course welfare needs reform. No one knows that better thana governor. Of course it needs reform. What doesn't? Savings and Loans? The Pentagon? The military? Congress? Education? Health care? Of course we need to continue reorienting the welfare system at the state and federal level. Of course we must do more to promote work, family responsibility and independence by providing the incentive, the , the , the health care that people need to liberate themselves from the welfare rolls forever. Of course we should do all we can to see that people work. Of course we must break the cycle of dependency. Of course we must continue to fight fraud. We have to fight fraud everywhere. Frankly, I believe my state does this as well or better than any state in America. But so-called welfare reform that simply cuts subsistence payments to the poor will not save us. At best, the idea that it will is an illusion, spun together from thousands of popular myths. Let me list, and I hope dispel, just some of those myths. Welfare is not a lot of lazy, shiftless men standing around on street corners guzzling beer. Eighty- seven percent of welfare recipients Ln New York State are women and children. The typical case is the woman with two kids, on welfare for two years or less, not someone on welfare for life. It's said that people on welfare are making out pretty well. Actually, it's gotten harder to survive on welfare. I'm not proud of this. New York State's welfare is well below the poverty level. By 1991, state aid to families with dependent children had declined to little more than half the level of twenty years ago. Last year. Medicare, Social Security and federal pensions took up nearly 40 percent of the federal budget; 24 percent of the federal budget for defense; net interest pay ments on the national debt 15 percent. AFDC (Aid to Families with Dependent Children) is less than one percent of the federal budget. Get rid of it all together, tell all the women and children you're not going to give them a dime, and you'll reduce the budget by one percent. That's what the welfare issue is. Throw in food stamps and you're up to three percent. The President of the United States makes it a major part of his campaign—one percent of the federal budget. It's not welfare that threatens us. It's the lack of jobs, it's growing poverty, it's a low-wage economy, it's lagging competitiveness, it's huge debt, it's crumbling infrastructure, it's low savings, inadequate education. It's drugs and crime, it's fear and anger and despair and it is the unwillingness to admit it all because then we would have to do the tough things to cure it.

22 Domestic Challenges

Welfare caseloads have increased dramatically in places like and New York and even not because of moral weakness but because of political weakness that produced an inexcusably poor economy. Welfare reform, while impor­ tant, is not the solution. It is a diversion to pretend otherwise. Think of it. We emerged out of World War II the strongest, the richest, the most powerful country in the world. We still are but we're slipping badly. We, the politician, with the help of our business leaders, are the ones who betrayed responsibility. We made this problem and we must solve it, led by our government. The President of the United States should put aside the small delights he offers us and the prayers to the cyclical gods of the economy, and sit down with the leaders of the Congress right now and admit the truth, the whole truth. He should start by admitting that we have more than a temporary recession. We have that together with a permanent weakness that will grow worse unless corrected. He should admit we need relief right now, jobs right now, and we need to build up our economy for the long term at the same time. Neither the President's capital gains tax cut, mostly for the rich, nor the Democratic Congress' call for tax cuts for the middle class, or both together, will help much in the short term. They will surely not solve our long term economic problem. They are the most eagerly supported because they are the most politically palatable, not because they are the most essential or helpful or intelligent. We need more than nice gestures, more than a bridge half-way across the chasm, more than sacrificial lambs. We need a whole plan that deals with the whole truth. That means rejecting the failed supply-side notion that just freeing up wealth in the hands of the wealthy will be enough to help all of our states and all of our cities and all of our people. To believe that is to violate a first principle essential to a successful American economy. Our new economic policy must be built on a policy of inclusion not exclusion. In order to grow economically as a nation, we will have to grow together not further apart. That is less likely if we exclude the needs and concerns of the unemployed from our political debate and from our economic policies. It will be impossible if we allow the new poor to be made scapegoats while cutting new holes in the bottom of the net that saves them from drowning in their despair. We need new policies that value both capital and labor, and that invest in all of America. A net investment tax credit is a good idea but we need much more. The President thinks low interest rates are all the buoyancy we need but too many healthy banks aren't making new loans today because they don't have the necessary capital in reserve. When you reduce interest rates for them, all that means is if you didn't get a loan at eight percent now you won't get a loan at seven percent. If the federal reserve would inject twenty to twenty-five billion dollars in new capital into banks that now lack the needed equity to make new loans, we could support at least a himdred billion dollars in new lending for small and medium sized businesses. Why not? It was done years ago. We need to develop a national energy plan that is pro-growth and pro-environment, as we are doing in New York State. We need free and fair trade policies to open up new markets for our businesses and our workers. We have to build a twenty-first century infrastructure in our states and cihes to help create a high-wage economy. Any economic recovery plan that fails to address the needs of our cities will fail utterly.

23 Domestic Challenges

Here's an idea that the President and the Congress could do right now. People are begging for the chance to work and earn their own bread. The mayors and the governors have plans on their shelves right now, ready to go. Mayor Ray Flynn of Boston, who is head of the United States Conference of Mayors, went to Washington to present a detailed list of projects for cities all across the country, important and necessary projects to rebuild roads and bridges and airports, clean up land-fills, fix up schools, repair sewage systems, plans to put hundreds of thousands of our unemployed citizens to work right now. Why not invest twenty billion dollars in jobs for America, part of it right now—as much as eight biUion dollars as Ray Flyrm is suggesting? Putting people to work right now, all over the United States of America, taking them off unemployment, taking them away from welfare, bringing home a check, bringing back dignity and security, putting money in the hands of people so that they can go to the store. That money is not going to stop with the construction workers, it will work its way all through this economy. It can be done right now. This twenty billion dollars that we are talking about is just for cities. I can go to the shelf in the state of New York and find billions of dollars of projects all planned, all ready to go. Why not? Temporarily what it will do is solve, to some extent, the problem of unemployment; long range what it does is build the infrastructure that we need to compete with the Japanese and the Germans and the whole European Community. Why not? The basic problem of the economy of the Reagan-Bush years was this idea of supply- side that telescoped and said that tiie only important thing was freeing up the wealth in the hands of the wealthy. You didn't have to do anything else. They didn't worry about infrastructure, about research and development except for the military. They didn't worry about energy. They didn't deal with the environment. They thought all they needed to do was to encourage people to spend money on industry and business, to invest. They invested—they bought shoes in Spain, they built factories overseas. It didn't work. It failed. We have to learn from that error. Besides capital, you need infrastructure and you need, most of all, human resources. To compete in this world we will have to develop our work force, provide the skills, the training, the health care, the motivation they need by allowing them to participate and share in the fruits of their successful labors. Today, some children grow up familiar with tite sound of gunfire before they've ever heard an orchestra . Think about it. Thousands and thousands of children growing up in those situations. Mr. President, you need to find the resources to help them, to help state and local governments to help them. They are our future work force. We need health care, pre- K education. Head Start, a longer school day, a longer school year. That will take resources. We need tuition assistance for needy middle class and poor students, job trairung, day care, literacy programs, not as a hand-out, not as a response to compas­ sion, not to purge some sense of moral guilt. We need it as an investment in the human resources without which we cannot make it in the fierce global competition.

24 Strategies for Change

America's Children by T. Berry Brazelton, Jay Rockefeller and Lisbeth Schorr Following are edited excerpts from a panel discussion, "America's Children: The Decade's Challenge and Imperative," held in the Forum of Public Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government on November 8.1991. Participants included T. Berry Brazalton, M.D., clinical professor of , Boston City Hospital; James Rockefeller, metnber, U.S. Senate (D-West Virginia); lisbeth Schorr, lecturer, Department of Social Medicine, and author of Within Our Reach. Moderator for the discussion zoas David Ellwood, professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government.

James Rockefeller: If we cannot honestly promise every child in America the opportunity to achieve the success that you and I enjoy, we will have lost our soul as a nation. That is what the National Commission on Children was about. That understanding bought 34 commission members, wildly different in their beliefs, representing virtually every political regional faction in our country, together to universally deliver a final report earlier this year, a report of some use. We were bound by common goals: a nation where every family is strong and stable, where no child is touched by poverty or avoidable illness, where every child enters school ready to learn and every school offers an excellent education, where every child has an opportunity to earn the privileges and responsibilihes of parenthood, citizenship and employment. For two and a half years, we on the commission conducted an ambitious assessment of children in this country and their families. We traveled the country to consider the difficult issues that touch the heart of our national well being. We consulted scholars and experts. Some of our commission members are scholars and experts. We also met with parents and we met with children, indeed we polled them. We tried to see behind the statistics that are so widely studied and now increasingly reported in the press. We struggled through months of intensive deliberations to translate what we saw and what we heard into a bold, and yet we hoped realishc, program. We found that the best way to help children was to help their families and that the most effective way to help famiUes was to provide social incentives and economic support that would ensure income security, improve health, education, social supports and create a better moral climate for children. Although we recommended a variety of very detailed actions, both public and private, this evening I'm going to talk only about the one in which I believe the federal government can be most effective—incom^e security, making sure American families have the resources they need to raise their children. America needs to recognize that doing a good job of raising children is both socially desirable and very expensive. The commission recommends policies that enable all families to be strong, stable, and self-sufficient, that do not separate rich from poor but instead create the same positive incentives, expectations and rewards for all. We embrace policies that give parents the freedom to make basic choices about what is best for their own children and we take special care to meet the needs of middle class families. Middle class families are walking a tightrope, teetering towards economic success absolutely at the mercy of an unexpected gust that will blow them off the line.

25 Strategies for Change

We all know what happened during the Reagan-Bush era. If you paid taxes you lost ground, if you were a wage earner you lost ground, if you were a child, you lost ground. If you were a middle-class parent trying to raise your kids, pay your bills, and tuck a little money aside, you lost a whole lot of ground in these past ten years. Our recommendation: end the neglect middle class families have faced and embrace the values that they have given us—hard work, strong families, and economic indepen­ dence. The centerpiece of our plan is a $1,000 refundable tax credit to replace the current personal exemption for dependent children. This proposed credit would be available for all children up to the age of 19, providing a basic level of income support. Every family raising children would be better off, every family raising children would get that credit. For poor families that credit provides badly needed help without the stigma of welfare—about that we were passionate—and without limitations on work, or on earned income. For low income working families, it may be the boost they need to continue to choose work over welfare. For middle income families it is a tax cut that allows them to keep more of what they earn to offset the rising costs of raising children. Some critics say that it will encourage low income parents, especially unmarried teenagers, to have children they can't support or to use the money to buy alcohol and drugs. We hear that a lot in Washington. But limiting credits to families who earn enough to owe taxes denies basic income security to at least one quarter of all children— to be precise, 50 percent of all black children, 45 percent of all Hispanic children. Families with a parent who works full-time full-year at a minimum wage would be left out under any tax credit proposal which is non-refundable. So would families with one full-time and one half-time worker, both earning low wages. In other words, playing by the rules, doing what you're meant to do in this country, you're then being slapped down by public policy. If this nation is serious about rewarding hard work, and reducing welfare, then we must make work pay for those in low-wage jobs. Some of the categories I have been using are initially misleading. This study, and our nation, are predicated on the assumption that poor, working poor, and middle class are the same people at different periods in their lives, that Americans move between these categories over the course of years, over the course of generations. An important goal of these recommendations is to provide an economic ladder up which the poor can climb their way out of poverty and move into the midlde class. The simplest way to reduce the number of poor children would be to increase their families' welfare benefits but we do not believe that anyone should be able to ride up that ladder on another person's back. Conversely, and very importantly, that ladder must reach down to the very bottom of the pile, so that everyone, every single person, has a chance to grasp that bottom rung. Thus the children's commission's recommen­ dations invariably affect children at every point on the economic continuum, especially those families at the delicate fulcrum between poverty and the middle class. The second component of our income security plan is the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC) which we wanted to invent but the Congress and the President did so before us, and we accepted that. It's a transition program meant to drive home the point that work is preferable to welfare. The commission emphasized that the EITC must be easily available and widely publicized to ensure that eligible families receive their entitle­ ment.

26 strategies for Change

Third, one parent should not be expected to bear the burden of two. All parents have a moral responsibility to support their children, whether or not they live with them. Yet, a third of all absent parents, mostly fathers, pay nothing at all and many more pay only a fraction of the amount that they owe. Most children in families would be better off if their fathers were dead. Let me say that again. Under the current child support system, most children in single parent families would be better off if their fathers were dead and they could qualify for survivors insurance. It's a hell of a way to run a country. No single fact belter underlines the absurdity of our current system. We recommend much tougher child support enforcement. Absent fathers have ridden free for too long. Tougher enforcement could recover between $25 and $35 billion now owed to children. It's time to collect all of it. We've brilliantly structured our system now so that if you're on Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) and you're a single parent and the spouse is gone and the spouse in fact does decide to pay some child support, does the family get that support? No. The federal government gets it. The family gets $50. So, with the inspired help of David Ellwood, who's been incredibly important in our commission's evolution, the children's commission proposed an innovative child support assurance program. Where we know that the father exists, and we know where he is, but he cannot meet his obligations, we propose a government-insured benefit for his children, which is a new idea whose time has come. Fourth, parents who are willing and able to work sometimes need a helping hand. We have to have a social safety net that keeps people from falling off the precipice. That was a major argument in the commission and one that I was determined not to lose. There are not always jobs available. The family support act, the welfare reform act, talks constantly about training people for jobs. If you're a mother and you have a child three years or less, then you're exempt, but otherwise you go get training and you go get work. You have all kinds of things expected of you. That's nice but sometimes in parts of southern West Virginia you can do all those things and there are no jobs. In a lot of other places too. So you don't say if somebody goes by those rules and does what they're meant to do under the family support act, that if they can't make it, they then drop off and there's nothing for them. You don't do that in America. You want people to keep from falling off that precipice. We need job training, we need child care, we need continued health insurance benefits and other provisions that the family support act gives. A single blow, a single shot of bad luck, should not end a family's climb into the middle class. Welfare must again become the transitional program that it was intended to be from the beginning, helping families through periods of severe economic hardship rather than supporting them indefinitely, and inadequately. Our plan would roughly double the $7,200 an average welfare mother gets through food stamps and AFDC if she takes a minimum wage job. Families who work hard and play by the rules will no longer lose out. If you take our entire income security package, the overwhelming majority of families in poverty are lifted out of poverty, not if you just take the refundable tax credit, not if you just take the minimum assured benefit, not if you just take EITC, not if you just take minimum wage. You put those things together, you will lift virtually all American familes out of poverty. That is a sttmningly exciting moral commitment for America to make.

27 Strategies for Change

Is an adequate family income enough to ensure that every American will grow up healthy and well-educated, be construchve and all of those good things? No, of course it isn't. Everything else has to be there too—social support, all kinds of programs. Good parents help but the income security thing has to be there. You can do all the rest and if that's not there, it won't work. You're beaten down.

Our recommendations honor work unabashedly and are aimed squarely at encour­ aging individual responsibility. We talked about it endlessly—enabling families to earn a decent living and escape poverty. We don't try to sell an easy answer, that a single bill or a single action will turn our nation around. We accept America as it is. I believe that we have both captured the political atmosphere and have helped to guide it in the direction that we on the commission wanted to go. There is no question in my mind that there is a tremendous frustration among the people of America who are trying to raise families and I believe that there is a growing recogrution that meeting the needs of children and families is everybody's business. It is the nation's agenda. As Congress and legislators at every level looks for constructive responses to the anger they find, I believe they will turn to this report, and when they do—and tax cut proposals are already piling up—I will be there to defend the basic tenets of the commission report, like tax credit refundability. I will not accept approaches that divide America. We must build one America. We have shown what we can do in the Persian Gulf. We are spending billions to meet a military threat that may no longer exist, or if it does it's in a very different form, and billions more to bail out the bad investments of Savings and Loans across the country. We think nothing of spending a half-trillion for that. We're trying to broker peace in the I honestly believe that we possess the political will and the economic resources to take care of our children. I believe that we are willing to commit to America's next generation, and that we should.

T. Berry Brazelton: Eighteen percent of babies at Boston City Hospital are being born to addicted women. They are disorganized and are going to have a very, very tough time getting themselves organized enough to go to school, to not end up with impulse disorders that will send them to prison later on. Our children are going to have to face those kids ur\less we begin to turn our attention to the ideology of these addictions that we're seeing as an epidemic all around our country. I was just in Philadelphia where the addiction rate at the city hospitals is closer to 20 percent than ours. This ought to frighten everybody. I hope that the one good thing that will come out of it is that it will shove us rapidly toward wondering what's behind this? Why are we in an epidemic like this? As soon as we do, we realize that these are self-medicating people. They're medicat­ ing themselves against the hopelessness, the helplessness, the anger they feel at being in a poverty sector in our country, or being ethnically different, or whatever the circumstance might be. The future of this cotmtry is at risk. We've lost two generations. It's not just our children which are endangered but this last generation which is endangered. It makes me wonder, why?

28 Strategies for Change

What is it in this country that leaves us so insensitive, that makes us only one of two coimtries in the world who don't pay attention to families and children? What is it that we're up to that gives us this macho image of ourselves as having to save the world when our internal structure is so endangered? This is what I've been trying to thii\k out in my own mind because I don't think we can really address these issues and get anywhere until we see what's behind them. As I see it, there are three major biases that we live by in this country that are still affecting our behavior. Biases are only operant if we don't recognize them. If we bring them to the surface and recognize them, we can deal with them. In a country as powerful and as exciting and as opporturustic as this one, it seems to me that bringing them to the surface would serve a purpose. The first bias comes from our pioneering heritage. It worked for generations; it just isn't working any longer. It is that we really basically believe families ought to be self- sufficient and if they're not, they ought to suffer for it. I come from Texas and that's a very strong bias down there. If you don't work, if you can't make it, you don't deserve to. This is a bias. The second bias is one that is affecting us in this generation particularly. It is that we basically think women ought to be at home with their kids. If they're not, they ought to suffer and they're kids will suffer. Again, this is another bias. It may have worked for generations up to now but it just isn't working now. It isn't letting us address the fact that 70 percent of children under three have working m^others—full-time w^orking mothers. We need to think out what it means for those children to be in a fan\ily that's extremely stressed, doesn't feel any support systems around them and has no community. What I find is not only the lack of values, but the lack of community surrounding a young family. I think a young family can make it alone until it reaches a stress and the kind of stress I'm talking about is just a baby learning to walk. When a baby is learning to walk it's up and down, all night, all day, cries at you every three or four hours. Every time you turn your back on him., he screams at you. Families are stressed at a time like that and there's nobody there to back them up. And, it's a very stressful time when a child gets sick, needs it's back rubbed that day, needs to be fed. We aren't supporting people enough. The third bias is the most serious. We do not like poor people in this country. We don't like poor people and we don't like failure. As a result, we're not going to address it or we're going to address it with what I call dumb rat models. Bob Rosenthal at the Harvard School of Education did a study with first grade students. He randomized them and gave them to two teachers and he told one teacher your kids have an IQ of 90 and the other your kids have an IQ of 110. He did this same thing with rats. He took abunchof rats, randomized them, put them in two cages, labeled one dimib rats and the other smart rats. He got his graduate students to put them through a maze. None of the dumb rats got through but all of the smart rats did. But he had filmed his graduate students. They'd pick up a smart, middle class rat, put it down and it would run right through. They'd pick up a dumb, lower class rat and drop it in. Of course it couldn't stagger through. I think this is the kind of bias with which we approach people in trouble. Our dumb rat model is not working in the three areas that we are asking you to thii\k about. Welfare—we demand that people come in and declare themselves failures, lay

29 strategies for Change

out the reasons why they're failures and then they get a handout from our government. What does that do to a smart rat? Makes a dumb rat out of him. Education—what have we done by asking parents to step back and leave children to their own schooling? We have other models, such as Head Start, which shows that when we include parents, when we literally reach out and address parents as if we needed tiiem, we can make it work. The educational system is certainly a dumb rat model at present. Health Care—the one that bothers me the most. We are in deep trouble. It's not working for anybody. It's not working for the target population for sure, and it's not working for middle class people any more, and it's not working for doctors—^because wehave a dumb rat model. If you walk in the door of a hospital, like Children's Hospital which is very family sensitive, looking middle class, ready to fight the system, somebody says, "Can I help you?" If you walk in looking poor, bedraggled, in any way depressed, as any parent would be, they say "What's wrong with you?" Then they start writing it down, everything that's wrong with you. They have a list, what we call Weede's problem-oriented diagnosis, all the things that are wrong with somebody. I asked my fellows—they're pediatricians that have been in training, and they like people, they like families, they like children—let's match the failures that these families have with tiie positive. A single parent with four children, living in the ghetto, with no support systems, has one child that's failing to thrive, the other three are doing okay. How does she do it? They say, "Well, I don't know." "Well, go back and ask her or if you can't ask her, watch her. When the other three come up and put their hand on her knee, does she look down and acknowledge them or put her hand back or give some signal that says, "Yes, I can care about three kids. It's just the fourth that overloads me." They come back and they say, "You know, when I asked her, she sat up straighter, color came to her face and she began to tell me. I can't believe it." When they acknowledge that she does care about that kid, she begins to unload and her defenses come down. She becomes a smart rat in front of their eyes. If we're going to change our health care system to something that works, we've got to change from a band-aid system which is what we've got now—wait until something goes w^rong, then pile on technology and a band-aid and you've got it made. That is not working for besieged people and all parents are besieged when they have a sick child. If they go into an office and get just a medication or just a shot or just a physical exam, that office visit is a very big disappointment. I won't join this thrust for immunizations right now because all people are going to get is immunization. If a besieged parent walks into a doctor's office and just gets a shot, sees their child get traumatized and she gets traumatized in the process, don't you think she's going to go home not only disappointed but angry? She's going to do just what we see happening right now. Most besieged people are using the medical emergency rooms in our hospitals for primary care and it's costing us four times as m^uch to provide that kind of primary care. It's not working. We better start changing it. We do know what to do, we just have to turn our minds to it. There are things we can do and we can do them without a lot of trouble. It's going to cost a hell of a lot but it's going to cost about ten times as much if we don't. We already have some evidence about how we can change the model in this country. We have Head Start, we have WIC (Supplemental Food Program for Women, Infants and Children). What's so great about

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these two programs for me is that they recognize the strength in parents. When somebody comes in to get the milk that's handed out for WIC, somebody sits down with them and talks to them about their children, about themselves. When somebody goes into Head Start, in order to keep them coming somebody addresses what their issues are and how they feel about their children. This is the difference between a dumb rat and a smart rat model. It doesn't take time, it takes attitude. It does not take more time to sit down with a patient that you have 15 minutes with in your office and talk to him about the child's development issues or their own issues or whatever, than it does to weigh, measure, listen to the heart of a screaming baby, try to hold that child down, finally give him a shot and let him walk out. But these models are going to take thinking on all of our part. They're going to take overcoming these three very deep-seated biases and they're going to take participation by all of us. Lizbeth Schorr: I testified before the commission and I would have bet that there was no way you could get those 32 people to come out behind any recommendation. That they did not only indicates they had a chairman who was very adept at negotiating with people who were very different from one another but that we are coming together in this country on imderstanding how important it is that we start investing in our children in a way that we simply have not contemplated before. The commission's report is also very important in that the agenda it proposes does not ask us to choose between helping middle class children and helping poor kids. It does not ask us to choose between an income-support strategy, an economic strategy, and a services strategy. I know one of the specialties of the Kennedy School is not only to provide the methodology for making hard choices but to teach the need for hard choices. The conunission did not recommend choosing between a variety of strategies but showed how interactive the economic strategies and the service strategies are with one another and how a big role for government, a big role for social policy, is compatible with the values that we prize in this country. On the question of whether it is indeed possible to help both the poor and the middle class, I thought Senator Rockefeller was rather discreet in how he talked about current legislative developments. He talked about the refundability of the tax credit being a key issue—it certainly is—and it is the refundability of the tax credit that is not in all of the proposed legislation. That we are being asked to support a piece of legislation that would leave out the poorest 20 percent of children, which includes 50 perent of black and Hispanic children, is absolutely unacceptable. It makes one wonder whether there are some Democrats that are so scared of being associated with the poor that they're not just hiding the poor in a package that is universal, but are hiding the poor so far that they are totally being left out. The Senator's emphasis on the importance of the refundability of the tax credit is absolutely crucial. To what extent one follows the notion of universality versus a certain amount of targeting is a question that good people can disagree on but the fact that we have to do services and we have to follow an economic strategy is one that the commission recognized. It's absolutely clear that if people are going to be helped out of poverty in this country, if we are going to be able to break the cycle of disadvantage, it is absurd to argue whether poor children need good schools more or less than whether their families need decent incomes.

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It is impossible to think about achieving what we need to achieve, in terms of educating every kid to become a potentially productive member of our work force, unless schools get reformed and restructured and properly financed. But it is also going to be impossible for the schools to do their job if they can't tap into a service and support system that will mean that the non-academic needs of the kids whose families are not able to give them all the support they need will be met and that famiUes will be supported in providing the kind of help and support these kids need. The commission's recommendations give this country a new opportunity to show that it's possible for us to mobilize our resources to respond effectively to urgent social problems. Last Sunday's Washington Post reported a poll which said that three out of ten people in this country—only three out of ten—^believe that government will do the right thing all or most of the time. It is clear that there is a crisis of confidence with government and with all of our social institutions. Celinda Lake, a pollster, says the Democrats could win the '92 election if they could demonstrate that they can make government work. But it's not just the next election that's at stake, it's far more. If we can't make government work, if the only way we can have institutions working effectively, efficiently, flexibly, is to privatize them, then I think we are on the verge of creating the most terrible kind of disaster in this country. We know that there are effective health services, effective family supports, effective social services. We know that we can change outcomes for the poorest children and their families. We have documented proof. That is what I wrote my book about, the programs that have demonstrated that they can change outcomes among the most disadvantaged families. What we need to do now is to coalesce around the agenda set forth by the national commission. It is a doable agenda, one that will show that we can make our institutions work, make our government work. Only as we show that we can make programs and policies actually achieve their stated purposes, only then will people start believing that such problems as large-scale poverty, concentrated poverty, are not in fact intractable. You don't have to be mean-spirited to walk away from social problems; all it takes is the certainty that nothing can be done to solve them. So we need to make this agenda of the commission our own. We have to be ready not only to enact the kind of universal programs of income support and health insurance and child care that every other industrialized country already has but we also have to make some very intensive efforts targeted on areas of concentrated poverty. Those programs would have to be place-specific and comprehensive and adequately funded. They would have to include comprehensive services, responsive services, schools that work. They would have to pay attention to housing, to public safety and economic development. They would have to be made to work at a level that makes them credible in communities that have clearly given up hope that anybody from outside is going to be around to help. The commission said that without a vision of a better society Americans won't be moved to act. I would add that we also need to gather and disseminate the evidence that it can be done and we have to do the work that will make it work. Probably everybody in this room has a role to play in making real the vision of a better society that the commission has given us and for that we need to be very grateful.

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Winning the War on Poverty by Jack Kemp On December 11,1990, Jack Kempr secretary of the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development, delivered an address in the Forum of Public Affoirs, John F. Kennedy School of Government. Following is an edited version of that address.

I have traveled our nation's inner cities for two years. What I see in America is two economies. What we have, in effect, is an economy in the macro sense, driven by incentives and rewards for productive human behavior: education, family, children, working, saving, investing, taking an entrepreneurial risk. Basically, in generic fashion, those things pay off not just in physical, but in metaphysical, not just material, but spiritual, ways. Having a family has psychic and spiritual and emotional payoffs much more important than whether one's son plays pro football or is a mezzo soprano or a master carpenter. But there's another economy in America, an economy in the pocket of poverty. I was going to say iimer city economy but it's also relevant to rural America. It is almost like a Third World socialist economy. I'm not criticizing the people; I'm criticizing the government for allowing this to happen. There's very little privateproperty, it's mostly public housing. I'm not speaking critically of the residents of public housing. I am their champion; they are my hero. They are the wind beneath my wings. Someone just asked me if I've learned anything that has shaped my thinking after two years in the Bush Administration, traveling the nation's inner cities. I have very much indeed. I've leaned that there is tremendous talent, tremendous potential, wonderful people, an incredible resource just waiting to be tapped all over America. We're missing out on some of the fantastic talent that this country has to offer to itself and to the world by keeping people enmeshed in a trap. It is a trap. The property is not private, it's public. The reward for work is less than the reward for welfare and being unemployed. The reward for consumption is less than the reward for saving. The reward for taking a risk in tiie entrepreneurial economy is less than for the reward for going into the undergroimd economy. We smother the entrepreneurial spirit and we literally allow to be rewarded what Sharon Pratt Dixon in D.C. called the "illicit capitalism." What we have done is smother the opportunity for men and women and families and enterprise to flourish in the above ground economy. We've really pushed it undergroiond. It's a stain on the country. It is a Dickens-like 'Tale of Two Cities.' "It's the best of times" in terms of opportimities to make a contribution to the global search for freedom. But "It's the worst of times" if you're homeless, if drugs have overtaken your life or your children's tife,o r despair has turned into alcoholism, or if you're unemployed and you want to put bread on the table for your family, or you want your daughter... I've been trying to use a metaphor for this, and I found it in a story in a number of weeks ago. A young Chicano woman with a daughter, five years old, living in IVIilwaukee, , had what every mother in the world has, the desire

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for her daughter to get a better chance in life than she had. So she began to save her pennies, nickels, dimes, quarters, dollars. She got up to $3,000 thereby violating the AFDC asset limit—you can't have more than$l,000 in the bank at any one time in assets. They accused her of fraud, took her to court, and, according to the story, she was fined $15,000—for saving $3,000—and sentenced to a year in jail, suspended by the munifi­ cence of the judge's heart. Since she didn't have $15,000 to contribute to the fine, they took the $3,000. Is there anybody in this room who faces a 100 percent tax at the margin on his or her savings account? But we do it to welfare mothers. We do it to fathers who are unemployed. As soon as they get that first job at McDonald's hamburger or at McDonnell Douglas, the government radically takes down their welfare, and then the payroll tax cranks in. A recent study showed that for every dollar of income earned in the private sector, $1.50 is lost in combined tax, as well as welfare transfer payment with loss which is not taxed. Someone on my staff figured out the other day that the marginal tax rate in the District of Columbia on an unemployed father or a mother on welfare with two or three children is in the 120-130 percent marginal income tax rate. In other words, at the margin, every additional dollar earned loses 45 to 50 cents of purchasing power. When I got to HUD, I found out that if a woman in public housing were to get married, the government automatically assumed that there were two earners, and her rent jumped, at least in New York, from $60 a month to $600 a month. I talked earlier about modification of behavior, that you can modify behavior by altering rewards, that in a society that believes that there should be a reward for productive human effort, we have a macro economy driven substantially by rewards— not just physical but spiritual, not just material but psychic and metaphysical. When Yelena Bonner, wife of the great Nobel Prize winning physicist, Andrei Sakharov, was in New York, someone asked, "Miss Bonner, Mrs. Sakharov, what do you think the people of the world want?" She said, "The people of the world don't want war. They want to own a house." Wow! What a radical idea. The system is turned upside down when it comes to the Uves of low income people. On the left we have the elitist who says, "Well, they're poor. They're going to be perpetually poor. The market place will never work for them. Ergo, we will anesthetize them from the free enterprise system, the private property based system, the entrepre­ neurial capitalistic system, anesthetize them from the vicissitudes and the vagaries and the competition of the market place by making sure that they never slip below a level of income, that they are relatively secure in welfare, relatively secure in their poverty." But it's an impoverishing idea to treat people that way. On the right, we have the libertarian who says, "Hey, I picked myself up by my boots. Why can't they?" "They" is always someone other than him, or Cousin Willy. It's always somebody else. It's very difficult to pick yourself up by the boots when you have no boots. If the government of the United States has a moral as well as a political responsibility to make sure, in as affluent society as we have, that there is a level of income under which people should not be allowed to fall, than I would agree in large part with Daniel Patrick Moynihan's thesis that there should be either some form of a negative income tax or some form of assuring that there will be a level of income to a family below which they would not be allowed to fall. However, we also do a lot better job of building a ladder out of poverty upon which people can climb that digs deeper. The ladder goes pretty

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high; the trouble is it doesn't dig deep enough. There aren't enough jobs in the inner city. There aren't enough educational opporturuties that will pay off in a job. The reward for the less productive human activities that we can just pick randomly is far greater than the reward for those things that we know leads to success. You can't talk about housing and not talk about jobs. How can you talk about housing and not give people the opportunity to get a stream of income and a savings account and a wage source to allow them to be consumers in the market place to afford to buy housing? I won't talk today about what governments do at all levels to prevent affordable housing going into low and moderate income communities and what some neighbors do by that syndrome called "NIMBY"—Not In My Back Yard? I will say there're several things that can be done. Number one, we have to radically alter the tax system. There should be no tax on the first four, five, six rungs of the ladder, so that when some father who's unemployed, a mother on welfare, gets that first job, the reward is dramatically higher for working than for not working. That's just a priori self-evident. Secondly, there has to be a stronger incentive in those areas, in those pockets, that would bring entrepreneurs together with job seekers. I don't know if you can find a better word, but I love tiie word "entrepreneur." I'm not talking about the real estate magnate who manipulates paper and builds a huge estate by functioning around tixe edges of the debt-equity system. I'm talking about the guy or the gal who's got an idea. It's not for you to judge whether it is to be successful. You've got to have a climate in which any man, any woman, of any color, any background gets an opportunity to try out their version of the American Dream on the consumer. The consumer—they're the king, they should be. They're the ones that choose whether or not, through the discipline of the market place, he or she makes a profit. I'm getting so tired of talking about it. I told the freshmen Democratic and Republicans congressmen that if they let Mayor Gabriel Popov have an enterprise zone in downtown Moscow before I get one for downtown Harlem or East St. Louis, or we get one in Eastern Europe before we get one in East Harlem or East Los Angeles or East Palo Alto, then I just don't want to be the housing secretary if somebody doesn't do something in those areas of the inner city to change the red line from despair to a green line rewarding success. Take public housing and tie the enterprise zone to the public housing community. Anybody who wants to homestead in the urban areas of America, any HUD-assisted house, any public owned house should have an opportunity to buy it from the Public Housing Authority. We did it at Kenilworth Parkside in East Washington, D.C. Four hundred residents now own their own homes. Two years ago they were all living in public housing. They started a program called "College, Here We Come," and with our subsidies—I don't mean that I did anything that we shouldn't have been doing, we did it in the right way—they now own it. We sold it to them for $1. We spent a lot of money rehabbing the units because you can't let people live with lead-based paint dust around, which infects the children, and you can't leave them living in a hovel, so we used our source of Federal subsidy to rehabilitate the stock, and then sold it to the residents. Then they performed the sweat equity to help reform, manage, control. Today they're homeowners. One of my favorite stories is a woman in Syracuse who got her first home. When asked by the press how Kemp could be so

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optimistic about how her house would look fifteen years from today, she said to the press, "Well, for the first time in my life I have something of value to pass on to my children." The bill that we just passed, the National Affordable Housing Act, introduced a radical concept. It empowers the people directly as opposed to empowering a developer. It takes the subsidies and treats the people as consumers, as opposed to treating them as w^ards of the state and subject to the social welfare bureaucracy. It took the grants and turned them from the lawyers and the consultants over to the people and in that partnership they now can have a chance to own. We pledged, President Bush and 1, that we'd create a system in which there could be a million new homeowners among the ranks of low and moderate income people by 1992. For the first time we're going to take transitional housing needs and tie together support services, job training, day care, help to a person or family who might have an alcohol dependency or a chemical dependency or a mental health problem or loss of a skill, both for the homeless and the frail elderly. It can help create independence, not dependence. We've got to turn the thinking of the political class away from doing something for somebody that makes them dependent on politics or politicians and makes them, instead, independent, give them the opportunity to form the skills for an independent life.

Rebuilding Our Country by H. Ross Perot On November 13,1990, H. Ross Perot, founder of Electronic Data Systems Corporation and chairman of Perot Systems Corporation, delivered a public address in the Forum of Public Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government. Tom Luce, fall 1990 fellow of the Institute of Politics was moderator for the event. Follomng are edited excerpts from Mr. Perot's address.

I want to commend all of you on your decision to pursue a career in government service. We need people like you in our government. We need our best and brightest and most able. What is success? Success is being the best at whatever you do. Success has nothing to do with making money. I've had the interesting experience of living completely across the economic spectrum. I've worked since 1 was seven years old. Let me assure you that money is one of the most overrated things in the world. Being the best at what you do is what coimts. Sure, you can go sell junk bonds on Wall Street, you can be a program trader, or you can go make a difference on how millions of people live their lives. I suggest that you use your extraordinary talents, and the unbelievable gift that you have of being here, to do something for other people. There are people brighter than you who've never had a chance to come here. Somewhere tonight there's a person starving on the streets of India that's brighter than

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anybody in this room. 1 guarantee you. Somewhere tonight in our country there's people like that. Somewhere there's a young person on a boat coming out of Vietnam who, with good luck, will make it to shore, then with incredible good luck, will make it to this country, with incredible effort will learn our language, learn our culture, and graduate as valedictorian from one of our high schools. So don't feel cocky, don't feel special, feel that you're very fortunate to be here and then ask yourself every day, "What am I going to do with all this?" Life is how the ball bounces. Let me tell you about a man I met in Michigan, so bright that as a young man he was accepted at MIT. So poor he couldn't go. He had the same opportunity I had. He got an appointment to West Point; I got an appointment to the Naval Academy. He failed the eye exam; I passed the eye exam. Therein lies the difference. Is he smarter than I am? Absolutely. Is he more able than I am? Absolutely. Generally, you know how I spent my life. He spent his life on the factory floor because the ball bounced a different way in his life. But God bless him, he was a statesman. He was the head of the U A W at General Motors. He is now retired and guess what he does. There is justice, eventually. He lectures at MIT. We've got to rebuild our country and prepare for the twenty-first century. We're going to need our best and brightest, our toughest and our most principled and our most ethical to do it. We've got to have people with great integrity, people with strong ethical standards. We've got to have people who are willing to stand up and be counted, people who will stick their necks out. If you bring that up in Washington, they say, "What are you talking about?" But that's what we've got to have. We've got to have people who don't have to hire a handler from Las Vegas to tell them what they believe and what they should do next. I'm being pretty hard on some folks, but they deserve it. We've got to have people who are not for sale at any price. Not only now, but later. I thir\k you all know what I mean. When you leave government, you can't go to work for the Japanese. You can't cash in. Don't run your life based on what's legal and illegal. Run your life on what's right and wrong. That'll keep you out of a lot of trouble and keep our coimtry out of a lot of trouble. Your predecessors in government always had access to unlimited amotmts of money. Every great idea they had, they could always come up with the money because we had this giant economic engine that produced taxpayers and produced taxes. We could do almost anything we wanted to do for ourselves and for people around the world. That was a wonderful thing but we ran out of money in the '80s. What did we do? We kept ongoing. We borrowed money—your money. Now we're borrowing your children's money. It is wrong for me to take your money, wrong for me and you to take your children's money. That's not the way the world's supposed to be. During the '80s, the people in our country wanted a "feel good now" environment. Let the future take care of itself. Well, the future is about here, my friends. As a country, we have been so rich for so long that we just assume we'll always have the money we need to fund any program we can conceive of, as long as it's worthwhile. We have had the world's greatest economic engine, but we have let it slip away. This great engine created milUons of jobs, millions of taxpayers. We just assumed it was our birthright. Where are we today? The two principal exports from New York Harbor are scrap steel and scrap paper going to Japan. Coming back are Toyota and Honda cars and cardboard boxes into which they place the sophisticated electronics that we build for

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our homes. It's absolutely unthinkable but that's where we are today. We must recover our world leadership in business and manufacturing and research so that we produce the economic engine that will produce the tax engine that will allow our country to do what it should do. We've got to have a proper tax base to rebuild our country. We absolutely must stop our endless fights with one another. We are preoccupied with intramural sports at a time when we ought to be getting ready for the economic super bowl. We've got to focus all our energy and come together as a united team. You give me a team of average players that's united, and MI beat your team of world class players ten times out of ten, as long as they're divided. We don't have time for that. We've got to come together, use all that energy to rebuild our country. The Middle East is the focus of our attention right now. But in all candor, it is nothing more than a minor distraction compared to our fundamental problems in this coimtry. Ifyou say, "Well, wemustthinkoutsideourcountry,"yourfirstplace to think is Eastern Europe. Something wonderful started there this time last year that dominated world headlines. Today it's buried back by the obituaries somewhere but now is a critical period. Can you imagine the suffering that has gone on to get to where it is today, and how unthinkable it would be to let that slip away because we were preoccupied with, "I've had it with Hussein?" So we need to get our national priorities straight. Talk is cheap. Talk and posturing won't rebuild our covmtry. You've got to be men and women of action and principle. I urge you to follow Churchill's dictum in World War II. Every significant thing he ever looked at, he would write on the bottom of a sheet of paper, "Action this day." No place to run. No place to hide. Never forget that God created the Heavens and Earth in six days, so it doesn't take sixteen years to do a minor event. Great things happen in a hurry. But where are we now? We're on sound bites. We're on spin control. We're on manipulation. You know, it's really tragic but it's probably the best example I can give you. Our political leaders have been programmed over a period of years to know how to handle a hostage question. One good thing can happen if you try to rescue hostages—you get them. Everything else is bad. It's a high risk-low reward operation. So what do they do? You get on television, get a tear in your eyes, a tremor in your voice, say something really sincere about hostages, then you drop it. That's what we do on a lot of issues. Why? Because we like what I call "Lawrence Welk music." "Womiaful, wonnaful, wormaful." We need to learn to think analytically and peel back the onion a layer at a time and make sure we have properly analyzed each situation on its own merits. As you build your careers, I ask you never to forget that through the happy accident of birtti you are in the greatest nation in the history of man. Here in this city, it's certainly easy to remember that it took strong, tough, resolute people to create it. I think the pioneers'creed sums it up. "Cowards never started. The weak died on the way. Only the strong survived." That's the story of man, not just the story of the pioneers. The signers of the Declaration put their lives on the line. Now you've got time to read what happened to them. It wasn't pretty. But they cared so much they were willing to die. Most of you have never been in a life-threatening situation, you read about it. How many of you young people are absolutely preoccupied thinking about our people in the desert, day after day after day? They're your age. Are you really emohonaily involved that those people are there? How many of you couldn't function for a while when you

38 Strategies for Change

heard about all the young sailors who were killed less than two weeks ago? Did you even relate to them? Did anybody cry? I'll tell you without any embarrassment that I did because I understood that those were young people with hopes and dreams and their whole life in front of them, who believed, who lost their lives for all of us. The least we can do is really really honor them and think about them in our daily lives while they're there. The signers of the Declaration didn't have any speech writers, any sound bites. They had convictions, they had beliefs. Remember 's words, "Give me liberty or give me death." That's pretty cheap unless death's on the other side. If you've never been in a situation, let me tell you what it's like. I was walking the streets of Teheran trying to get our people out. Khomeini said, "We'll cut off the hands of the Americans." That was a very personal experience. That night, our rescue team was on the streets. I said, "What was your reaction whenyouheard that?" To a man, they said, "My fingers tingled." Andmy fingers tingled. Butback here my fingers wouldnot have tingled. We have to bridge that gap. Patrick Henry also said, "United we stand, divided we fall." I think those are good words for us today. Look at the legacy that hard-working, tough people left us. Look at where we were in the '50s and '60s when we were the supplier to the world, when we dominated manufacturing, electronics, services—you name it—because of our industrial capacity. Look at the character of our people, the integrity and willingness to work hard and then look at where we are today, you understand that there's some things in this world that never change. One is human nature. Adversity breeds strength and success breeds arrogance and complacency. We are now well into that arrogant and complacent cycle. Our great country is now the largest debtor nation in the history of man. We're the most violent, crime-ridden nation in the industrialized world. Not too many years ago we were the envy of the world in terms of our education system. Now we rank at the bottom of the industrialized world in academic achievement and have the largest number of functional illiterates in the industrialized world. When you're losing in the economic war, you don't want a bunch of dummies around business. You need bright, fully educated people who can climb in the ring and compete. We need to turn our school systems from places of play to places of learning. We have five percent of the world's population, 50 percent of the world's cocaine use. Stoned, we're not going to make it in a competitive world. There's no red ribbon in competition, you either win or lose. It's not like the high school band. Somebody sells a tractor and somebody doesn't. Somebody sells a car and somebody doesn't. If you're the "doesn't" you get zero. You don't get any second prize. If we have any young person in this school who's using drugs, I beg you to do one thing—read the medical data. It is so overwhelming. You have a genetic kit in your wonderful mind, which came to you as a gift. You developed it and nurtured it but it came as a gift. It's like a very expensive stereo where everything is crystal clear. Most of us have minds that have a lot of static buzzes in them. You've got a imique gift and for you to sledgehammer it day after day, week after week, through drugs is inexcus­ able because you can do so many wonderful things with that mind. Look at the conditions in New York City and Philadelphia. You say, "Well, you just can't make a city work any more." They do in Europe. What have they got that we don't have? Their cities are older. Their infrastructure's older. I can think of a thousand

39 Strategies for Change

reasons why those cities should be worse than ours. But their cities work and ours don't. You're committed to government service. You could make the difference right there—in Philadelphia. Give it a shot. We need people like you in Philadelphia. Why can't we keep our infrastructure up to date? Why have we let the services to our people deteriorate? Go to heartland America and talk to the people who make this country go, the people working second shift in the factories, fixing tiie air conditioning units, electricians, and find out what they're most frustrated about. They feel that by paying taxes they have brought a ringside seat to a fifth-rate show. They'd like to have a good road, a good bridge, a good city, a good county, good state and good federal government that provides good services to people. Walk through a Veterans Admin­ istration Hospital and just wonder why we wouldn't want better institutions for the people whose lives will never be normal again because they went out on the battle fields for all of us. We have our work cut out for us. We need our best people, like you, to fix those things. If anybody hasn't figured out where to go next, try the VA Hospital. There's a life's work, a mission that could make Mother Theresa look second rate compared to what you could do there. Even worse, we've abandoned entire sections of our cities to crime. It's absolutely inexcusable that we would abandon a section of a city to crime. Think of all the decent people who've worked hard all their lives, finally got a little house. Probably both parents worked hard to get that child through school, the first generation to ever get through high school. Now they have had to put themselves in jail, put bars on the window and bars on the doors because we abandoned that part of that city to crime. In many cases, they must take turns sitting up at night with a shotgun across their laps to keep people from coming in and stealing the things that they worked hard and paid for in an honest way. There's another field to work in—law enforcement. Make it work everywhere. In particular make it work in the poor neighborhoods. Go to Hong Kong, to Singapore. I was there right after World War II. They were just ravished by the Japanese. You're looking at tomorrow when you see those cities today. They're beautiful. If you haven't seen the cities, look at the pictures. The pictures tell the story. Are we yesterday? Are these other parts of the world tomorrow? Look at the revolution sweeping Eastern Europe. We're sitting back over here, creahng images. "Watch my lips." "Watch my hips." Or whatever. They're making permanent revolutionary changes. Is there any question in your mind that Lech Walesa has had his life on the line? Do you remember the great story he told where he was thrown over a wall and was imconscious and when he came to, his first thoughts were, "Will they hurt my wife? Will they htut my family? Will they hurt my children?" Before he realized what he'd done, he had climbed back over the wall and started fighting again. Now there's a man for you. Wasn't worried about his image but about what he believes in. Is there any queshon in your mind that Gorbachev has his life on the line right now? He is Uving proof that one person can make a difference in this world. Just think where he started and think where you started. Look at what he did and think what you could do because you're starting on a rocket compared to where he started. He and those like him are willing to die for what they believe in. One more quote from Lech Walesa, when he spoke to Congress. Here was a man from a shipyard, had no chance of ever getting anj^where, and now he's talking to the

40 Strategies for Change

Congress of the United States and he chastised them. He said, "Words are plentiful, but deeds are precious." In that short few words, he summed up what we are. We're talkers. The most recent example of our goveniment in gridlock is the budget and taxes. We've looked at the forecasts that they used to make these $500 billion in cuts. Anybody here think interest rates are going to drop to four percent? Come on, give me a break. Why would Congress and the executive branch try to create the illusion that they were really cutting spending when the case is they're cutting down the rate of spending growth. Give me one reason why I should pay a lower tax rate than someone who makes less than me. Nobody in Washington could. Thank God Congress got the bubble out of there. The bubble was sacred but then nobody in the executive branch would even talk about it, even defend it. That made more people cynical than anything else that's happened in many years. Only in America, after going through this fire drill, would Congress authorize a new gymnasium for itself. You think the electrician has a gymnasium in his yard? I've got a suggestion for Congress. Why not join a health club. Come on guys, let's get straight with one another, let's cut it out. I'm bringing these things up to you because if you're standing on principle, if you're running your life by what's right and wrong, you don't do these things. You will gain enormous trust and respect from the American people if you do not.

I'd like to leave you with this thought. I saved it until last because it's so important. We have got to get over the racial tensions in this country because they are destroying us. I'll put it on a very simple basis. We ought to love one another. That would get most of us past it. If you can't make that hurdle, I suggest to you we ought to get along with one another because a united team will win and a divided team will lose. Let me suggest to you that we're stuck with one another, nobody's going anywhere. We have got to build a united team where we all ideally love one another, work together, rim together, build a great country for everybody and stop all of this tremendous loss of energy that affects us at every level in our goverrunent today.

41 International Perspectives

A Conversation with the Former President of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev On May 15,1992, Mikhail Gorbachev, former president of the Soviet Union, visited the John F. Kennedy School of Government, delivering a brief public address in the Forum of Public Affairs and answering questions from an audience composed of members of the Harvard University community, faculty, students and staff of the Kennedy School and invited guests. Mr. Gorbachev's address was preceded by introductory remarks by Albert Carnesale, dean of the Kennedy School and Neil Rudenstine, president of Harvard University. Following are edited excerpts from Mr. Gorbachev's visit.

Over these fourteen days, we have had an unprecedented opportunity to get in touch vi^ith America. At a meeting in San Francisco someone said that they envied Mrs. Gorbachev and me because many Americans don't have this kind of opportunity in their whole life, to visit as many cities as we have during this trip. Let me say, though, that on this trip I was interested in many things but sights were not among them. I was not a traveler who saw many sights; that part of the program remained mostly inaccessible to me. There were two things that struck me most. The first one was that everywhere we felt support from the American people for what we did, for what I and my colleagues who began this process in 1985 did in our country and in international affairs. You must know that there is a view in the world, maybe it's a little less widespread now than it was in the past, but there is still a view in the world that Americans are a little complacent, that they are kind of sitting pretty here in America and are rather complacent and content, that Americans are not really very interested in what is happening on the other side of the ocean. I think, though, that it is a long-standing American tradition to be responsive to the problems and hardships of other people and other nations. I said to President Bush yesterday, and I also repeated this at the Kennedy Library today, that I've been very moved by this trip. I am leaving the United States full of great hope. Perhaps not all of you know that I spent many hours of talks, one on one, with your President, President Reagan in particular, and I told him that we had come to a point when we had to change everything in our relations, to a point when the world had to change in a drastic way, in a radical way. I said then that not only we in the Soviet Union have to change but also the West, the Western countries including the Uruted States, needed to change. So, when I was told that the Uruted States was a shining city on a hill, I said, "Weil, it's a nice metaphor but it's not much so far as policy goes." Mrs. Gorbachev and I and my colleagues from the Gorbachev Foundation are now leaving America after this unprecedented trip and we feel that we have found America in a period of very profound thinking. The country that we will be leaving today is not a complacent country. It is not a country that is unthoughtful about the future but a country that is really thinking very seriously about the future, its own future and the future of the world, about what awaits it tomorrow. This is a thinking nation, capable

42 International Perspectives

of self-criticism and self-analysis. A nation like this is always capable of coping with the problems tha t it confronts. Maybe today, no less than in the past, perhaps more than in the past, you need a John F. Kermedy and you need his legacy. As a friend of this country and as a person who believes in this country and has faith in its democratic traditions, I would wish the American people to make the right choice about its new role in this new phase of mankind's and the international community's development. I would not want to elaborate too much on this but I think that this new role for America must be no less than it was in the past. I think it can be greater and bigger than it was in the past. That new role must be based, not on strength, not on force, but on moral authority, on your democratic traditions, on the democratic potential and ability of this nation to find new goals, new ways of cooperating with other countries in order to confront the challenges. These new challenges of our times are very great. I am very glad, on this final day of my trip, to be in Boston, to be at Harvard, a place which I very much respect as an important center of learning and thought in our time. I am glad to have seen this hall, my old friends, my colleagues and partners in political and other affairs. Professor Galbraith, Professor Allison. I've known them for a long time, their writings, and I've known them personally for some time. On the West Coast I found new friends. I would like to acknowledge the Shorenstein family. I am very pleased that they are here all the way from the West Coast. I hope the Gorbachev Foundation at Harvard will have a lively intellectural composition, which is very necessary now in order to make the right choice at these historic crossroads. The main message that I was trying to convey during these two weeks here is that we must make sure that now, at this time, our two nations do not go their separate ways as happened after World War II. I hope that we will be together. Now just a couple of questions from you before we have to go. Q: I am very interested to hear your thoughts on President Reagan. Specifically, to what extent did Reagan's doctrine of peace through strength, his military build-up, have an effect on the fall of communism throughout Europe? Gorbachev: Well, I think it would be very erroneous to take this as a point of departure in evaluating the result of our joint efforts to end the . These years have proved one thing and that is that reliance on force is wrong. By relying on force and military strength in the post-war years, our countries were not able to solve real problems, regional and other problems. They wasted a lot of money, trillions of dollars, money that could be better used. I'm sure that we wouldn't have many of our problems today without the military build-up of the post-war years. The situation would have been quite different for both our countries, which exhausted themselves in that arms race. I've alwayspreferred the position of Professor Galbraith who has said for many years that the wave of the future is a different civilization, a new kind of civilization that would organically absorb all the positive elements of the past and at the same time would reject the old ways, those things that led us to the edge of the precipice, led us to the brink of war and led us to poverty and all those ills. Before all of us, John Kermedy expressed this hope for this kind of civilization. I think that his vision very much contributed to the dramatic experience during the . John F. Kennedy was a great citizen of the world with his commitment to the democratic process.

43 International Perspectives

Beth Breger (1993 MPP candidate, Kennedy School of Government): If you could go back to 1985 and begin your term in the presidency again, how would you implement perestroika differently, knowing what you know now? Gorbachev: This is a question that I will answer in some detail in the book that I am writing. Just a couple of sentences now. I do not regret the choice that I made in 1985 even though implementing that policy has cost me some very severe tests and problems and dramatic situations. Now I'm even more convinced that we had to do it, that we had to begin, even though I think we should have started much earlier, perhaps 20 years before at the time of John F. Kennedy. As for the tactics of reform, I would have tried to avoid the mistakes that we did make. Taking inventory of those mistakes is what I am doing now. You will read about that. Graham T. Allison, Jr. (Douglas Dillon professor of government and director, Strength­ ening Democratic Institutions Project, Kennedy School of Government): My question follows up the discussion we had the other night at the Council on Foreign Relations. There you looked back on the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and drew a number of telling lessons. But I wish this afternoon you would look forward for us at the future of the Russian federation. Considering Tatarstan's declaration of indepen­ dence, and the reservations that a number of the autonomous republics have about the federal treaty, is Russia itself, the Russian federation, now destined to disappear? Gorbachev: Your question gives me reason to think that you share with me tiie view that the central question so far as the success of our reforms is concerned is the future of Russia, what happens to the reforms in Russia. I'm saying this not because I'm a Russian—^because I am a citizen of Russia—^but because this is objective. The reality of my country is that for ten centuries the whole world was revolving around tiiis Slavic nucleus. Russia had a tremendous integrating growth. In cooperation with the Ukranians and the other Russians this created that important Slavic nucleus, more than 200 milHon people now. So that is my first point. Over these days in America I have been very openly conveying the message that today, not in the fall, Russia needs support. There are two issues that have to be solved in a positive way. I believe that there is a link between Russia becoming a new kind of state and the success of economic reform in Russia. They are mutually interrelated and either help each other or make the success of both more difficult. The fact that the leaders of Russia, after some very lively and heated debate and after a lot of discussions both public and private, were able to conclude and decide the federal treaty, that in itself is a great success. I believe that this treaty will survive, but there is also a need for a new constitution that will have to be based on the treaty. Within the framework of the new constitution there will have to be a delegation of responsibility, delegating authority, not only from the new Russian center, not only to the autonomous ethnic republics and regions, but also to the administrative districts, regions and territories. Since you go there very often and your students go there, you know that there is a concept being discussed now in Russia that those ethnic republics within Russia are unnecessary, that they have to be kind of cancelled, and that Russia should be divided

44 International Perspectives

into new lands. That is definitely something that will fail. That is definitely something that could only split Russia. Even though there are many things that our countries have in common, we cannot impose the U.S. pattern, the U.S. approach, that is to say, non-ethnic states. That will only create suspicions among all the ethnic groups and nations that live together in Russia. Given that we currently have a process of ethnic and national revival, this concept is somewhat irresponsible but it is being discussed nevertheless. Similarly, they will not be able to avoid delegating some authority and some responsiblity to some of the non-ethnic territories and regions. If the autonomous republics, the ethnic republics, were to receive additional authority, additional compe­ tence, while those huge Russian regions^ some the size of European countries, would not receive any kind of additional responsibility, have no authority delegated to them, that is inconceivable. They will also have to receive that authority from the center. Even though those regions and those Russian territories want to get additional territory and additional competence, they still say that they want the Russian federa­ tion to survive. Those two lines can be integrated if additional self-government is given also to those Russian non-ethnic regions. If that doesn't happen it is quite possible that the same fate would await Russia as that of the Soviet Union. There is a good degree of understanding in Russia of this problem and I'm sure that Russia will survive. I'm sure that in the end this process will succeed. So this is just one aspect, a part of this huge problem. Nicholas Danilof f: I want to welcome you here, Mikhail, and hope that in the future our countries will be great friends. But of course as great friends we also need to discuss the future and the past in a critical and open marmer. In 1986 you were preparing to meet with President Reagan when a Soviet physicist was arrested in New York. In retaliation for that action the KGB arrested an American correspondent in Moscow. I am that correspondent and I would like to know who in your apparatus thought up that bright idea and what was your role in untangling it? Gorbachev: That's an excellent illustration of the ground rules during the cold war. I can enrich this story with an even more interesting fact. Mrs. Thatcher decided to expel a number of people for activities and she acted in a very resolute manner, as always. I requested the foreign ministry and the state security committee to give me proposals for what we could do in return. Three hours later the British government was notified that an equal number of British diplomats were being expelled from the Soviet Union. Mrs. Thatcher responded by expelling another group of people, rune persons. I said, "We can compete hke this for a long, long time but maybe there's a better way. We will prohibit the British Embassy from hiring Soviets for technical work and let the British Embassy do all its work with British citizens only." By the end of the day I got a message from Mrs. Thatcher with a request to end the whole thing and to begin anew. Thank God that those years are over. You are a living example of what happened in the past. Specifically, I carmot tell you anything about your queshon other than that it was a retaliatory move. I hope that you now can go often to Russia, to the Commonwealth, with no obstacles.

45 International Perspectives

Daniloff: I'm happy to say that I've been back several times. I would say for the historical record that as I sat in the prison, I read your interview in the Czech newspaper in which it was clear that you were not focusing on retaliation but thinking of a greater purpose, the reconstruction of your country and the relaxation of relations with the western world. All of us can be greatful for that. Thank you. Gorbachev: I am very pleased and very happy that you can now go easily without any problems to our country and study our country. Jonathan Koppell (vice-chair, Student Advisory Committee, Institute of Politics): Many of the current leaders who are implementing the programs of reconstruction in the former Soviet republics came to power under radically different circumstances and derived their power from political institutions that no longer exist. Are the reforms jeopardized by the fact that there's a lack of legitimacy in the form of a ratified constitution or strong institutions that support the changes that they make? And, is there a chance that those reforms, those changes, could collapse under a political insurgency, or due to a lack of legitimacy perceived by the people? Gorbachev: There is one general element that I believe you have to bear in mind to understand this. Who is going to accompKsh perestroika for us if not ourselves? Should we perhaps bring in some people from Mars or perhaps the United States? The most prominent democrats and reformers, those who truly uphold the choice we made in 1985, were all products of that old system. But this is also the aiiswer to the question of why the reforms are so difficult. We have really nowhere to go and I would quote Lenin here. He said that we have to conduct reforms involving those people we have, those who have lived in this country and who continue to live in this coimtry. But there is a danger that you have mentioned. The political reforms that we have undertaken, as a result of political pluralism and dissidence which is now permitted and free elections and the division of powers and the fact that we removed the communist parly from its position of direct power, make the situation now quite different. We have already a vast democratic potential. Our society cannot be turned back. It will continue to move forward, educating new people for the economy, new people for business, new people for politics. That, today, is a very important task. Our reforms mean, above all, a revolution in the minds of men. This is why they are so difficult. This is the crux of the problem. Professor Marshall Goldman—and I am very pleased that I am saying this in his presence—^believes that we ought to have begun not by trying to change people, change the mindset of the people, but by immediately attacking the problem of property. I respect him very much, his knowledge of our country, his very profound analysis. But I can imagine what would have happened if I, General Secretary of the Communist Party Gorbachev, followed his advice and said from the start, "What I ttiink we must have is private property. The Party should be removed to the background, etc., etc." I would have been removed within three days. Therefore, I would like to quote Professor Galbraith who said to me once that we should take a very balanced and prudent and cautious view of all those recommenda­ tions that we receive from abroad. He wrote that in the newspapers, including in the newspaper Pravda when Pravda had the courage to interview him. Of course, Pravda is different now.

46 Internationa! Perspectives

Q: If you were a candidate for President of the United States and needed to garner more than 50 percent of the votes cast in order to be elected, what would you be telling the American public our policies vis-a-vis the the former Soviet Union, the Commonwealth of Independent States, should be? Gorbachev: Well, I decided not to wait for the nomination. I spoke out about this yesterday in the U.S. Congress. In San Francisco someone suggested that one of the candidates was looking for a vice president and that I might consider it. I said, "No." It's all in that speech in Congress. Brian Mathis {1992 MPA/JD candidate, Kennedy School of Government/): What does the future hold for Cuba and Fidel Castro, both domestically and internationally? Will his politics necessarily yield to economics if he is to survive and what should U.S. policy be toward Cuba? Gorbachev: As far as predicting the future of Cuba, both near-term and longer term, it would simply be not quite ethical of me to make such predictions. As for the second part of your question, let me repeat something that I've been saying for some time. We have to give the Cubans a chance to make their own choice. Let me explain. Sometimes people say they are greatful to Gorbchev for giving freedom to Eastern European countries. I think that if you take a scientific approach you would agree that is inaccurate. When we proclaimed the new political thinking, we said that we recog­ nized the right of every nation to make a free choice. In my talks with the leaders of Eastern European countries, when I talked with them one on one or with a group of them, I said that although we have opted for perestroika, for profound reform, we do not demand that you do the same thing. This is something for you to decide. I think they lost out when they did not follow that initiative, did not try in their own special circumstances to undertake some reforms. As a result, the development simply swept them away from the scene of history. It was probably very difficult for those people to even consider such steps because most of them had been leaders of their countries by that time for 20 or 30 years and they simply couldn't contemplate that. So let Cuba make its choice. The world is changing; we're all changing. Let Cuba think and let the people debate. It's their future and their present. In this context I would assume that if we recognize that every nation has the right of free choice, then we cannot impose any pattern, any model, any blueprint on any nation because imposing something now would not be much different from when we imposed the socialist model on some nations and some other models on other natior\s. Let me again recall the words of John F. Kermedy that were quoted today at the John F. Kennedy Library. Even at that time John F. Kermedy saw the world as a world of diversity rather than a world according to one pattern. The logic of history has now swept away practically all dictatorial, totalitarian regimes. The democratic process is underway and it will continue. I would predict that in Cuba democratic processes will imfold. What form it will happen to take let the Cubans decide. I don't think that we should have another Cuban crisis.

47 International Perspectives

Israel's Prospects for the 1990s by Yitzhak Rabin Following are edited excerpts from a public address by Yitzhak Rabin, former prime minister, minister of defense and ambassador to the United States from Israel, on April 11,1991 in the Forum of Public Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government. Mr. Rabin's address was co-sponsored by the Kennedy School's Institute for Social and Economic Policy in the Middle East, the Institute of Politics and the Student Advisory Cotnmitfee.

I was asked to speak today about the prospects for the Middle East for the 1990s from Israel's point of view. I am an Israeli. I can speak only as an Israeli. I don't pretend to be objective. I don't believe that there is anything that can be called objectivity when it comes to international relations because wherever there is a conflict the best way to solve it is not to pretend to be objective but to have the parties to the conflict be the parties for negotiations and the parties to the solution of the conflict. No doubt the Middle East today is under the impact of the results of the crisis in the Perdian Gulf, at least in military and political terms. Therefore, allow me to introduce into the prospects for Israel the lessons, the consequences of the crisis. As an Israeli, I look to the future with great confidence that basic conditions have changed in favor of Israel, in favor of more stability, better security in the region, and even hope for moving ahead with the peace process between the Arab countries and the Palestinians in the Territories and Israel. You may ask, "Whatis the basis, what are the reasons on which you base your positive approach? No doubt there are great opportunities but dangers are also involved." First, look at the change that has taken place on the international scene, the change in the interrelationship between those who used to be the Superpowers as a result of the collapse of the Soviet , the freedom of the Eastern European countries, the bankruptcy of Communism Russian style, the deterioration within the Soviet Union, even fear of the disintegration of the Soviet Union. As an IsraeU, I'm fearful that there will be a total disintegrahon there. I don't know how many missiles witin nuclear weapons are deployed in some of the Islamic republics or, if there should be disintegration, who will be in control of them. These changes brought about the end of the Cold War. As long as the Cold War was in existence, creating competition between the two Superpowers for spheres of influence in the region, that accelerated the arms race. The Soviets could offer to the Arab coimtries, vis-a-vis ttie American economic hope for peace, only arms by which to wage war. I believe this change will produce results—not tomorrow—even in relation to the Arab-Israeli conflict. The second development for Israel, for the Jewish people, was the opening of the gates of the Soviet Union to the exodus to Israel of members of the Jewish community. In 1990,200,000 arrived, more than arrived from the Soviet Union between 1970 and 1985. For us, it's the fulfillment of the raison d'etre for the existence of Israel. For us, it's a tremendous quantitative and qualitative contribution.

48 International Perspectives

Sometimes I'm afraid to think of the problems that we have to face. For example, Israel has more doctors of medicine per capita than any country in the world. After all, every Jewish mother would like her son to be a doctor. Now we have an additional 3,000 doctors of medicine for every 100,000 people who come to Israel. I don't know where we'll find jobs for them. In the long run this immigration will bring with it, in terms of professionalism, a new motivation, a new push for the Israeli economy. We will find the framework for that. Third, allow me to elaborate about the crisis in the Gulf. I will not deal with what happened there. I'll deal with the Middle East and the Gulf after the crisis. What has changed? What are the dangers that remain? What are the ways to cope with the positive results and to neutralize the dangers? And at last, as an Israeli, to cope with, to tackle, the way that I believe the peace process between the Arab countries, the Palestinians and Israel, can be continued or resumed. What has changed as a result of the crisis in the Gulf is first and foremost the fact that brutal, naked, cruel aggression, out of the blue, of one Arab country, , against another Arab country, Kuwait, for a purpose which was a far-reaching one, came to an end by the determination of the United States and the international community, politically and militarily. Not only to stop but to defeat the aggressor, his military machine, to liberate Kuwait and to serve as a signal that no more megalomaniacs can dictate regional conflicts, or global ones. Today in Israel, we mourn, we remember the Holocaust; it's our memorial day. There was no Munich in 1990-91 as in 1938. The aggressor was stopped, defeated. This crisis was created on a different background, with, for all practical purposes, one Super­ power. What was at stake was not just a regional conflict but a conflict that had implications far beyond the Middle East. If Saddam Hussein had been allowed to annex Kuwait, the next step would be Saudi Arabia and all the other Arab oil- producing countries in the Arabian peninsula. One megalomaniac would have had his hand on the tap for oil for 40 percent of the energy demands of the Free World. What was at stake under the new circumstances? Would the international scene become a jungle or would it be built on new rules, new norms of behavior? I cannot but express the great admiration and appreciation to the United States, the President, the Congress, the people and the military forces of the United States, the men and women in uniform, that performed so magnificentiy and brilliantly in this war. The signal went out to the region and all of the world that there is a standard of behavior in accordance with international law and certain norms. The tank force of Iraq was four times bigger than the tank force of France, three times bigger than the tank force of Britain, bigger than the tank force of the Federal Republic of Germany. For Saddam, Europe was nothing. The major mistake that he made was about the United States. That the United States succeeded in creating an international coalition, a unique one, showed the weakness of the Soviet Union, the weakness of Europe, but the readiness of eight Arab countries—Syria, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, the Emirates or the Sheikdoms— to cooperate in fighting another Arab country with American and European forces. A precedent that had not taken place in the modern history of the Middle East was set. Arab countries, with American and European soldiers, will fight another Arab country. What else has changed is the realization of some of the Arab countries that as long as there are unsolved conflicts they might be used by radical megalomaniacs, not against

49 International Perspectives

Israel and not agair\st the Christians in Lebanon but against other Arab countries. Saddam Hussein did not challange Israel miUtarily because we have made it clear that any attack on our population would bring about ten times, if not a hundred times, more attacks in return. What has changed even more is the building of new relationships between the eight Arab countries that collaborated in the international coalition, a readiness to find ways how to work together. What has not changed? Saddam Hussein is stiU in power. Strangely enough, the revolts by the Shi'ites and by the Kurds brought the two centers of power in Iraq, the top military echelon and the Baath Party, to the realization that their political future, and therefore, their physical existence, was endangered by Shi'ite and Kurd revolts. We have seen that these two centers of power joined with Saddam Hussein to strengthen him because of fighting by sectoral or religious groups within Iraq. Saddam Hussein remained in power to a large extent because of the Shi'ite revolt, to a lesser extent because of the Kurds. I hope that the resolution of the Security Council that brings about a formal cease fire today will be tough enough in terms of the embargo of arms, in terms of demands for destruction of weapons of mass destruction and that we'll see the end of Saddam Hussein's regime. Otherwise, I'll be worried not just for Israel today but for regimes in the Arabian Peninsula and about the achievement of the United States in fighting against Iraq for the liberation of Kuwait. What has not changed? Iran's policy. The Arab-Israeli conflict. Therefore, to bring more security to the Gulf region, three things have to be done: First, not by military activities but by the continuation of the sanctions, the embar­ goes, to try to bring about a change in the government of Iraq. Second, to create security arrangements within the eight Arab countries that joined with the international community—the rich financially and weak militarily with the strong militarily and the poor economically-~-security or mill tary assistance in the form of an inter-Arab force of the Arab countries that were part of the international coalition. To strengthen the security of the Arab oil-producing countries in the Arabian Penin­ sula, massive financial aid, economic aid, to Egypt, hopefully to Jordan, hopefully to the Palestinians in the Territories, instead of to Arafat and his gang that have never dehvered assistance to the 1.7 million Palestinians in the Territories. I'm glad that the United States made it clear to the Arab countries: forget about another Marshall Plan. The money is here. Saudi Arabia alone, between August and the end of the year 1990, increased its revenue from oil in five months by $20 to $30 billion. Kuwait maintains assets all over the world worth $80 to $100 billion. Why should the United States or Europe give assistance if Arab countries cannot help their brothers in other Arab countries? This equation, military assistance for economic assistance, between Egypt, Syria and the rich Arab countries, I believe is a good formula for security arrangements in the Gulf that will reduce the burden on the United States to maintain its own forces. If there are no security arrangements and one of these regimes is undermined, how many American people will come to the President, to the Congress, and ask what we fought for there? Third, to start anew tackling the Arab-Israeli conflict. I found today in the Admin­ istration, in the Congress, in certain circles in the Uruted States, better understanding of Israel's security problem because of how many forces and how much time this

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Superpower^ the United States, needed to overcome Iraq. It took five-and-one-half months and half a million soldiers, 400,000 of them American. Concentrated in the area were 1,000 to 1,200 fighter bombers of the and Navy and its allies, and 3,000 to 4,000 tanks. All this was done with the consent of the international community, led by the United States, agreed to by the Soviet Union against one Arab country. Try to imagine what Israel will need if it might be attacked by a coalition of more than one Arab country! No doubt, Israel is ready to renew efforts to bring about the beginning of a meaningful peace process. United States Secretary of State Baker offered a regional conference under the auspices of the United States and the Soviet Union, if the Soviet Union would normalize relations with Israel. Negotiations would follow two tracks; one track for Israel and the Palestinians in the Territories, the other track for Israel with every Arab country which is ready to negotiate peace on a bilateral basis based on Resolutions 242 and 328 of the Security Council. I believe it is possible. Egypt proved that peace is not an abstract dream. It is obtainable. When there was an Arab leader that was ready to do it, it was achieved. But allow me to refer to the Palestianian problem. I have a clear vis-a-vis the Palestinians. Allow me to say why. All along the way, the Jewish community in Palestine, Israel, was ready to compromise. In 1938, the Lord Beale Commission proposed the partition of Palestine, a former British mandate, into two states. I don't want even to remind myself of what the proposal for the Jewish state was. We agreed. The Palestinians, the Arab world, rejected. In 1947, there was a United Nations decision ontheissue. The Jewish community accepted. The Arab world rejected. Theynotonly rejected, the went to war with the purpose of destroying the Resolution and pushing us to the sea. Secretary of State Marshall didn't give us a chance to survive more than three months. Field Marshal Montgomery doubted whether the Jewish community would be able to withstand the waves of for two months. Then and since, whenever the Arabs have gone to war against us, they have lost. Between 1948 and 1967, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, the Gaza Strip, were in Arab hands. In the Palestinian problem lies the crux, the heart, of the Arab-Israil conflict. Why?... The Arabs still believed that it would bepossible to finish and annihilate Israel. That is why when it was possible—and it was up to the Arabs and the Palestinians to bring about the creation of a Palestinian state—they didn't want it. They didn't demand it. It was not the heart of the Arab-Israeli conflict. After the Six Day War, the situation was changed in one direction vis-a-vis Egypt. As I have mentioned, when Egypt decided to embark upon the course of negotiations, we had peace between Egypt and Israel. Regardless of what has happened in the past, I believe, as an Israeli, that there is a need to solve the Palestinian problem, not because it is the heart, the crux, of the Arab- Israeli conflict, not because today it is in the interest of Israel to deal with the Arab countries, but because the threat to our very existence is from the military threat from the armed forces of Arab countries led by Saddam Hussein or even Hafez el Assad. The Palestinian terror from Lebanon, the Intefada, is not a threat to our very existence. Terror is the weapon of the weak. In May 1989,... we offered a three phase movement toward a permanent solution. Phase one: free democratic elections in which the Palestinians in the Territories will

51 International Perspectives

elect from themselves, by themselves, Arab representation. Whoever will be elected, it;s okay as long as the elections occur in a context to move ahead to self ruJe, self government, call it what you want. We'll allow the Palestinians in the Territories to run their affairs with the exception of defense and foreign policy. Neither Jordan nor Egypt offered them that when they were occupying the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. We don't say it's a full permanent solution. It's an interim agreement for a traiisition period not longer than five years. Not later than three years after its establishment, we, the Palestinian representation and Jordan will negotiate a permanent solution based on Resolutions 242 and 338. They can come with whatever they want then but not make a precondition to move on on the first two phases because of what they think should be the permanent solution. I believe it's a good proposal. Nothing of the kind was offered to the Palestinians by the Arab world in any meaningful way.... I believe there is a good chance if there is a realization on the part of the Arab countries that Israel will not agree to an international peace conference. ... Second, a new interrelationship within the eight Arab countries—maybe Jordan will join it—offering security to the Gulf countries and offering economic aid to the Arab masses.... Third, continue the peace process on the basis of the proposal by Secretary Baker. A considerable part of the Arab-Israel conflict is psychological, emotional. There are backlogs of suspicion, hatred, prejudices. I remember President Sadat said once that he decided to go to Jerusalem because he thought this—the psychological—was more of the problem than the practical issues. He brought down the walls of suspicion, hatred, prejudice. He was a unique historic phenomenon with great courage and imagination. I don't believe there will be another Arab leader to foUow in his footsteps. But today I see a crack in this wall of phychological feelings that prevent the movement to peace. Ibelieve that if the United States will continue its efforts and others will support them, we'll see a sign of great hope to all the peoples, all the countries, of the region and to the world. This is the way that I see it and let's hope that this is what will happen. The tremendous prestige that the United States gained gives it the opportunity but also the responsibility to bring about this meeting, this beginrung. Once it starts, some things will work well, some things will work not as well, but there will be a beginning, a movement. I believe it is possible. This is the break that I see in the prospects for Israel, not for all of the 1990s but for the beginning of the 1990s.

52 Reflections

The Gulf War: Impact on the Black Community by Dallas Brown, Louis Elisa, Leo MacKay and Fletcher Wiley Following are edited excerpts from a panel discussion, "War in the Persian Gulf: The Impact on the Black Community," held on February 27,1991, in the Forum of Public Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government. Panelists were Dallas Brown, U.S. Army, 1991 Mid-Career MPA candidate, Kennedy School; Louis Elisa, president, Boston branch, NAACP; Leo MacKay, Aviator, Ueutent, U.S. Navy, 1991 MPP and Ph.D. candidate, Ketmedy School; Fletcher Wiley, attorney, political leader, U.S. Air Force Academy '65, researcher for 1968 report by Adam Yarmofinsky, "The Impact of Racial Integration in the Military on Overall American Society. Moderator for the event was Brian Mathis, 1992 MPAj JD candidate, Kennedy School/Harvard Law School, co-chair, Kennedy School Black Student Caucus.

This discussion, the fourth in a series of six on "War in the Persian Gulf," was co-sponsored by the Institute of Politics and the Kennedy School Black Student Caucus in conjunction with Black History Month.

Dallas Brown: I'm a died-in-the-wool American patriot. I've always sort of had a shiver run up my spine when I saw the flag being raised or heard the national anthem being sung. I'm a second generation professional soldier, raised on military posts around this country, in Europe, the Far East. I always dreamed of putting on the uniform and being a soldier myself. I've been in the Army on active duty for almost thirteen years, ten years in front line troop units—infantry, armored calvary. In units you get guys from Anacostia in D.C., from Watts, from Chicago who come into frie service with not much purpose in life, not much direction. They usually find direction, discipline, structure, learn teamwork, leadership abilities. The average black soldier that leaves the service takes something back to the community with him—again, discipline, teamwork, sort of a faith in the system and the structure of this country. The fact that the military is open to blacks and has been sort of a channel for upward mobility is a very positive thing. I would wonder why it is that blacks are overrepresented in the front ranks. The figure I've heard is 30 percent. Going back to my own experience, when you add Hispanics and other minorities, Koreans and so forth, that join the Army you probably have closer to 50 percent. From the perspective of a front line troop commander, it makes no difference in the day-to-day business. You have good soldiers, you have bad soldiers. You have to discipline people, you have to train people. I used to tell my soldiers, "In this outfit, there are no black soldiers, there are no white soldiers, there are all green soldiers/' They used to get a kick out of that because my point was we've all got to work together and be part of a team. There are those who choose to stay in service, make careers of it. The drill sergeant in the movie, "An and a Gentleman" is sort of a hero to me because he's a black man in that particular situation who believed in what was right. There's a very eloquent, emotional scene, where Lew Gossett has got Richard Gere down doing situps and pushups and everything. His point is, "Hey, this is about character." He is an example of the character that the U.S. military can build in individuals.

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So I'm very pro-military, that's what I do for a living. The impact of the military, as opposed to the Persian Gulf specifically, on the black commimity has been very positive through the years. On a little larger scale, look at heroes among the black community, among minorities in general, in this country. Look at the three guys that I would consider to be the most powerful, or perhaps influential, black Americans today: Ron Brown, Chairman of the Democrahc National Committee, Governor Doug Wilder of Virginia, and General , Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. They—of course, Jesse is the exception that proves the rule, perhaps—are all military veterans. They all got their start doing some military service, some active duty. I think they gained from that, and have taken it with them throughout their careers.

Louis Elisa: I'd also like to tell you that I'm a died-in-the-wool patriot and I love America but 1 love it for what it's supposed to be more than what it is. It's important that we understand what is going on in this conflict, this war—again undeclared, since there was no vole of Congress for war. There was a vote to extend hostilities and to take whatever action necessary but there was no vote for war; a declaration of war was not granted. The President moves to carry on a war, and we as a people allow that to happen. So be it. Eventually, we as a nation will understand that when those conflicts take place and war has not been declared, that we as a people, as a nation, put ourselves further behind the human chain, as the world perceives us. I'd like to be clear on a couple of things. African Americans have fought in every war this nation's ever had—from the Revolutionary War through the so-called War of 1812, through the Native American wars, the Spanish American War—and they fought on both sides of some of these wars, particularly the Revolutionary War when African Americans, free men, fought for the British. One thing that was clear is that the British made a deal with those blacks who fought for them, and said that, 'Tf you fight for us, we will grant you your freedom." They fought and they were granted their freedom. They were given land, what is known as Nova Scotia now. They left and went to live their lives as free men, began colonies there. Their brothers who stayed here, who fought very diligently—Crispus Attucks being one of the first to die in the cause for freedom—their liberties were not respected. They were not given the rights that were due people who had given their blood, sweat and tears for a nation. Each of them were patriots and loved America dearly. It's important to keep in mind that for African Americans, the issue is that we do hold these truths to be self evident, that all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights—life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That we really do believe the Constitution, that we really are patriots. I think it's very difficult for those of us who grew up in a system where we woke up every morning and went to school and had to pledge allegiance to the flag and talked about "one nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all," and yet, we, as African American citizens of this nation can't enjoy the same rights of freedom and same rights of opportunity as other Americans do, or people who just come over, immigrants, so to speak, to be Americans. It's very difficult to talk about how patriotic we are to a nation that forgets that we are citizens here, that we built this country. It's very difficult for me to stand here today and say that I find it all well and good that we can send young men and women to the

54 Reflections

sands of Saudi Arabia to fight for a monarchy to be put back in place, to preserve rights that we, as citizens of this nation, who have fought in every war, cannot have here at home. That we, coming back to this country, will not be guaranteed the right of access to jobs. That we, coming back to this country, will not have basic education, will not have basic health care, will not have basic services that are granted every other member of this society. It's very incongruous for us to say that we're going to stay here and support the aims and intentions to put back a monarchy that does not stand for the values that we stand up and pledge for, which is democracy, and then turn around and say, "Welcome home, boys, but you cannot enjoy the benefits of what you just fought and maybe lost your life for over in the Persian Gulf." It's difficult for me, being an African American living in the city whereduring the first four months of this war we lost more combatants in the streets of Roxbury than were lost in the sands of Saudi Arabia. It's difficult for me to understand this concept of war when I know that if we had spent one percent of the resources that we spent over in Saudi Arabia to fight the war on drugs in America we could save thousands of American lives, that if we had spent one-half of one percent of the resources that we spent on the Persian Gulf that we in a sense could solve the problem of high infant mortality in this nation for black as well as white women. As a nation we have to begin to rethink what it is that we do as a people, where we sit in the world's chain of events, where we sit in world society. How we get viewed by the world around us is difficult to understand. We have created for ourselves a nation in chaos, a nation that has $2.5 trillion in debt, $350 billion a year service on that debt, the only nation in the Free World that does nothave healthcare for all of its citizens. We have trouble in our own homes and I'm not sure how we pull back from that. It's not a question of patriotism to me because I love America but I think that what we're doing is undermining the foundation of America. We take away the value of America. We sit here and talk about smart bombs when we do not have smart high school students. If we could get bombs and train them to look and see and perceive the future, we'd better be able to train our young people so they'll be able to compete in the world's market so that one day we'll be graduating people who know where Iraq and Iran is, rather than guessing about who the victor's going to be in a war. There are 50,000 Iraqis who are prisoners of war who will receive better housing, better medical services, better food and more attention than some 40,000 Americans who fought in the last conflict. The prisoners of war of this conflict will be doing better than the servicemen, black and white, who gave their time and their commitment to this nation in the Vietnam conflict. As long as there are 4,000,000 people without homes, as long as we're spending ten times the amount of money on armament than we're spending for housing, twenty times the amount of money on armament than we're spending for health care and services for people who have already committed their lives to this society, we have a major conflict. Whether it's African Americans, or white Americans or Asian Americans or Hispanic Americans, we have to look at what we do as a nation. Even though the NAACP, as an organization, fought to integrate the military, my position is justa little bit different. We believe that our boys over there—they're our boys, I agree with that—our young men and women, our fathers, our mothers, our sisters, our aunts and uncles, they have to be

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supported. I love America and my support for America will be that they never have to go an3^where else to be supported but right here at hon^e. Leo MacKay: Black people born into poverty, into disadvantaged sections of our cities and counties, into broken homes, denied, as Mr. Elisa said, what other people in this country consider very basic rights, still must function in this society and still must make decisions, still must account for themselves as best they can. One avenue that many of them have chosen is the United States military. The Army particularly can claim to be the largest bureaucracy in America that is a color-blind meritocracy. Not only is there the obvious example of General Powell, there are also two dozen other black general officers on active duty in the Army. When one looks at the Army, one sees blacks at all levels enjoying the rights and responsibilities, the headaches and the privileges, of those positions. So it's not altogether economic impressment for a young black man looking around for a place to start, a place where his ambition and his desire can orUy be bridled by his own competitive instincts and talents, to choose the military. Many people choose it, as Dallas brought up, for other reasons: to gain a Uttle experience, some leadership training, some good skills, and at the same time to serve their country. So I see both sides of the picture. I see yoimg men and women who've come into the military in order to gain those very positive things but I recognize that tiiey make decisions under conditions that are less than ideal. The whole situation can be drawn as an analogy to a door. On one side there stands the establishment and the onus is on us as individuals to place pressure on society to make sure that that door is open, to make sure that this country provides equal opportunity to all its citizens. For us as individuals, black or otherwise, it is incumbent upon us to be ready to walk through that door should it open, should we find it openable. I think young black men and women who opt to go into the military make a good choice in that direction in equipping themselves to walk through that door when it becomes open, if it's not open already. In the polls there's been a split with opinion basically running 80-20 percent in favor of the war when America is viewed as a whole. In the black community it's been closer to 50-50. That doesn't mean that black America is somehow less patriotic, somehow less well wishing of this war effort. It reflects a very genuine concern about resource allocation in this country, about the fact that every dollar that's spent on war can't be spent on the war that Mr. Elisa and other brave men and women, black and white, wage in this country in our urban areas. Yes, this country is good, yes, this country provides opportimity and yes, it is our duty to hold its feet to the fire. The principal wisdom the Founding Fathers built into the Constitution was that it can be changed, that they did not have a monopoly on wisdom, that people in later generations would want to change it to govern as they saw fit. We have to keep hold of ttiat on one side of the ledger but on the other side there are individuals striving to do their best that must make decisions now, in the present. They can't wait until things are optimistic, until opportunities line the streets or whatever analogy you want to make. A lot of those men and women, faced with constraints, have chosen to make what I consider a good choice to equip themselves and to serve this country in the United States military.

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Fletcher Wiley: One of the reasons that the statistics on black Americans don't really match the rest of overall society is because black folks feel like they're being kicked in the ass by American society. They're sort of secretly rooting for Saddam Hussein. Even as insane a person as Saddam commands the respect of our people because we have been so alienated by this society and from this society. In my opinion, that's why the statistics are different. But also I saw a survey—I believe it was in "Jet" magazine—that said that black political leaders differ from the black community in terms of their position on this war, that there is more grass roots community support for our troops than you might believe listening to some of our leaders. That's true for a couple of reasons. First, our leaders are articulating positions that have to be articulated by our leadership in order to make America ring true to its purpose. Louis Elisa is a perfect example of that type of leadership. That kind of message has to continue to be articulated if we are going to fight the war on both fronts—^both fighting for freedom in Saudi Arabia and fighting for freedom back here at home. Second, a lot of people in our community understand what the military has meant to us historically. The American military—no matter how you like it, what you care about it, where they fight, who they fight—historically hasbeen the most open institution, the most receptive institution to people of color being equal. We didn't start out in that posihon. There's some wars we fought in where we were relegated to relatively minor roles but at least we were fighting. They gave us guns. A big fear of folks down in the South was armed slaves. So the military has always been incrementally ahead. Six months before the United States Supreme Court issued its historic Brown v. Board of Education decision saying that all the schools have to be integrated in the United States, the military had already integrated its on-base schools. In 1948, President Truman integrated the labor force in the military through his executive order. By the time the hit, that labor force was integrated. Employment opportunities, both at the entry level and at the top level in the military, have always been better. Also in socialactivities, off-post activities, there has beenmore integration, more fraternization, if you will, among military people because they had something in common, like a fraternity, a common bond. This bond held the American troops in good stead all over the world. Things have not always been hunky dory in the military. I can tell you some war stories about American troops fighting each other, particularly during the where probably a lot of Americans who got killed killed each other because of racial strife in particular uruts. But as a whole, the military has been the best. To show one way that public policy works to achieve a good purpose, Robert McNamara in the late 1960s issued a decree to the great military complex of Washing­ ton, D.C. that there would be no military person allowed to live in segregated housing or in housing that discriminated against military people. This was off-post housing, off- base housing. In the communities of and Virginia which were part of the old South and which had for centuries treated the races differently, Robert McNamara, with that one act, opened up the housing market. He did it because he knew he could do it, because he had the power as the Secretary of Defense, and he had the President of the United States behind him.

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The President knew that if he didn't get this situation changed he was going to have a riot on his hands. He didn't do it just because he was a good guy but he understood that the military soldiers had to feel good about each other if American fighting forces were going to work together as a tmit. That's one of the reasons the military has been ahead. I see this Persian Gidf War as a continuation, with respect to those issues, of a very positive and growing trend. Colin Powell is not an aberration; he has acceded to his position out of talent. There will be other Colin Powells in the military. Hopefully, some day there will be a Colin Powell in academia, a Colin Powell to head a Fortune 500 company, and a Colin Powell who heads a major labor union. Until that time, we have to look to the military as the premier example of what people can achieve if the opportunities are more equal. One of the things that the military also gives us as people of color is something that our churches are not giving us any more, that our families are not giving us any more, that our school system is not giving us any more—a sense of discipUne, a sense of purpose, a sense of self respect, a sense of devotion to duty, honor and country. Again, the military needs to be encouraged. I think everybody ought to go into the military once they get to be 18—male, female, black, white, red, green, yellow—^because it is the institution which pulls everybody in, brings us all to a common denominator, allows us to interact together in a system that hopefully will help build a better America. I look forward to seeing some of you in the military some day.

Personal Perspectives: Four Women Fellows by Maria Berriozabal, Unita Blackwell, Margaret Carlson and Yelena Khanga

Following are edited excerpts from "Personal Perspectives on Politics," a panel discussion held at the beginning of each academic semester in the Forum of Public Affairs, John P. Kennedy School of Government, to introduce new Institute of Politics fellows to the Harvard community. Maria Berriozabal, city councilwoman (1981-91) and 1991 candidate for mayor of San Antonio, Texas, and Unita Blackwell, mayor of Mayersville, Mississippi, were fall 1991 fellows. Margaret Carlson, deputy bureau chief Washington bureau, Time magazine, was a fall 1990 fellow. Yelena Khanga, correspondent for Moscow News (1984-90) and Soviet television commentator (1988-90), was a spring 1992 fellow.

Maria Berriozabal: In 1960, on that very cold January day when President John F. Kennedy was being sworn in in Washington, I was working as a secretary at the Salvation Army. I'd come from a family of six, my parents were Texas sharecroppers, immigrants from Mexico and I was helping my dad, going to school at night and working during the day as a secretary. My first job was at the Salvation Army.

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I remember being alone in the dining room at the Salvation Army welfare center and listening to the address. Alone because most of the people who worked there were Republicans and they weren't happy at all that we had won. But they gave me some time off to go to the dining room and watch the speech. I vividly remember the speech, in particular the words that have been written and spoken for generations now—not asking your country what it can do for you, but to ask what you can do for your country. I took it very seriously. I really felt like this man was speaking to me. I started getting involved in politics more than I had been. I had been active in my community, my barrio, in San Antonio, Texas, since 1 was fourteen. I saw the world around me, not a very pleasant world. It was a poor neighborhood, bad drainage—every time it rained we had a swimming pool in our backyard. For many years I don't think we knew that it could be any better. Then I grew up, and read, and took my night courses in school and shared with my community, my brothers and sisters. I learned that, in fact, not all our city was that way. I learned a connection, very early on, between politics and this man, John F. Keruiedy, and the fact that my community could be a better community, that politics could be a way of improving the situation that I found myself in—not just myself, but my neighbors. So, to be here at the John F. Kennedy School, with these individuals around this table, is to me a great honor. I never believed that as people, as humans, that we move alone. We live as groups of people. If I sit here as a nmjer, a woman, as a Laiina, Hispana, Chicana—we call ourselves so many names—I am proud to be representing women and people of color, people who are immigrant people. We have in this country, right now, some astounding trends that are impacting every factor of our lives. The growth that is occurring in the population is mostly people of color. We read that by the year 2000,85 percent of the new entrants into the work force, the people who are going to keep this country going, are going to be women, members of minority groups and immigrants. I come to share with you at a very important time in my life. I consider my months at Harvard, the John F. Kennedy School, a real gift. 1 am in transition. As you were told, I served ten years as a councilwoman in municipal government, which I happen to think and feel and am deeply convinced is the government that is closest to the people. We take care of your garbage and your water, your water rates and your taxes. How much more personal can we get than to collect your garbage every day? We are the goverrunent closest to the people. As has already been said by one of my colleagues here, city government, government in general, is hurting. So 1 come here with great joy and honor to share with you my ten years in public service, out in the trenches. And to share with you a campaign in which I did not get the votes I wanted but that I am very proud of because of the type of campaign that we had. In this very big city, we had a campaign with a lot of dignity, a lot of respect, a very positive campaign that stuck to the issues. But I come also with some worries. The first is the one that I have already mentioned, the erosion in the trust in government that I have seen over the past 15-20 years. For every one of us in this room, talking about politics and government and global economics and security, there are thousands and thousands in America who don't read about these things in the newspapers. They don't want to. They don't vote. They don't

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register to vote. They're not interested. They have lost trust. They think public officials are people that get elected to line their pocketbooks or to draw their district the way they want to for their own benefit. That hurts and disappoints me because as one who has served in public office, I have a conviction, a deep feeling, that public office, elected office, being a politician, is a very noble thing. To have people, your peers, choose you and say, "Maria, we can't be at that council meeting." Or, "We can't be at that congressional meeting or at that senate. You go for us. You represent us, the people,because that is our government." That is an honorable thing todo and wehavelostit. Along with those individuals who wantto be in my study group or who will just be visiting with me, I want to explore what we can do as Americans of different backgrounds. How can we get to understand each other better in this society that changes every day? How can we really understand what's happening in the neighborhoods of our country where people are hurting? And why have people lost faith in their government? If government doesn't have the trust of the people, then it doesn't matter what we do. In San Antonio we just added a term limitation clause in our charter. This is being done across the coimtry. People have had it. I am concerned about that. I am hopeful though. To sit right here—after the painful experience of losing a campaign, particularly seeing the disappointment in the eyes of young people who had never done this before, who got involved for the first time and then lost—to be here saying that I'm hopeful about government and about democracy and about the ideas of John F. Kennedy and what this institution stands for, I think is saying a lot. There's a lot to appreciate and to value and to promote in a democratic system. I invite you to share with me, to take a good look at these demographic changes in the United States, to see exactly what this change in the population means to all of us. There was a time when we used to say it is important to invest in our children, in young people, in education, in housing, because it's the right thing to do, it's the fair thing to do. That is no longer. If we don't do it, we're not going to have the workers that we need to keep us going in the future. So we've got to look at those things. We've got to look at the issues of ethical leadership and integrity in public office. I want to share what I have learned and I want you to learn along with me. Most of all, I want to issue an invitation to you yovmg people to teach me, to have me continue to have that hope, so I can go back and continue my life in public service. Thank you very much.

Unita Blackwell: I'm Unita Blackwell, the mayor of Mayersville, Mississippi, from Issaquena County which means "great waters." I am from a rural area, from a sharecropper's family. As a person who comes from a sharecropper's family, there was no intention, none anybody would ever think of, that I would be a mayor. We would walk down the streets—well, they were roads, no gravel or anything, just dust—and my mother said I used to say, "You better tote me." Now you may hear some different kinds of language in my study group. I think you need to hear it. It comes from rural areas. It comes from an era that you may not know about. That's the reason Icame. I want you to know and be sensitive to what happens to black people in America, to

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people of color, who have been involved in civil rights and to know about the change that has happened in our country in the past 25 years. Twenty-five years ago or more, I didn't know what politics was. I was organizing. I was part of an organizing team. They called it SNCC—Student Non-Violent Coordi­ nating Committee. I thought that's what you were supposed to do when you didn't have anything. One day I was teaching Sunday school and some guys came up and you knew something was going on with them. They had to be the Freedom Riders because they talked real fast and walked fast and in the South at that time, in 1964, people didn't walk fast or need to talk fast. At that time, we didn't have but two TVs in the whole town. So, we just learned how to do all this and to know what you were saying. This fella from New York City, he was standing up there going "you know" and trying to tell us. Folks were saying, "What in the world is he saying?" He was really pronouncing his words right, and doing the thing he was supposed to, but we didn't know that accent. Thank God for television. It has helped us all try to understand one another across these different lines, from the South to the West, and so forth. They had one man, Bob, from Virginia. Bob got up and he explained to us that we had a right to register to vote and it would get you a house to stay in, some food to eat, basic kinds of things. Well, quite naturally my ears perked up because the house I stayed in was falling on the ground. It was just a terrible shack. And food. Well, we were all lean then. Of course, now I'm not lean so you don't know what I'm talking about. My life started off knowing that 'God helps those who help themselves.' We had heard about the Freedom Riders but we never thought people would come to rural areas like the part of the Mississippi Delta where I'm from. So we got involved in trying to go down to the courthouse in the town that I am now the mayor of. We weren't allowed in the courthouse. I didn't know you called it politics at that particular time but we were forming a party. We started off trying to register to vote. Then we couldn't get into the Democratic caucuses. So we set up our own caucuses. The first time I ever stood before a group of people was at a meeting in the second congressional district. We called our own meeting down at an old theater. Stokely, who was standing beside me, said, "You're supposed to say "This meeting is now in order." I stood there and stuck my chest out, and said "This meeting is now in order. What next?" I didn't know about parliamen­ tary procedure so he stood there and told me and that's the way we started. If you hear national broadcasting you might hear tapes of me opening the first political meeting that I ever did in this country. They went back and found the tapes. They're now part of the archives of the founding of the Mississippi Freedom Demo­ cratic Party. In 1964, we went to the democratic convention in Atlantic City, New Jersey. I was one of the 68 people. I would like you to meet some of the other people that were part of that delegation. They'll be coming to my study group. Some of those 68 have died; some of us are still going on. You know, it's something to be here in Harvard. Here I am in 1991, sitting here, trying to tell you something about what happened to me. It is truly a magnificent day for me. I think you need to be aware of the democratic process in this

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country, however terrible it is sometimes with some ups and some downs. I've traveled to other countries in the past 25 years. We areblessed. I feel that we can argue with one another. In 1968, we were in Chicago, seated as loyal Democratic party members. In 1984,1 spoke in San Francisco at the national convention, standing on the podium behind . You know, Jesse gave the 'baddest' speech he ever gave, there in 1984. I came after him, talking about me 20 years ago. In 1964,1 was outside trying to get in. We got in with some passes, had different people trying to get us seats. Then there I was, standing on the podium, speaking, at the 1984 national convention. I'm not saying that we have all the answers or that we have completely done everything we're supposed to do. But I have hope in our country. I would like to talk to you as the leaders of our country—because you are our leaders—about what happened to us, where I hope to go and be. I want to say that I am a grandmother. It was very hard for me to leave my grandchild to come up here. He is excited about the idea that his grandmother is at school—that might help this child go to school—and that I'm at Harvard. I got one of the Institute of Politics tee-shirts from Terry Donovan and we sent it to him and he is strutting around, in Mississippi, in elementary school, with that Institute of Politics shirt. So it's worth being here. Thank you very much.

Margaret Carlson: I knew that at some point I was going to have to confront an article I wrote last year calling the Kermedy School "the Betty Ford clinic for recovering problems." Some people thought I was saying that disparagingly but actually it was just my backhand way of applying for a fellowship. I think thatjournalists, even more than politicians, need to get away from Washing­ ton. Unlike politicians, we never talk to people other than ourselves, a few experts and other usual suspects, some of whom are here at the Kermedy School. We never talk to the Rotary Club or the Chamber of Commerce or the Knights of Columbus because we don't have to look for votes. We talk to radio and television talk show hosts who are so grateful we're filling air time that they forget to be critical. They ask us about the Souter nomination but they never ask us, as you're doing, to explain who we are. When I was at , I wrote a Diarist colunrn about the perils of in Washington, saying thatjournalists should remain in the background. Of course, this was easy to do, since in the presence of and Rick Hertzberg and Mort Kondracke, I had no choice but to be at the background. But then when I went to Time at the end of 1987,1 had a chance to move out of the background. I started gettingcalls from thepublicity department, largely becausel was the only woman political writer at Time magazine. At first, I found myself doing just a little bit of radio, a talk show here, a little there, none of the hard stuff. But between that first puff of radio and the hard-crack-cocaine of TV, there is a slippery slope. You wake up one morning and you have to have a hit. Maybe CNN needs someone to gasbag about polls. What about a little C-Span in the wee hours of the morning when nobody's watching? The next thing you know you're sidling up to Brinkley's producer at a cocktail party talking in sound bites. Journalists forget to 'just

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say no'. When Geraldo called and I didn't hang up I knew I had to get out. I hadn't talked to anyone outside the Beltway in years. So that's part of why I'm here. How did I know when! wrote that the Kennedy School was "a relatively painless way to give a Harvard gloss to an undergraduate degree from a land grant college" that I myself would be doing it? I'm now like the government official who spoke at a brown bag lunch here one afternoon and returned to his office to rewrite his resume to read, "Lecturer, Harvard University, Fall Semester." Someone once said that there are three kinds of journalists in this celebrity-happy age—the egocentric, the egomaniac and the ego-psychotic. is an egomaniac, is ego-psychotic. Most of us are just egocentric. I wasn't always a shameless self-aggrandizing journalist. I started my career as a self- aggrandizing lawyer. But I quit the law in 1981, way before it became fashionable to do so and before I ever uttered the word "not^vithstanding." I've been downwardly mobile ever since. So there I was in 1981 out of a job. Even though I had only a modest political appointment, when the Carter Administration ended so did I. But that's not why I stopped practicing law. I quit because it no longer seemed to me the way to get things done. Did I want to spend hours poring over the Clean Air Act trying to figure out a loophole in it for one side or the other? Or did I want to write about people poring over the Clean Air Act? I thought writing about it was the better course. So in '81,1 started over at the bottom. I went to work at Legal Times, which is kind of a halfway house between law and journalism. Then , the editor of The New Republic and a Harvard lecturer, started a weekly paper called The Washington Weekly and I became editor of that. Unfortunately, it folded after a year and I was out of a job again. Then I went to be Washington bureau chief of Esquire. Then I went back to the 'New Republic, and then I went to Time. So how did it all begin? I met when I was an undergraduate at Penn State, and I said, "I'd like to come and work for you." He gave me a scrap of paper with his phone number on it. He said, "Call me." I did and he answered. We met and I followed him into the law. Then when I saw that most of what he did really came from what he wrote, I decided to become a writer. In some ways writing can be as tedious as the practice of law. Hedley Donovan—no relation to Terry Donovan—was one of Time's great editors. He was asked if he enjoyed writing. He said, "Well, not exactly. What I enjoy is having written." Most writers would agree with that. The great expanse of paper, now the wide empty green screen, induces existential dread in most of us. I started thinking of what I was going to say here at about five o'clock today. Like most of you, I only work on deadline. So why did I become a writer? Not only because it feels so good when I'm finished. It's partly the singularity of the story. No one else would write exactly what I wrote. No one else would want to much of the time. But still, it's mine, it can't be mass- produced. The proverbial monkey with the dart board can sometimes beat the Dow Jones average but no one has found a monkey who can hunt and peck his way to a story. Being a journalist instead of a lawyer has its problems. We're the only people who rank lower in the public esteem than imdertakers. Peter Benchley, the author of Jaws, was working on a screenplay a few years ago, adapted from another of his novels called

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The Island. The hero was a journalist who fell prey to a savage band of pirates in the back reaches of the Caribbean. On screen, Benchley wanted his hero to be a Time magazine correspondent. It fell to my editor, Jason McManus, to decide whether he should be given permission. Jason read the script and told the publisher that Benchley was a hack who rewrote everything from wire copy, a frustrated novelist, disorganized in his affairs, unreliable in personal matters, and self-centered. Jason reported to the pub­ lisher ttiat Benchley should be given permission because he'd drawn such an accurate profile. I think Benchley ended up using a Newsweek reporter. Being a journalist also means being a mile wide and an inch deep, rather than the other way around. Tom Luce, who will speak in a few minutes and who ran against Clayton Williams in the Republican primary, asked me why the press wrote about Clayton Williams' horse and his hat and not about Tom's environmental program. Now I wrote two pieces about the Texas election—one was called "Sunbelt Mudslide" to give you an idea of the angle—and not once did 1 menhon Tom's clean water. I didn't have a very good answer for him then but that's part of the Betty Ford aspect of this semester. I hope I'll have one at the end. As hard as I tried on this deadline to give some narrative drive to my choppy career, I couldn't. I planned none of it. The only advice I have for you is to plan less because simply by being at Harvard you're already an overplanner. Things never turn out the way you think they will. You can't possibly plan for the good things like this semester at Harvard to happen. You just have to leave time for them to happen. Thanks.

Yelena Khanga: First of all, I want to thank you so much for inviting me here because for an ordinary child from the Soviet Union, from Russia where 1 was born, this is the most brave dream. Who would ever thii\k that I could end up sitting at tiiis table with these distinguished fellows? At the newspaper where I worked for seven years I wouldn't ever dare to sit at the same table in the dining room with my editing chief because we had a very strict hierarchy of who could sit with whom. Here I see, yes, this is democracy. I was bom in Moscow. I was a typical Moscovite. The only difference between me and other kids was that I was black. There were not many black kids at the time so I don't really understand where the American drink, the Black Russian, came from. I started my career as a tennis player. I played ten years on a team called the Soviet Army Team and I was very proud of that. Then I quit playing termis and went to Moscow State University, a sort of Harvard of the Soviet Union. I went to the school of journalism which is considered to be the school of brides, you know, girls that are getting married. It was called that because we were not really tortured by our teachers but were taught how to say a couple of sentences in several language, how to look ruce, to smile. Usually, at the end of the fifth year, the guys who were plaiming to become diplomats or journalists abroad, would come to choose their wives at my school. So, that was a very prestigious place to be. I really want to see, to check, whether the school of journalism here at Harvard is the same type of 'school of brides.' It was very difficult for me to find a job when I graduated from school, not because I was black but because 1 was female. In the Soviet Union there is very strong

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competition for jobs and usually a male gets the job no matter how dumb he is. Also, my grandparents were Americans and that really bothered the KGB. So 1 was ready to be one of the first Soviets xmemployed. That's what we thought, that there was no unemployment. I thought I would be the first. But Gennadi Gerasimov, the editing chief of Moscow Neios, felt sorry for me and hired me. Gerasimov later became the spokesman forGorbachev. 1 think he's very famous here in America; you might see him on TV. Moscow News was one of the most important propaganda newspapers in the Soviet Union. I had a column, "News of Interest." I was interviewing foreigners, mostly Americans, that came to the Soviet Union. Since that was before glasnost and perestroika, 1 figured out very fast that I had to interview only people who really loved the Soviet Union. Since it was not easy to find such people, I would ask the tour group interest guide who was really in love with our country and he would say, "This one, this one," someone who during the tour would be saying, "Oh, how beautiful that is." "How clean Moscow is." "How wonderful Russian women are." 1 would interview those people and then write an article in which this person would say that the grass in the Soviet Union is the greenest in the world and the sun is the warmest. These articles worked. I was earning good money and 1 thought that's what journalism w^as all about. But then Gorbachev came, and glasnost came, and a new editing chief came, Mr. Yakovlev. I remember he invited everybody to a meeting and he said, "What does the minister in government have in common with the fly?" Nobody knew. He said, "Both the minister in government and the fly can be killed by a newspaper." Then we had a new journalism. People got used to that but not that fast. People had internalized censorship. 1 would be writing an article in the evening criticizing somebody from the government. My mother would come and she would say, "Well, don't really do that. Let somebody else do it. Let's wait and see, you never know how it will turn out with Gorbachev or somebody else. Just play it safe." I guess a journalist five years ago was like a dog. Before Gorbachev, I would say, "I'm really great in writing. The only problem is we have a censor and we have an editor that cuts off everything. That's why my articles turned out bad. But usually I'm really great." When censorship was gone and the article was still dull, our editor said, "You're like a dog that sits on the chain and barks and barks when someone passes. Then when you let the dog off the chain, the dog doesn't know what to do. It's like nobody taught her how to bite." I guess Yakovlev did a very good job teaching our journalists how to bite. Very soon our press became like the watchdog of our government. The American press was our symbol. Very soon journalists became heroes. They would be stopped in the street, people would shake their hands and give them a kiss sometimes. We even had jokes about how we weren't having lots of kids because during the honeymoon, young people, instead of making kids, were discussing recent articles in the newspa­ pers. Moscow News, my newspaper, became one of the most political newspapers. It is published in ten languages; maybe you've read it. To buy Moscow News you had to get up at five or six o'clock in the morning and stand in line. The latest issue of Moscow News was considered a very good present for a guy to give to a girl.

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I was very lucky six years ago in 1987 to become the first Soviet joiirnalist to work at an American newspaper. The Christian Science Monitor. It was an exchange program. A journalist came to work at my newspaper and I came to America for the first time. It was like Alice in Wonderland. I picked up two diseases in America. First, I started a fight about smoking but I failed. When I returned to my newsroom, I was in a room with seven males who smoked. They couldn't write a word without smoking. I was complaining and they said, "If you don't like it, leave the newspaper because there are ten of us who smoke. You're the only one who doesn't smoke." I decided to complain to my editing chief. I went into the room and he was smoking. He said, "Yelana, what's your problem?" I said, "Never mind. It's okay." Second, I became a feminist. In the Soviet Union 'feminist' does not exactly have the same meaning as here. In my country females were allowed to write about anything they wanted, except politics. A woman could be real good writing about culture, about sports, about anything, but males thought that she couldn't put two words together about America or anything really serious in the world. So we decided to form a group. Thirty-three Plus One was a group of 33 female joumaHsts, plus one. We were choosing a hero, a man in government. We sent letters to many politicians. The first person who invited us was the Prime Minister of the Soviet Union. We went to the Kremlin to meet with him. The second was Schevardnadze. The third person was the head of KGB. The one who was the initiator of the coup that happened last summer. He was very interesting because not many foreigners or Soviet people go to the office of the head of the KGB. He started our meeting by saying, "Look at the handle of the door. You might notice that it is used much more from the outside than from inside." A nice joke for beginning. I really understood that American journalists are much braver than we Soviets because when I was asking him a question I would ask, "What would you like to read in the morning?" An American journalist got up and she asked, "Can you prove to me that my telephone is not bugged and nobody follows me when I'm going for an interview?" So each time an American put up her hand he pretended he didn't see it. He would say, "Yelena, you have some questions?" But when an American put her question, he said, "Another American journalist. How many of them are here?" That was real fun. I also was invited to cover America on Soviet television. I guess people trusted me sincel wasnot an employeeof TV so nobody could tell me whatto do. Idid apiece about gangs in America which was very funny because someone explained that if you are dressed in the wrong dress, you can be killed in the street. During the show, I got a phone call from a Soviet guy who said, "Well that's not our problem because we are dressed not in the colors that we want to wear but the colors that we can get so all the gangs will be confused. They'll never know who is who." I spend last year at the . That's how I was introduced to the world of capitalist sharks—that's what we were taught in the Soviet Union. They told me, "Yelena, be careful. They are sharks." After the year, I figured out they are nice, wonderful, sharks. Then I had a feeling that it was Communism, what Lenin was dreaming about, when everybody has everything and everybody loves everything— that was the Rockefeller Foundation. So my Russian friends would call me and say.

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"Well, Yelena, is there another place in that world of sharks, the Rockefeller Founda­ tion? We would like to share that life with them." I guess, being a Soviet journalist, I understand how Soviet politics works. Now I really want to understand how American politics works. That's why I'm here. There is another thing that I want to find out, something very important. In the Soviet Union they always told us, "You think that in America there are many parties. There are Democrats and there are Republicans. No, there is one party." So I want to imderstand whether they were honest or not, whether there is a big difference between Democrats and Republicans. I was talking today with someone about the difference but he couldn't explain it to me so I'm going to spend time trying to figure out the difference. If anybody is interested in what's going on in the Soviet Union, you can read which is very accurate right now. But I'm going to be talking about the Soviet Union from the inside, about ordinary people, how a person can survive on two dollars salary a month, about what people believe, about youth, about the problems of Soviet females, about what I went through. Thank you.

JFK and the Arts in America by Peggy Charren, Richard Goodwin, Robert Hughes, Edward M. Kennedy, John Kennedy and Shelby Steele Following are edited excerpts from a panel discussion, "The Arts in America: Carrying JFK's Vision Forward," held on the 75th anniversary of President John F. Kennedy's birth, May 28,1992, in the Forum of Public Affairs of the John F. Kennedy School of Government. Introductory remarks were made by Edward M. Kennedy, member, U.S. Senate (D-Ma$sachusetts) and Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics. Panelists included Peggy Charren, president, Action for Children's Television, visiting scholar, Harvard Graduate School of Education; Richard Goodwin, former speech writer and assistant special counsel to President Kennedy; Robert Hughes, senior art critic. Time magazine, author, Barcelona; and Shelby Steele, professor of English, San Jose State University, author, The Content of Our Character: A New Vision of Race in America. John Kennedy, assistant district attorney, Nezv York County, was moderator for the event.

Edward M. Kennedy: In an unprecedented way. President Kennedy worked hard to make the arts a central part of his public policy. The nation has commemorated his presidency with the Performing Arts Center, the Kennedy Center in Washington, D.C. On its marble walls are inscribed the President's own words defirung the importance of the arts, I am certain that after'the dust of centuries has passed over our cities, we, loo, will be remembered not for our victories or defeats in battle or in politics but for our contribution to the human spirit.

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The creative arts represents the hiunan spirit of our nation. American character is echoed in our music, in our dance and painting and other art forms. Copeland and Bernstein are uniquely American as are Martha Graham and Alvin Alley and Agnes DeMille; so too are Jasper Johns, Robert Rauschenberg and Richard Serra. Training in the arts helps young Americans to express themselves and to approach problems creatively. It strengthens our national spirit in ways that can never be measured adequately. The engineer and the biochemist, no less than the painter and the politician, can expand their own horizons through knowledge and understanding of the arts. One of the great miracles of the arts is the opportunity they give the disabled to share oui common humanity. Art is a imiversal language that knows no barriers of culture, geography, politics or ideology. It is a very moving experience to see disabled persons of all ages respond to the arts, to have the chance, perhaps for the first time, to sing a song, paint a picture, perform a dance, write a poem. In cotmtless ways the arts can unlock their talent and creativity. The arts are also a sound investment in dollars and cents terms. They employ over one and a quarter million Americans, nearly twice the number of workers in the steel and rubber industries combined. In 1989, ticket sales for performing arts events exceeded those of spectator sports by 1.4 billion dollars. In October 1963, President Kennedy set out his vision eloquently in an address at . He said, I look forward to a great future for America, a future in which our country will match its military strength with our moral restraint, its wealth with our wisdom, its power with our purpose. And I look forward to an America which commands respect throughout the world, not only for its strength but for its civilization as well. Much of the current controversy on federal funding for the arts has lost sight of that goal. Too often the debate has trivialized the importance of the arts in our lives. You don't have to be a member of the avant-garde to be on guard against the censors and the book burners. The concept of safe art is alien to the first amendment and alien to our future. So this discussion is timely and essential, and I commend my nephew John for his inspiration and hard work in organizing and preparing it.

John Kennedy: I know how much my father cared about the arts and I welcome this forum as an opportunity to discuss that important aspect of his administration and how the often uneasy relationship between culture and politics has evolved since. At his inauguration, the President sent a clear signal about the role of the arts when he invited Robert Frost to participate in that ceremony. In many ways Frost set the tone with his poem, "The Gift Outright," which he read that day. Frost saw the gift of America both as a challenge and a responsibility. The President, in turn, challenged his administra­ tion and the entire country to be worthy of that gift. In 1963, in a letter to August Heckscher, the outgoing special coi^sultant for the arts, the President wrote. Government can never take over the role of patronage and support filled by private individuals and groups in our society. But govem-

68 Reflections

ment surely has a significant part to play in helping establish the conditions under which arts can flourish and encouraging the arts as it encourages science and learning. In the intervening years the role of government in supporting the arts, and the extent to which federally funded art should reflect our national values, continues to inspire vigorous debate. Gertrude Stein wrote that great art irritates, a suggestion possibly that its purpose was that it has no specific purpose, no agenda other than to provoke thought and to enrich our lives, and yet that notion is increasingly imder attack. Should government be in the business of funding controversial or provocative material or, as the new acting chairwoman of the national arts endowment has said, only fund those grants which appeal to the majority of Americans? Is that appropriate? Is there such a thing as consensus art? Some would say that government funds for PBS may mean less funds for children or health care. Is that an appropriate use of public money? As the public frustration with conventional politics mounts, many people look to the arts as a means to enforce a political agenda. Does this distort the role of the arts, or can the arts be a vehicle for political change? Finally, the debate extends into our classrooms and curriculum. The real genius of America is often seen in the country's ability to assimilate immigrants of different backgrounds and offer them opportunity. How does this notion of a melting pot balance against each group's struggle for representation of their own ideas, culture or tradition? At what point does multi- culturahsm encourage separation instead of encouraging tolerance or promote group identification at the expense of individual advancement?

Dick Goodwin: My own involvement with the arts began with a kind of conspiracy between the lovely lady sitting here in front, the President and myself. The monuments of Egypt, the great monuments along the Nile, were being threatened by the flood waters of the Aswan Dam which the Soviets were helping to build. They were trying to raise money in order to save these monuments and the United States under President Eisenhower had refused to make a contribution primarily because of aggravation at Soviet involvement. Immediately after President Kennedy came to the White House, someone ap­ proached his wife and asked for some help. She sent what was perhaps her first and last memorandum to her husband saying that the United States should intervene to try to save these fantastic mementos of antiquity. The memo found its way to my desk with a little scrawl saying, "What the hell do I do about this, Dick." We assembled a working group and looked into it and found out that it was possible. The next job was to persuade the President that he had to go to Congressman Rooney to ask him for forty-five million dollars. We put together an entire booklet with a lot of help from Mrs. Onassis and from Jerry Wiesner, science advisor to the president, on the technical feasibility of taking an entire mountain apart and raising it up above the waters and putting it down again. Egypt had said that anybody who made a big contribution could get gifts in return, some of the objects—some of which are on display here in Boston right now—and could also get a temple, a small temple. "This is wonderful. We really ought to do it," the President said. "But how the hell am I ever going to talk Rooney into giving me forty-million bucks for a bunch of Egyptian rocks." "Mr. President," I said, "Napoleon only brought an obelisk back to

69 Reflections

Paris. You can bring a temple back to Washington." He said, "Let's do it!" Andwedid it. The temple originally went to Washington but ended up at the Museum of Modem Art in New York. There's no doubt that without American participation the money was not there to save these monuments. The arts weren't simply a question of President Kennedy'sown personal preferences, his likes or dislikes, but stemmed from his knowledge of history and of past civiliza­ tions. He regarded cultural and artistic expression as one of the very important signposts or emblems of a great civilization. His desire was to help initiate the creation of a great civilization here in America and he thought of the arts as an important aspect of that because there has been no great civilization without great art. By having Casals at the White House or Frost at the inauguration or by putting together a special council on the arts, he was making an effort to get recognition at the highest level of political power, public power, of the significance that art had to the greatness of America. No matter how strong or rich or powerful you were, if you were not willing to honor or recognize the arts then you didn't realize that the arts as an expression of the human spirit transcended all materia! gain, all material progress. You were not representing a great civilization and a great culture. Asa result, the position of the artist in this society was enormously advanced and enhanced. A little saddened, I'm listening to words about how we were at the beginning when we were really nearing the end of that process of advance in the greatness of America. Within a few years we began instead a period of deterioration and decHne which has continued until the present day. Hopefully we can puU ourselves out of our current rapid decline, arrest it and turn it around, and look to the examples of what President Kennedy stood for and what he said and what he did to have some goals to strive towards.

Peggy Charren: President Kennedy's appointment of Newton Minow as chairman of the Federal Communications Commission indicates that he was sensitive to the potential for the TV set to be a kind of Aladdin's lamp instead of Pandora's box. We still celebrate Minow's first speech to the TV industry decrying the vast wasteland of that small screen and reminding broadcasters that they were by law public trustees with licenses requiring them to serve the public interest. In contrast, Ronald Reagan's appointment to the chairmanship of the FCC was Mark Fowler, a creature most foul for the public interest in television. He believed in the trickle-down theory of commuru- cations: what's good for CBS is good for the rest of us. Saying that "television is just a toaster with pictures," he opened the airwaves to monopolistic practices and overcommercialization. Communications technology is again at a crossroads. With broadcast satellite, telephone and cable interests lobbying for position, who will determine issues of cost, choice and content control? Will interactive computer connections make libraries obsolete? Will pay-per-view reduce access of the poor to information? Will 200 channels mean 50 different times to see the same movie? Will the content be so commercialized that quality becomes irrelevant? Obviously, we need another Kennedy appointment to see us through this tough period in telecommimications policy. In the meantime, we're begiiuiing to realize that teaching our children the history and art and customs of diverse cultures, including

70 Reflections

their own, will help them grow up to be peace loving, productive citizens. Exposing children to the arts has tradirionally been the shared responsibility of parents and the schools. But not every parent has the time or money needed for music lessons and trips to the theater and with today's tight budgets, money-short school districts are cutting back on art education. Television can play an important role in helping children to unleash their natural creativity and in showing them how others have expressed themselves through the arts. E.B.Whiteoncesaid/'Youcan'ttalkdowntochildren. Youhavetotalkup." Good television doesn't talk down to children, even very young children. When Mr. Rogers visited Yo Yo Ma in his studio, that warm and wonderful cellist talked about his early experience with music and showed everybody how to hold the bow and then he played two Bach partitas. This was on a preschool program. A new arts series for young audiences and their families is coming to PBS in the fall. Funded by the NEA and McDonald's, each of the 13 episodes of "Behind the Scenes" features an artist developing a work of art from start to finish: a modem danceby David Parsons, a painting by Robert Gil de Montez, a version of Shakespeare's "Tempest" directed by Julie Taymor. The small screen cannot duplicate the sounds or the sense of being in the audience for a play or an opera; nor can it reflect the texture of an oil painting. But most Americans can't get to the Uve performances of Peter Sellers' " of Figaro" or Marsha Norman's "Night Mother," or Kathleen Battle and Wynton Marsalis in a "Baroque Concert," or Bill T. Jones quirky choreography. Yet millions of us have seen these and other art shows on TV. In fact, "Dance in America/' also on PBS, was so effective in bringing the art of dance to parts of the country that never hosted a dance concert, that new schools of dance opened to fill an unprecedented demand for lessons. President Kennedy's remarks at Amherst College ended with. When power corrupts, poetry cleanses. For art establishes the basic human truth which must serve as the touchstone of our judgement. What wonderful words those are! But for today, in May of 1992, the most important of President Kennedy's words to remember if we are to carry forward his vision for the arts in American are, "Ask what you can do for your country." Because what we must all do now is act to preserve the Public Broadcasting Service and the National Endowment for the Arts. Shelby Steele: I think it is fair to ask the question whether or not we really need art and also, is art essential to a democracy? The human impulses that make for art are ubiquitous. We find them absolutely everywhere on earth where there are human beings, so it's difficult to say that democracy requires it. It's not so much whether we need art or whether it is essential to democracy—the fact is that art is inevitable. Again, it is everywhere. So I don't thir\k it's true that art needs democracy but I do believe that democracy needs art to be healthy. There are certain basic human impulses that one sees applied in the prachce of art that I think are essential to a healthy democratic state. I'll mention only three. The first is man's desire to see and know himself, individually and collectively, through some form of abstract representation, whether that represen­ tation be celebratory or critical. Art simply shows us ourselves. It's representation is a

71 Reflections

way of comprehending ourselves, or at least can be. "A Long Day's Journey into Night" or "Death of a Salesman" show us things that are good and bad and all in between about our condition as both Americans and as human beings. It is obviously good for us to know that. I don't think that there is any immediate translation of what we learn from art into politics. We don't look at a play, see what's wrong with ourselves, and then rim out and pass a bill. But I do feel that a democratic culture with a lively practice of art adds to an ethos and a consciousness in a democratic society that ultimately politics must reckon with. So it is, I think, the other way around. The business of representation is essential to seeing ourselves. Another quality is the practice of imagination. I use the word practice significantly. Artists know that imaginationis something that we try to apply to the conundrums, the mysteries of life. This is a quality of art that we need in a democratic society. If one looks at the kind of conundrums represented in the recent rioting in Los Angeles or in race relations generally or the budget deficit or any number of other problems, the practice of imagination is certainly a discipline that is valuable to a democracy. The last one Til mention is simply clarity. Good art usually has clarity. Certainly, it's very difficult to achieve in our left-right system of politics, where we have competing visions of reality both of which are grounded in considerable truth. It is difficult to penetrate all of that to achieve clarity. Clarity requires insight and a certain disinfatuation with the ideological mask that we all like to wear. Most of all it requires extremely hard work, the kind of work that any good artist is very, very familiar with. Clarity is something that is never delivered to us, it's usually very hard-earned. Again, this is a quahty of art that is important to a democratic society. A society that nurtures art is nurturing qualities and impulses that go beyond art and enrich all of life. I think repressive political regimes, for example, repress artists as much for the qualities of mind that they possess as they do for their actual works of art. A democracy that neglects art may survive but will surely be mediocre. These are things that art can do for democracy. There are also things that democracy can and should do for art. The most important thing that a democratic society can do for art is simply to insist on itself, to insist on the democratic principles that it is founded in. Today there is much emphasis on groups — racial, ethnic, gender groups — often at the expense of the individual who is the basic unitof a democracy. These groups now often function as virtual sovereignties within the democracy and negotiate within it for collective entitlements. As an American citizen, I can vote. As a black, 1 am entitled to certain things, certain preferences, that whites are not entitled to, because of my membership in an histori­ cally-grieved collective. This encourages in the very groups we wish most to bring forward in American life some of the characteristics we see in repressive regimes. Invariably there is a party line. There are loyalty tests. There's a kind of excommuni­ cation of dissidents, those who for whatever reason find themselves in opposition to the prevailing sentiments of the group. Since the group sovereignty is based in grievance against the larger society, these groups often demands that their artists and thinkers testify to the grievance above all else. This contributes to a kind of narrowing down of art, often into propagandistic

72 Reflections

tendencies. There are obvious problems. The group's art become only a gesture of identification with the group's grievance and the causes it inspires. An example is the movie, "Do the Right Thing," by Spike Lee, which begins as a marvelous movie, opens up a tremendously fascinating series of conflicts, and takes a rather critical view towards certain aspects of black inner city life. But then somewhere in the middle, the second two thirds of the film, the artist takes a left turn and all of this rich material that has been opened up is reduced to the problems of the black community solely having to do with racial oppression. All of the conflicts that were opened up earlier are forgotten. The film ceases to be art and turns into an opportunity for the artist to gesture his idenhfication with the grievance of the group. I think this obviously hurts what could otherwise be first-rate art. The group loses the critical representation of itself that it needs for real advancement. We get a kind of group boosterism as opposed to the open and critical and unsparing look that often we rely on art to deliver to us. Also, the larger democracy loses an ac­ curate knowledge of all of its citizens. The larger society does not get the opportunity to see what life really is like there, what the problems really are there, and it misses out as well. Lastly, I think that the entire democratic community, the nation, comes to feel itself as little more than a commonwealth of hostile and unknowable groups. This singular focus on groups that has begun to emerge in American life hurts the art that comes to us from within the group and hurts the larger society as well. There are two things that a democracy has to do in order to work against this kind of thing. The first is to go back to democracy itself and to make the individual paramount. We should entitle people as individuals and as citizens, not as women, not as blacks, not as Hisparucs, not members of agrieved groups. When we begin to entitle them that way we set up an incentive system that encourages disunity, that encourages people again to see them­ selves forever at odds with their own motherland. Imagination, clarity, aesthetic reflection, the kinds of things that have always made for great art, have to continue to be the things that we focus on in supporting art and supporting artists. We should not allow any political urgency to be an excuse for compromising quality because then again, we all lose together. Robert Hughes: Art gives us pleasure, a feeling which always embarrassed the Puritan strand in this country and caused innumerable rationaUzations and theorizations from people who fear that the pleasure principle might not really be quite enough, that it might seem irresponsible. Therefore, they tend to sublimate the offer of pleasure into sometimes exaggerated claims about the educative powers of art. Art does educate you about art but it doesn't educate you about very much else, making it not fundamentally a taxonomic enterprise. Above all, it encourages in us a sense of our distinctiveness as feeling, thinking individual beings. This is probably all that the fine arts can give to a real democracy. It is the Umit of their actual political effect, which may seem small enough but it is not in a society which has practically no agreed sets of values that hold true right across its spectrum of argument — 260 million people all arguing about what they believe. The traditional uses of art, like public conmiemoration and propaganda, are nearly obsolete. After all, the politician does not anymore cause statues of himself to be placed

73 Reflections

on Conshtution Avenue. He or she buys sound bites, buys television time. This is about all that you can reasonably expect. It may seem a somewhat diminished expectation about the social functions of art, but in fact, I believe it has always really been true. There is also the other aspect, that the arts are a capacious and tremendously powerful fund of memory. If we want to know the actions, say of 's mind, how he thought about republicanism and the past and the present and how these intersect, they are as much inscribed in the plan and details of Monhcello and the Virginia State House as they are in his letters. Democracies have to preserve the evidence of their making, their history, their forging. Only tyrannies and mediocre states see advantages in neglecting or destroying the past, in the abolition or the retrospective editing of memory. To put the matter very broadly, I see the democratic responsibilities to art as twofold: firstly, the sustaining of primary institutions — museums, symphonies, theaters, and a free non-partisan, noncommercial broadcast system—along with a really serious budget for the maintenance and the preservation of historical objects and sites; secondly, a helping hand to all sorts of art that can't actually make it in the marketplace either because it is too marginal and not popular enough or mainly appeals to minority audiences, provided, as Shelby Steele also stressed, that it can be argued to have serious aesthetic value. The indefinability of quality, the impossibility of expressing the notion of quality in a simple yardstick does not mean that the experience of quality is not one of the most common things that we do in our life. All of us make judgments all the time and some of these judgments are aesthetic. They are not unreal by virtue of their not embodying themselves in a convenient three-foot rule. I totally disagree with the new line in Washington that wants to make the National Endowment confine itself to something called "mainstream art values." Art of that kind can reasonably be expected to survive in the marketplace and its support can be left to individual patrons or to corporate ones. But it seems fair to expect government to take a substantial share in looking after the fragile evidence of the past, the national patrimony which is our collective memory, and in supporting necessary institutions whose rimning costs have now, thanks to the operations of the art market, multiplied beyond reason through no fault of their own. And in helping fund art education and to some extent in refreshing the seedbed of aesthetic experiment, with no strings attached. Only a lunatic fundamentalist, nostalgic for the Boston Tea Party, would seriously begrudge another four or five dollars per tax payer per year for that. In this country we forbid taxation without representation but we also have to remember that if we have no taxation, we have no civilization.

74 11. Programs Programs

CONTENTS ADMINISTRATION AND ADVISORY COMMITTEES 79 Administration and Staff 80 Senior Advisory Committee 80 Faculty Advisory Committee

THE STUDENT PROGRAM 81 Student Advisory Committee 82 Student Study Groups 95 Institute Suppers 99 Visiting Fellows 100 Summer Research Awards 100 Public Affairs Internships 109 Harvard Political Review 115 Student Projects

THE FELLOWS PROGRAM 124 Panel on Fellowships 125 Fellows Alumni Advisory Committee 125 Institute Fellows 130 Fellows Luncheon Speakers 132 Research Fellows CONFERENCES, SEMINARS AND SPECIAL PROJECTS 133 Campaign Reform Conference 135 Program for Newly-Elected Members of Congress 138 Women in Congress Program 139 Governor's Education Policy Advisory Conference 141 Seminar on Metropolitan Governance 144 Strengthening America's Democracy: Politics and Purpose in the Post Cold War Era Institute of Politics 25th Anniversary Celebration — Schedule of Events 147 Seminar on Transition and Leadership for Newly-Elected Mayors 149 Seminar for Business-Government Relations Council 151 African National Congress Seminar 153 Meetings Hosted 155 Faculty Study Group on Term Limits

157 THE FORUM

Administation and Advisory Committees

Administration and Staff

Derek Curtis Bok, president, Harvard University, 1990-91 Albert Carnesale, dean, John F. Ke1U1edy School of Government, 1991-92 Robert D. Putnam, dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government, 1990-91 Charle Royer, director, Institute of Politics eil Rudenstine, president, Harvard University, 1991-92

Donna J. Burkholder, assistant to the director Heather Pars Campion, assi tant director; forum director Thomas Carter, research assistant, 1991-92 Catherine Denn, student program coordinator There a Donovan, associate director; fellows program coordinator Jennifer DUff, forum assistant Katherine Eckroad, conference consultant, 1990-91 John P. Ellis, consultant, 1991-92 John Howell, deputy director Christine Johnson, staff assistant, 1990-91 Su an E. Lewis, receptionist, 1991-92 Anne Doyle Kenney, office and publications coordinator Catherine A. McLaughlin, acting forum director, spring 1992 Karen McCree, financial assistant Andrea S. Taylor, receptionist, 1990-91 Wendy Klinck Walker, 25th anniversary coordinator, faJl1991 Jo-Anne Wilburn, conference coordinator Kristine M. Zaleskas, staff assistant, 1991-92

Student Assistants

Rachel Laro Sean McCarthy Jim McDermott Mark N. Sheridan Jeanne Smoot Michael P. Sweeney

ROil Browl!

79 Administration and Advisory Committees

The Senior Advisory Committee

Ronald H. Brown, chair. Democratic National Committee * Henry Cisneros, chair. Assessment Management Company, San Antonio, Texas; former mayor, San Antonio John C. Culver, senior partner, Arent, Fox, Kintner, Plotkin & Kahn, Washington, D.C.; former U.S. senator from Daniel J. Evans, Daniel Evans Associates, Seattle, Washington; former governor and U.S. senator. State of Washington Milton Gwirtzman, attorney, Washington, D.C.; former advisor on special issues to President John F. Kennedy Edward M. Kennedy, U.S. senator from Massachusetts John Kennedy, assistant district attorney. New York County, New York Madeleine M. Kunin, distinguished visitor in public policy. The Mary Ingraham Bunting Institute, ; former governor of George C. Lodge, Jaime and Josefina Chua Tiampo professor of business administra­ tion. Harvard University; former assistant secretary for international affairs, U.S. Department of Labor Robert S. McNamara, former secretary, U.S. Department of Defense Warren B. Rudman, U. S. senator from New Hampshire Shirley Williams, public service professor of electoral politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University; former member of Parliament, Great Britain

"^ Chair

The Faculty Advisory Committee

Francis M. Bator, professor of political economy and chairman, Ph.D. committee, public policy program * Samuel H. Beer, Eaton professor of the science of government, emeritus Hale Champion, lecturer in public policy Robert M. Coles, professor of psychiatry and medical humanities Philip B. Heymann, professor of law Stanley H. Hoffmann, C. Douglas Dillon professor of the civilization of France Mark H. Moore, Daruel & Florence Guggerdieim professor of criminal justice policy and management Richard E. Neustadt, Douglas Dillon professor of public administration Daniel Steiner, vice president and general counsel to the university Robert B. Stobaugh, professor of business administration

* Chair

80 Student Program

Student Advisory Committee (SAC) Chair: Bruce Goldberger, fall '90; Kim Harris, 1991; Ross Garon, spring '92 Vice Chair: Kimberly Morgan, fall '90; Mukhlis Balbale, 1991; Jonathan G.S. Koppel, spring '92

Committee Chairs: Commimications: Umkoo Imam, '90-91; Trey Grayson, fall '91; Betty Hung, spring '92 Fellows: Jocelyn Melcher, fall '90; Mark Mindich, spring '91; Marlin Smith, 1991-92 Harvard Political Revieio: Peter Kozinets, fall '90; David Weller, spring '91; Jonathan G.S. Koppell, fall '91; Elizabeth Johnston, spring '92 Harvard Political Union: Mukhlis Balbale, fall '90; Julie Fromholz, spring '91; Adam Smith, fall '91; Christina Davis, spring '92 Internships: Colin Gounden, '90-91; Craig Turk, '91-92 Political Journalism Awards: Elizabeth Capulo, '90-91; Ben Sheffner, '91-92 Projects: Kim Harris, fall '90; Tamar Shay, spring '91;Jessica Horrocks, fall '91; Elizabeth Caputo, spring '92 Study Groups: David Socolow, fall '90; Ross Garon, 1991; Trey Grayson, spring '92 Visiting Fellows: Joe Gentile, '90-91; Mark Mofid, '91-92

SAC Members 1990-92: Matthew Anestis '95 Jessica Horrocks '92 Dan Nelson '94 Kyra Armstrong HLS '92 Betty Hung '93 Hilary Norton KSG'92 Mukhlis Balbale '92 Rosemary Hyson '91 Raul Perez HLS '94 Alvin Bragg '95 Umkoo Imam '93 Bianca Regalado '94 Ketanji Brown '93 Andres Irlando '94 Tamar Shay '93 Michael Camunez '91 Elizabeth Johnston '93 Ben Sheffner '93 Elizabeth Caputo '94 Juliette Kayyem '91 Paul Sheridan '93 Christina Davis '93 Beong-Soo Kim '94 AlexSluskyHBS'92 Roy Edelstein HLS '92 Kyle Kimball '95 Adam Smith '94 Julie Fromholz '92 Stephan Klasen KSG '91 Marlin Smith '94 Ross Garon '93 Jonathan G.S. Koppell '93 David Socolow '91 Joseph Gentile '92 Peter Kozinets '91 Hans Stander KSG '91 Martin Gitlin KSG/HLS'91 Alan Krischer '91 Susan Stayn '91 Jeffrey Glueck '91 Karen Levy HLS'92 Evan Stone '93 Bruce Goldberger '91 Andy Lindholm '92 Craig Turk '93 Colin Gounden '92 Jocelyn Melcher '92 Anne Wade '94 Samantha Graff '93/94 Mark Mindich '92 Carlos Watson '91 Evan Grayer '92 Doug Minor '92 David Weller '93 Christopher Harris '92 M. Mark Mofid'93 Norman Williams '91 Kimberly Harris '92 Kimberly Morgan '91 Harry Wilson '93 Dan Hoffman '91 Sucharila Mulpiuii '95 Lisa-Joy Zgorski KSG'93 Jeremy Horowitz '94

81 The Student Program

Student Study Groups Fall 1990

"Mutual Assured Seduction in the Washington Press Corps" Margaret Carlson, fellow, Institute of Politics, senior writer. Time magazine Guests: Fred DuVal, manager, 1988 Babbit for President campaign Michael Kramer, columnist. Time magazine Chris Matthews, Washington bureau chief, San Francisco Examiner; syndicated columnist Michael McCurry, press secretary, 1988 Babbit for President campaign Henry MuUer, managing editor, Time magazine Liz Robbins, lobbyist, Robbins & Associates

"The CIA, the Intelligence Community and American Democracy" Charles G. Cogan, research fellow, National Security Program, John F. Keimedy School of Government Guests: E. Norbert Garrett, director of congressional relations. Central Intelligence Agency Allan E. Goodman, professor, School of Foreign Service, James Greenleaf, Federal Bureau of Investigation Howard Hart, chief, Counter-Narcotics Center, Central IntelHgence Agency Vernon Penner, executive coordinator, Intelligence Community Counterterrorism Board Stansfield Turner, former director. Central Intelligence Agency

"A Nation at Risk: The Policy and Politics of Urban Education" Richard F. Elmore, professor of education, Graduate School of Education, Harvard University Guests: Steve Bing and Anne Wheelock, Massachusetts Advocacy Center William Spring, vice president. Federal Reserve Bank of Boston Barry Zuckerman, M.D., pediatrician, Boston City Hospital

"Lobby to Save the Earth: Taking on tiie Big Boys and Winning" Brock Evans, fellow. Institute of Politics; vice president/national issues. National Audubon Society Guests: Brent Blackwelder, vice president. Environmental Policy Institute/Friends of the Earth Chuck Clusen, Natural Resources Defense Council Andy Kerr, conservation director, Oregon Natural Resources Council Wilma Subra, president, Subra Company

82 The Student Program

"Economic and Fiscal Policy in the 1990's" Lehmann Li, former special assistant to President Bush Lawrence Sununers, Nathaniel Ropes professor of political economy. Harvard University Guests: Michael Boskin, chairman, U.S. Council of Economic Advisors Alan Murray, correspondent. The Wall Street Journal) author. Showdown at Gucci Gulch Roger Porter, assistant to President Bush for domestic policy

"State and Local Government in the Northeast: America's Laboratory for Creative Change" Richard Licht, attorney; former lieutenant governor, member, State Senate Guests: Neil Corkery, member, Rhode Island House of Representatives Robert "Skinner" Donahue, 1990 Silber for governor of Massachusetts campaign Guy Dufault, executive director, Rhode Island Democratic Party Ira Magaziner, international consultant; author John Martin, speaker, Maine House of Representatives David Nyhan, columnist and associate editor. Albert Shanker, president, American Federation of Teachers

"The Stmbelt: Key Force in American Potitics" Tom Luce, fellow. Institute of politics; 1990 Republican primary candidate for governor of Texas Guests: George Christian, former press secretary to President Lyndon Johnson Ernie Cortes, Hisparuc commimity activist Rena Pederson, vice president and editorial page editor. The Dallas Morning News Bob Strauss, former chairman. Democratic National Committee; former special trade representative and special Mideast envoy (Carter Administration)

"The PoUtics of Race Domination in South Africa" Aggrey Mxolisi Mbere, professor of history, Roxbury Community College; member, African National Congress, South Africa Guests: Bernard Magubane, professor. University of Mbulelo Mzamane, associate professor. University of Vermont Mokubung Nkomo, associate professor. University of /Charlotte

"Local Government Stands Alone" Jessie Rattley, fellow. Institute of Politics; former mayor, Newport News, Virgirua; former president. National League of Cities Guests: Steve Glaude, undersecretary/intergovernmental relations, U.S. Department of Hous­ ing and Urban Development Ed Maroney, city manager, Newport News, Virgiiua

83 The Student Program

"The Changing Role of Governors: Solving Problems vs. Cutting Ribbons" Richard Riley, fellow, Institute of Politics; former governor, South Carolina Guests: Dwight Drake, former chief legislative liaison to Governor Riley Max Heller, former mayor, Greenville, South Carolina Jim Hunt, former governor. North Carolina Madeleine Kunin, former governor, Vermont John Stucker, professor of government and international relahons. University of South Carolina William Winter, former governor, Mississippi

"Who is the "Self in Self-Determination?: Nationalism and Shifting Boundaries in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union" Dov Ronen, associate. Center for International Affairs and affiliate, Minda de Gunzbtirg Center for European Studies, Harvard University Guests: Stanislav Kirschbaum, professor of political science, York University, Canada; member, Slovak World Congress Bela Liptak, president, Foimdation to Protect the Hungarian Environment Igor Lukes, professor of international relations, Boston University Martha Brill Olcott, chair. Department of Political Science, Colgate University

"Perestroika - Past, Present & Future" Melor Sturua, fellow. Institute of Politics; former Washington bureau chief, foreign editor and political colmnnist, Izvestia Guests: Eugenia Albatz, columnist. The Moscow News Marshall Goldman, director, Russian Research Center, Center for International Affairs, Harvard University Dimitri Sims, senior associate, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace George Sturua, chairman, American Department, Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Academy of Sciences, U.S.S.R.

"How to Present Yourself and Your Ideas in Person to Any Group at Anytime: A PubUc Speaking Workshop" Priscilla H. Claman, president. Career Strategies, Inc.; co-author. What To Do With Vie Rest Of Your Life No Guests

"Current Affairs Dinner Table" Kirby Perkins, political correspondent, WCVB-TV Boston No Guests

84 The Student Program

Spring 1991

"Science, Ethics and Public Policy" Stephanie J. Bird, neurosdentist and ethidst; lecturer, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Guests: Arthiu" Caplan, director, Center for Biomedical Ethics, University of Minnesota Stephan L. Chorover, professor of brain and cogrutive science, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Ruth Hubbard, professor of biology, Harvard University Jonathan King, professor of biology, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Judith A. Lachman, associate professor of law and management, Sloan School of Management, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Thomas H. Murray, director. Center for Biomedical Ethics, Case Western Reserve University Andrew N. Rowan, director, Center for Animals and Public Policy, Tufts University School of Veterinary Medicine

"United We Stand: The Quest for Political and Economic Empowerment" Bruce Boiling, member, Boston City Council Guests: Peter Kiang, associate. Joiner Center, University of Massachusetts/Boston Mel King, professor. Urban Studies, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Utrice Leid, The New York City Sun Nelson Merced, member, Massachusetts House of Representatives BJ. Sa, secretary general, The Korean Association of New York

"Young Americans and National Public Service: Duty or Desire? Josie Heath, fellow. Institute of Politics; chair. Board of County Commissioners, Boulder Coimty, Colorado; 1990 Democratic candidate for U.S. senator from Colorado Guests: Michael Brown, co-founder. City Year, Cambridge, Massachusetts Frank Freidel, professor of history, emeritus. Harvard University; biographer of Franklin D. Roosevelt C. Stephen Ganote, legislative assistant to Senator Barbara Mikulski (D-Maryland) Dick Goodwin, speechwriter for President John F. Kennedy Gary Hart, former member, U.S. Senate (D-Colorado) Alan Khazei, co-founder. City Year, Cambridge, Massachusetts Lloyd Mielke, president. National Association of Civilian Conservation Corps Alumni Julie Abbot Murphy, legislative director to Senator Sam Nunn (D-) Harris Wofford, secretary, Permsylvania Department of Labor and Industry; founding member, The

85 The Student Program

"'Inside Baseball': The Politics of Presidential Elections" William B. Lacy, fellow. Institute of Politics; political consultant; former director and vice president for strategy and planning, 1988 Dole for president campaign; former director. Office of Political Affairs, the White House Guests: Rich Bond, chairman. Bond Donatelli, Inc. Peter Brown, chief political correspondent, Scripps Howard News Service Brian Lunde, political consultant Jim Wray, Wray &. Associates

"Stumbling Toward Utopia: Solutions from the State Legislature" Tom Loftus, fellow. Institute of Politics; former speaker, Wisconsin State Assembly; 1990 Democratic candidate for governor of Wisconsin Guests: Gary Goyke, lobbyist Patrick J. Lucey, former governor, Wisconsin Betty Jo Nelson, administrator, Food Stamp Program, Washington, D.C. John Norquist, mayor, Milwaukee, Wisconsin Paul Offner, office of Senator Daniel Patrick Moynihan (D-NY) Dave Travis, majority leader, Wisconsin State Assembly PoUy Williams, member, Wisconsin State Assembly

"New Paradigm: A Republican Approach to Social Policy Issues" Steven Pierce, secretary, Massachusetts Executive Office of Communities and Develop­ ment; former minority leader, Massachusetts House of Representatives; 1990 Republican primary candidate for governor of Massachusetts Brad Minnick, deputy chief secretary, Massachusetts Governor's office Guests: Peter Forman, minority whip, Massachusetts House of Representatives James Pinkerton, deputy assistant to President Bush for policy plaiming Steven Tocco, special assistant to Massachusetts Governor Weld

"War, Peace and the Press: Journalism and the New World Order-" Peter Ross Range, fellow. Institute of Politics; former White House correspondent, U.S. News & World Report; former foreign correspondent,Tnne magazine Guests: Andy Alexander, foreign editor. Cox Newspapers Joe Bergantino, correspondent, ABC News, Boston bureau Hodding Carter III, television commentator; columnist. The Wall Street Journal; former spokesman, U.S. Department of State (Carter administration) Stanley Kamow, author, Vietnam: A History; chief correspondent, "Vietnam; A Televi­ sion History" Bernard Trainor, director. National Security Program, John F. Kennedy School of Government; Lt. Gen. (Ret.), U.S. Marine Corps

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"Making a Difference: Shaping the Congressional Agenda of the '90s" Claudine Schneider, fellow. Institute of Politics; former member, U.S. House of Represen­ tatives (R-Rhode Island); 1990 Republican candidate for U.S. senator from Rhode Island Guests: Myrin Borysenko, executive director, Mind/Body Healtii Sciences, Inc. Richard Elmore, professor. Graduate School of Education, Harvard University Doug Foy, executive director, Conservation Law Foundation of New England Richard Mahoney, chief executive officer, Monsanto Corporation Patricia Reuss, president, Reuss Policy Management

"Art, Politics and Art: Or, does Jesse Helms really want to be the next Director of the Institute of Contemporary Art?" Matthew Teilelbaum, curator. Institute of Contemporary Art, Boston Guests: Michael Kimmelsman, chief art critic. The New York Times Kathleen Kruse, legislative assistant to Senator Edward Kennedy Theodore Landsmark, director. Mayor's Office of Jobs and Cormnunity Services, Boston Randy McAusland, deputy chairman for programs. National Endowment for the Arts David Ross, director. The Whimey Museum of American Art, New York Richard Serra, sculptor

"The Impact of Labor on Policy and Politics in the 90's" Bill Welsh, fellow. Institute of Politics; public policy consultant; former legislative director, American Federation of State, County and Municipal Employees Guests: Bill Lucy, secretary-treasurer, AFSCME Audrey McLaughlin, national officer. New Democratic Party of Canada; member of Parliament, Canada Ken Melee, assistant executive director. National Education Association John Perkins, national director. Committee on Political Education, AFL-CIO Dick Warden, legislative director. United Auto Workers Union Ken Young, executive assistant to President Lane Kirkland, AFL-CIO

"U.S.-China: Real Concerns vs. Realpolitik" Haiching Zhao, chair. Committee on Chinese Student Affairs, Independent Federation of Chinese Students and Scholars in the U.S.; post-doctoral research fellow. Department of Biochemistry and Molecular Biology, Harvard University Guests: Merle Goldman, China scholar, professor, Boston University Harry Harding, China scholar. The Brookings Institute Robert Hefner III, chairman, The GHK Company, Oklahoma Fang Lizhi, professor; astrophysicist; prominent dissident, Chinese democracy movement Winston Lord, former U.S. ambassador to China Jim Mann, correspondent, Washington bureau, The Tom Oliphanl, columnist, Washington bureau. The Boston Globe

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John Sasso, Advanced Strategies Roger Sullivan, president, U.S.-China Business Council

"Producing a Live Television Program: Next Stop, ^'" Irwin Hipsman, executive director, Cambridge Community Television No guests

"Current Affairs Dinner Table" Renee Loth, political reporter. The Boston Globe Guests: Michael Barrett, member, Massachusetts State Senate John Yemma, reporter. The Boston Globe

Fall 1991

"Women, Minorities and Public Policy: A New American Agenda" Maria Berriozabal, fellow. Institute of Politics; 1991 Democratic candidate for mayor, former city councilwoman, San Antonio, Texas Guests: Gloria BonilU'Santiago, associate professor. School of Social Work, Rutgers University Leo Estrada, professor. Graduate School of Urban Planning, University of California /Los Angeles Nelson Merced, member, Massachusetts House of Representatives Charles Yancey, member, Boston City Council

"Eyewitness to the Civil Rights Movement: 1964 to the Present" Unita BlackwelL fellow. Institute of Politics; mayor, Mayersville, Mississippi; president, National Conference of Black Mayors; co-founder, Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party Guests: , visiting lecturer on Afro-American studies. Harvard University Yvonne Easton, coordinator, "I Dream a World: America's Black Women" Henry Espy, mayor, Clarksdale, Mississippi Gerald Gill, professor of history. Tufts University Josephine Martin, Economists Against the Arms Race Robert Moses, civil rights activist Robert Schwartz, Economists Against the Arms Race

"In the Wake of the War: The Future of the American Military" Kurt Campbell, associate professor of public policy and international relations, John F. Kennedy School of Government; officer, U.S. Navy Reserve; former special assistant, European and Soviet affairs. Joint Chiefs of Staff Guests: Juliane Gallina, of Midshipmen, U.S. Naval Academy, Annapolis, Maryland Tim Lupfer, Lieutenant , Battalion Commander, Germany

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Bernard Trainor, director. National Security Program, John F. Kennedy School of Government; Lt. Gen. (Ret.), U.S. Marine Corps Pat Walsh, Commander, Naval Aviator

"Power: How You Can Get It And What To Do With It Once You've Got It" Paul Cronin, president, Highline Industries; former member, U.S. House of Representa­ tives; 1990 Republican primary candidate for governor of Massachusetts Guests: William M. Bulger, president, Massachusetts State Senate Charles F. Flaherty, speaker, Massachusetts House of Representatives Raymond L. Flynn, mayor, Boston John R. Silber, president, Boston University; 1990 Democratic candidate for governor of Massachusetts Stephen J. Sweeney, chairman of the board, Boston Edison Company Liz Walker, news anchor, WBZ-TV Boston William F. Weld, governor, Massachusetts

"The Arab World in the Aftermath of the Gulf War" Leila Fawaz, editor-in-chief, International Journal of Middle East Studies; associate professor of diplomacy, Hetcher School of Law and Diplomacy; professor of history, Tufts University Guests: Helena Cobban, scholar in residence. Foundation for Middle East Peace, Washington, D.C. John L. Esposito, director. Center for International Studies, College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Massachusetts David Good, Office of Near East Affairs, U.S. Information Agency Peter Sluglett, visiting professor of history. Harvard University; lecturer, Center for Middle Eastern Studies, University of Durham, England Mark A. Tessler, professor of political science. University of Wisconsin/Milwaukee

"California 1991: The Big Enchilada of Politics Faces Its Biggest Year Ever" George Gorton, fellow. Institute of Politics; chairman, Califorrua reapportionment com­ mittee; manager, 1990 Pete Wilson for governor and 1988 Pete Wilson for U.S. Senate campaigns Guests: Dick Dresner, chairman and founder, Dresner, Sykes, Jordan & Townsend, Inc. Ben Ginsberg, general counsel. Republican National Committee Terry Gorton, counsel, 1990 Wilson for governor campaign Bill Lowery, member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-Califorrua) Paul E. Maslin, partner, KRC Research & Consulting, Inc.

"Presidential Politics and the Press: Will '92 Be Any Different? James F. Hoge, fellow. Institute of Politics; former Washington correspondent, editor and publisher. New York Daily News, Chicago Sun-Times and Chicago Daily News

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Guests: Richard Cohen, correspondent, CNN Charles Cook, author. The Cook Political Report John Ellis, consultant. Institute of Politics; author, "Nine Sundays: a Proposal for Better Presidential Campaign Coverage" Martin F. Nolan, associate editor. The Boston Globe Timothy Russert, Washington bureau chief, NBC Robert Shrum, political consultant

"Behind the Black Robe: Inside the Third Branch, Looking Out" Rudolph Kass, associate justice, Massachusetts Court of Appeals William Young, judge, U.S. District Court Guests: Leo Boyle, former president, Massachusetts Bar Association Fred Graham, anchor, "Court TV"; former Supreme Court correspondent, CBS Ralph Mecham, director, administrative office. United States Courts William F. Weld, governor, Massachusetts

"Change in North Asia: A Dramatic Decade for Taiwan, South Korea and China James R. Lilley, fellow. Institute of Pohtics; former U.S. ambassador to the Peoples Republic of China Guests: Richard V. Allen, national security advisor to President Reagan (1981) Richard Armitage, assistant secretary for international security, U.S. Department of Defense (1982-88) Gaston Sigur, assistant secretary for East Asia and Pacific, U.S. Department of State (1985-89)

"Soundbites and Spin Doctors; Contemporary Political Imagemaking" Dan Payne, political advertising consultant; president, Payne & Company Guests: Sidney Blumenthal, senior editor. The New Republic Lou DiNatale, John W. McCormack Institute of Public Affairs, University of Massachu­ setts/Boston Todd Domke, political consultant Charles Kenney, political reporter, The Boston Globe Thomas Kiley, partner, MartiUa & Kiley Michal Regunberg, director. First Amendment Institute, Boston University; press secre­ tary, 1990 Silber for governor of Massachusetts campaign Ralph Whitehead, professor of journalism. University of Massachusetts/Amherst

"Crime Story: Confronting Violence in the 90's" Thomas F. Reilly, district attorney, Middlesex County, Massachusetts Guests: Wayne Budd, U.S. attorney, Massachusetts

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Martha Coakley, assistant district attorney; chief. Child Abuse Unit, Middlesex County, Massachusetts William Johnston, commander. Community Disorders Unit, Boston Police Department Elizabeth Lederer, assistant district attorney; seruor trial counsel, New York County Edward Rapacki, chief. Criminal Bureau, office of Massachusetts Attorney General Margaret A. Rosenbaum, assistant state attorney; chief. Domestic Crimes Unit, State Attorney's Office, Dade County, Florida

"Religion and Politics: Grappling with Some of Today's Most Pressing Political Problems" Reverend Charles R. Stilh, senior minister. Union United Methodist Church, Boston; founder, Organization for a New Equality; author. Political Religion Guests: Lamond Godwin, senior director, American Express Bai\k, Ltd.; political strategy coor­ dinator, 1984 Jackson for president campaign BJ. Isaacson-Jones, president. Reproductive Health Services, St. Louis, Missouri

"The Wild, Wild West Revisited: Environmental Warfare" Ted Wilson, fellow, Institute of Politics; former mayor. ; 1988 Democratic candidate for governor of Guests: Dan Beard, staff director. Committee on Interior and Insular Affairs, U.S. House of Representatives Terry Gorton, chairman, California Timber Board James Hansen, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Utah) Terri Martin, director. Rocky Mountain office. National Parks and Conservation Association , member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Utah) Rick Reese, founder. Greater Yellowstone Coalition

Current Affairs Dinner Table Judy Jarvis, print, radio and television journalist No Guests

Spring 1992

"Doing the Right Thing: Legislative Dilemmas" Larry Alexander, attorney; former member, Massachusetts House of Representatives Guests: Geoff Beckwith, director, Massachusetts Municipal Association Phil Johnston, director, Robert F. Keimedy Foundation; former member, Massachusetts House of Representatives George Keverian, former speaker, Massachusetts House of Representatives Tom McGee, former speaker, Massachusetts House of Representatives Frank Phillips, State House correspondent. The Boston Globe

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Sue Tucker, director of education, GOAL-QPC; former member, Massachusetts House of Representatives Pam Wilmot, executive director. Common Cause of Massachusetts

"Presidential Politics: The Road to the White House" Jack Corrlgan, assistant district attorney, Norfolk County, Massachusetts; director of operations, 1988 Dukakis/Bentsen presidential campaign John Ellis, consultant. Institute of Politics; author, "Nine Sundays: A Proposal for Better Presidential Campaign Coverage"; former political producer, NBC News election imit Guests: Tad Devine, manager, 1992 Kerrey for president campaign David Garth, poUtical consultant Irwin''Tubby"Harrison,pollster, 1992 Tsongas for presidentand 1988 Dukakis/Bentsen presidential campaigns John Martilla, partner, Martilla & Kiley Roy Wetzel, former director, NBC News election unit Betsey Wright, fellow. Institute of PoUtics; former chair and executive director. Demo­ cratic Party of Arkansas; former chief of staff and campaign manager, 1992 Clinton for president campaign

"Is the Party Over for the Two National Political Parties?" Thomas J. D'Amore, Jr., fellow. Institute of Politics; former chief of staff, office of Governor Lowell P. Weicker, Jr.; chairman, 1990 Weicker for governor campaign; former chairman, Connecticut Republican Party Guests: John Anderson, 1980 Unity Party candidate for president; former member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-) Richard Balducci, speaker, Connecticut House of Representatives Gordon S. Black, chairman and CEO, Gordon S. Black Corporation Peter Gold, political strategist, 1990 Weicker for governor campaign Eunice S. Groark, Ueutenant governor, Connecticut Larry Halloran, counsel, office of Governor Lowell P. Weicker

"Giving a Head Start: Designing Legislation for Children" Bill Harris, founder and head of KidsPac, political action committee concerned with problems of poor children and their families Guests: Carol Brooks, R.N., Boston City Hospital Jackie Jenkins-Scott, president, Dimock Community Health Center, Roxbury, Massachusetts Steve Marans, assistant professor. Child Study Center, Tom Rollins, president. The Teaching Company; former staff director. Labor and Human Resources Committee, U.S. Senate Edward Tronick, director. Unit, Children's Hospital, Boston Barry Zuckerman, M.D., director of pediatrics, Boston City Hospital; member, National Conunission on Children

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"Conflicts of Interest in the News Business" John Hart, fellow. Institute of Politics; former correspondent and anchor, CBS News, NBC News, World Monitor/The Discovery Channel Guests: Joanna Bistany, vice president, ABC News; former press assistant to President Ronald Reagan Stanhope Gould, investigative reporter, ABC's "Prime Time Live"; former producer, NBC News, CBS News Sandy Socolow, executive producer. World Monitor/The Discovery Channel, "CBS Evening News with Walter Cronkite" , syndicated political columnist, TVie Baltimore Sun

"Cities Under Siege: Urban America on the Brink" Bill Hudnut, fellow. Institute of Politics; former mayor, Indianapolis, Indiana Guests: Carol Bellamy, former president. City Council, New York David Caputo, dean. Department of Liberal Arts, Purdue University; consultant. News Election Service Daniel F. Evans, Jr., chairman. Federal Housing Finance Board David Frick, former deputy mayor, Indianapolis, Indiana Michael Higbee, former director. Department of Metropolitan Development, Indianapo­ lis, Indiana Jesse Jackson, president. National Rainbow Coalition; statehood senator, Washington, DC. Jack Kemp, secretary, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Woodrow Myers, former commissioner of public health. State of Indiana and City of New York Frank Shafroth, associate director. National League of Cities Kalhy Whihnire, former mayor, Houston, Texas

"The Commonwealth of Independent States: Can It Last?" Yelena Khanga, fellow. Institute of Politics; former correspondent, Moscow Nezvs; guest commentator, "Vzglyad" (Soviet TV talk show), "MacNeil-Lehrer News Hour," ABC's "20/20", CNN's "Sonya Uve" Guests: Bruce Allyn, associate director, U.S./Soviet Joint Study Group, John F. Kennedy School of Government Sergei Grigoriev, fellow, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy; former deputy spokesperson for Mikhail Gorbachev Vladimir Pozner, co-host, NBC's "Pozner and Donahue"; former commentator. Radio Moscow Vadim Rasumovsky, consul, Russian embassy, Washington, D.C. Alexander Shalnev, New York bureau chief, Izvestia

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"Going First: Women as Political Leaders" Ann F. Lewis, political commentator, consultant; former political director, Democratic National Committee Evelyn Murphy, attorney; former lieutenant governor, 1990 Democratic candidate for governor of Massachusetts Guests: Dorothy Cantor, author. Women and Power: Tlie Secrets of Leadership Ellen Malcolm, founder and president, Emily's List Bemice Mclntyre, Arthur D. Little Co.; former chair, Massachusetts Department of Public Utilities Susan McLane, member, New Hampshire State Senate Shelby Scott, political correspondent, WBZ-TV Boston Betsey Wright, fellow. Institute of Politics; former executive director, Arkansas Demo­ cratic Party; former chief of staff and campaign manager for Governor Clinton

"Making Constitutional Law: The Politics of Principles" Gary L. McDowell, Bradley visiting scholar, Harvard Law School Guests: Mark Bredemeier, general counsel. Landmark Legal Foundation Charles J. Cooper, former assistant attorney general. Office of Legal Counsel, Reagan Adn\inistration Gordon Crovitz, assistant editor, editorial page; writer, "The Rule of Law" column. The Wall Street Journal Eugene W. Hickok, Jr., former special assistant, U.S. Department of Justice Sanf ord Levinson, legal scholar III, former U.S. attorney general (Reagan Administration) Kenneth W. Starr, U.S. solicitor general

"Governors and the Politics of Governing" Buddy Roemer, fellow. Institute of PoHtics; former governor, Louisiana Guest: Ray Mabus, governor, Mississippi

"Peace Education: A Curricultmi for the Ages" Camelia Sadat, peace activist; assistant professor of Middle East history, Bentley College Guests: Jonathan Clark, psychotherapist Mica Estrada, graduate student in conflict resolution Roger Fisher, Williston professor of law; director. Harvard Negotiation Project Jerome Kagan, Daniel and Amy Starch professor of psychology, Harvard University Herbert Kelman, Richard Clarke Cabot professor of social ethics. Harvard University Robert Simmons, professor and chair. Department of Communications, University of Southwest Louisiana

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"Narco-Politics: America's Ehug Debate" Richard White, fellow, National Seciuity Program, John F. Kennedy School of Govern­ ment; former advisor on narcotics to the White House, CIA, U.S. Department of State; former commander, U.S. Coast Guard vessel Guests: David Courtwrighl, professor of history. University of North Florida; author. Dark Paradise Larry Ellison, detective, narcotics unit, Boston Police Department Mark Kleiman, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Rensallaer Lee, president. Global Associates Robert Nieves, senior special agent, U.S. Drug Enforcment Agency Karen Wakefield, director, STEP, Inc.

"High Tech Politics: The Future is Here" Betsey Wright, fellow. Institute of Politics; former chair and executive director, Arkansas Democratic Party; former chief of staff and campaign manager for Governor Clinton Guests: Anna Bennett, Bennett, Petts & Associates Arline Isaacson, director. Division of Governmental Services, Massachusetts Teachers Association Dick Morris, political consultant, strategist and pollster Mary Beth Rogers, chief of staff, office of Governor Arm Richards of Texas

"Current Affairs Dinner Table" Geri Denterlein, editorial director and political commentator, WBZ-TV Boston Guests: Nicholas Daniloff, journalist; sovietologist; professor, Northeastern University Joseph P. Kennedy 11, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Massachusetts) Wendy Schaetzel, joumalist and author Jack Thomas, reporter. The Boston Globe

Institute Suppers Institute suppers, scheduled twice each week in conjimction with the study group program, bring togetiier for informal discourse study group leaders and their guests, current and former fellows, staff and representatives from the arenas of electoral politics, public affairs, the media, and academia. The agenda for supper includes a brief talk and discussion led by a study group guest speaker.

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Fall 1990 October 2 Bernard Magubane, professor of political . Department of Anthropology, University of Connecticut October 3 Kurt Campbell, assistant professor of public policy and international relations, assistant director. Center for Science and International Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government October 9 Andy Kerr, director. Conservation and Education, Oregon Natural Resources Council October 10 George Christian, campaign consultant; press secretary to President Lyndon Johnson October 16 Alexander Merkushev, fellow, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics & Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; chief, English service, TASS News Agency, U.S.S.R. October 17 Bela Liptak, president. Foundation to Protect the Hungarian Environment October 23 Stansfield Turner, former director. Central Intelligence Agency October 24 David Ross, director. Institute of Contemporary Art, Boston; chairman. Federal Advisory Committee on International Exhibitions, National Endowment for the Arts and United States Information Agency October 30 Cardell Cooper, mayor. East Orange, New Jersey November 6 Hugh Sidey, contributing editor. Time magazine Alan Miuray, chief economic correspondent, Washington bureau, Tfie Wall Street Journal November 13 Ross Perot, founder. Electronic Data Systems Corporation November 14 Deborah Frank, associate professor of pediatrics, Boston University; director. Growth and Development Clinic, Boston City Hospital

Spring 1991 February 12 Robert Putnam, dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government February 13 Leonard Hausman, director. Institute for Social and Economic PoHcy in the Middle East, John F. Kennedy School of Government; Laurie Mylorie, fellow. Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Harvard University; co-author, Saddam Hussein and the Crisis in the Gulf; Sam Zakhem, former U.S. ambassador to Bahrain (1986-1989)

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February 19 Robert Stavins, associate professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government February 20 William Bulger, president, Massachusetts State Senate February 26 Doris Keams Goodwin, biographer, February 27 Rich Bond, deputy manager, 1988 Bush for president campaign March 5 Zbigniew Bujalski, member. Solidarity executive committee; Robert Fielding, officer. Solidarity March 6 Stanley Kamow, author, Vietnam: A History; chief correspondent, PBS series "Vietnam: A Television History" March 13 Michael Kirmnelman, chief art critic, Tfte New York Times March 14 Judith Lachman, associate professor of law, Sloan School of Manage­ ment, Massachusetts Institute of Technology March 19 Audrey McLaughlin, national leader, New Democratic Party, Canada March 20 John Norquist, mayor, Milwaukee, Wisconsin April 2 Graham T. Allison, Jr., director. Harvard Project on Strengthening Democratic Institutions; professor, former dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government April 3 Harris Wofford, former associate director. Peace Corps; secretary of labor and industry, Permsylvania April 9 Ray Flynn, mayor, Boston April 10 Winston Lord, former U.S. ambassador to the Peoples Republic of China

Fall 1991 October 1 Graham T. Allison, Jr., director. Harvard Project on Strengthening Democratic Institutions; professor, former dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government October 2 Doris Keams Goodwin, biographer, historian October 8 Charles Cook, author, Vre Cook Politica} Report, a Washington-based newsletter October 9 Leonard Hausman, director. Institute for Social and Economic Policy in the Middle East, John F. Kermedy School of Government October 15 Wayne Owens, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Utah)

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October 16 Bill Loweiy, member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-Califomia) October 22 John Keimeth Galbraith, Paul M. Warburg professor of economics, emeritus, Harvard University October 23 Sidney Blumenthal, senior editor. The New Republic October 29 , candidate, 1992 Democratic presidential primary campaign October 30 , candidate, 1992 Democratic presidential primary campaign November 5 Fred Graham, anchor, managing editor, "Court TV" November 6 Wayne Budd, U.S. Attorney for Massachusetts November 12 John ElUs, consultant. Institute of Politics; author, "Nine Sundays: A Proposal for Better Presidential Campaign Coverage"; former political producer, NBC News election unit November 13 Shirley Williams, public service professor of electoral politics and director. Project Liberty, John F. Kennedy School of Goverrunent

Spring 1992 February 11 Archie Epps, dean of students. February 12 Ann Lewis, political commentator, consultant; former political director. Democratic National Committee; Buddy Roemer^ fellow. Institute of Politics; governor of Louisiana (1987-1991) February 18 Dorothy Cantor, co-author. Women in Power: Secrets of Leadership February 19 Ken Bode, director. Center for Contemporary Media, DePauw University; political analyst, CNN; John Ellis, consultant. Institute of Politics; author, "Nine Sundays: A Proposal for Better Presidential Campaign Coverage"; former political producer, NBC News election unit; Tom Oliphant, Washington columnist. The Boston Globe February 25 Padraig O'Malley, lecturer in political science, John W. McCormack Institute of Public Affairs, University of Massachusetts/Boston; Peter Zimmerman, associate dean, director. Executive Programs, leader. Project on South Africa, John F. Kennedy School of Government February 26 Kathryn Whitmire, former mayor, Houston, Texas (1982-1992) March 3 Vladimir Posner, Russian print, television and radio journalist; co- host, "Posner and Donahue" Ellen Goodman, columnist, associate editor. The Boston Globe

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March 10 John Anderson, 1980 Unity Party candidate for president; former member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-Iliinois) March 11 Reverend Jesse Jackson, president. National Rainbow Coalition; statehood senator, Washington, D.C.; 1984 & 1988 Demoaatic candidate for president March 17 Eugene McCarthy, member, U.S. Senate (1958-1970/(D-Minnesota); 1968,1976, & 1992 Democratic candidate for president March 31 Lowell Weicker, governor, Connecticut April 1 Mary Beth Rogers, chief of staff, office of Governor Ann Richards of Texas April 7 Barbara Roberts, governor, Oregon Aprils Kurt Campbell, associate professor of public policy and international relations, assistant director, Center for Science and International Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government

Heffernan Visiting Fellows The Dermis B. and Elizabeth B. Heffeman visiting fellows program brings prominent public men and women to Harvard for brief visits designed to provide maximum contact with the Harvard community, in particular with undergraduate students. A public address in the ARCO Forum of Public Affairs is often one of the highlights of the program.

The 1991 Visiting Fellow was: Sir Geoffrey Howe, Conservative member of Parliament, Great Britain; cabinet minister in the Thatcher government (1979-1990), chancellor of the exchequer (1979-1983), secre­ tary of state for foreign and commonwealth affairs (1983-1989), deputy prime minister, lord president of the council and leader of the House of Commons (1989-1990). Activities during Sir Geoffrey's visit (October 30-November 2) included breakfast with undergraduates at the Harvard Freshman Union, a discussion with Kennedy Scholars and Knox Fellows, lunch with members of the histitute of Politics student advisory committee, a lecture/discussion at the Center for European Studies, afternoon tea at with residents and master, breakfast with fellows and affiliated students of the Center for hitemational Affairs, and a public address in the Forum entitled, "Where Next for Conservatism?: Lessons of the Thatcher Years/'

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Summer Research Awards The Institute of Politics offers financial support to Harvard undergraduates for summer fieldwork contributing to senior theses relating to American politics and pubHc policy issues. Recipients of summer research awards and their topics were:

1990: Christine Chi '91 The Pohtics of Environmentalism: The Role of (History of Science) Edmund S. Muskie in the Rise of Environmentalism in the '60s and '70s Leslie Crutchf ield '91 Controlled Choice in Boston; Public Policy at Work (Government) Jonathan J. Frankel '91 A History of the Green Committees of Correspondence (Social Studies) (the American Greens) Melissa Russell Hart '91 Unions and Fetal Protection Policy (Women's Studies) James Lavi '91 Budget Crisis in Massachusetts and Connecticut (Government and Economics) Suzanne Nossel '91 Southern Jewry, Integration and Civil Rights Reform (History) Lori L. Outzs '91 Political Participation of Puerto Ricans in the United (Government) States KathyPumeir91 Application of Rousseau's Social Contract Theory to (Government) Social and Political ConfUcts in the United States

1991: Philip Koch Mahowald '92 The Rights of the Criminally Accused on tiie Sioux (Government) Indian Reservations of South Dakota Jerry Dean Newton '92 The Implementation of the Points of Light Initiative (Government) and its Implications for the Implementation of other Federal Programs Peter Bowman Rutledge '92 Medicare Catastophic Coverage Act (PL 100-360): (Government) A Case Study in Vote Reversals Adrian Staub '91 Self-categorization. Integrative Complexity, and the (Psychology) 1981 Federal Tax and Budget Legisation

Public Affairs Internships The Institute offers several programs for Harvard undergraduates in support of student participation in public sector internships and in public affairs: The Summer Stipend Program - provides supplementary funds in support of pubhc sector internships to enable undergraduates to accept unpaid or underpaid summer jobs in federal, state, and local government, political organizations, and pubHc affairs agencies

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The Summer-in-Washington Program - provides information and assistance for students seekingsummerhoiisingin the EHs trictof Columbia andits environs and hosts a speakers series, intellectual, athletic and social activities for Harvard students working and living during the sununer in the Washington, D.C. area The Summer-in-Boston Program - hosts a speaker series, social events and excursions to places of political interest for students and others studying, working or living in the Boston area during the eight-week Har\'ard Summer School session Seminars and Workshops - bring together Institute Fellows, public sector profession­ als, former interns and intern supervisors for panel discussions on internship availabil­ ity, requirements, hiring practices and recruitment, skills needed, office protocol, opportunities for job enhancement and advancement, and tips about stunmer living and resources available in tiie Washington, D.C. area The Extemship Program - provides an opportunity for Harvard students, on one or more days during Harvard's spring break week, to "shadow," and thus observe first hand, the day-to-day responsibilities of professionals working in government, public sector agencies and the media

Summer Stipends Recipients and their employers were: 1990: Jarrett T. Barrios '91 Boston—office of David Scondras, member, Boston City Council Jeaimine Bell '91 Washington—Center for the Study of Foreign Affairs Gregory Chen '92 San Francisco—Chinese for Affirmative Action Jennifer Crimmins '92 Washington—Republican Study Corrunittee Michael M. Farhang '92 United Arab Emirates—U.S. Embassy John Gregory Gomez '91 Washington—office of Edward R. Roybal, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Califomia) Jonathan Hansen '92 Washington—office of the Corporation Council, Govern­ ment of the District of Columbia Thomas H. Hart '91 Washington—The David J. Kennedy '93 New York—Coaliton for the Homeless Wade Kerrigan '91 Washington—office of Tom Harkin, member, U.S. Senate (D-Iowa) Milan Kosanovich III '92 Beaver Falls, —office of Joe Kolter, member U.S. House of Representatives (D-Pennsylvania) Robin Lessie '92 Washington—office of Ed Markey, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Massachusetts) Margit McGrath '91 Washington—^Japan Econoiruc Institute P. MeiTill McKenzie '91 Trenton, New Jersey—office of Jim Floria, governor. New Jersey Samuel T. Menser '93 Los Angeles—office of Henry A. Waxman, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Califomia)

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M. Mark Mofid '93 Los Angeles—office of Pete Wilson, member, U.S. Senate (R-Califomia) Katherine Mooney '91 Washington—office of Edward M. Kennedy, member, U.S. Senate (D-Massachusetts) Jennifer M. Motley '91 Washington—officeof Nicholas Ma vroules,member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Massachusetts) Jerry Dean Newton '92 Washington—Office of National Service, The White House Phuong-Que Nguyen '91 Boston—Governor's Office on Women's Issues Rita Raju '92 Madras, India—American Consulate Adam Ruben '93 Washington—Subcommittee on Telecommunications & Finance, U.S. House of Representatives Rose Schneider '92 Washington—office of Mark Hatfield, member, U.S. Senate (D-Oregon) Lisa Shumaker '91 Washington—Committee for Education Funding Paul Michael Thompson '91 Washington—Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee Alexandra E. Tibbetts '93 Boston—Massachusetts Committee on Criminal Justice Darreld R. Turner III '91 Washington—office of David Boren, member, U.S. Senate (D-Oklahoma) Michael Waldorf'92 Washington—Office of Policy Development David Weller '92 Washington—Bureau of PubUc Affairs, U.S. Department of State Mark K. Wiedman '92 Brussels, Belguim—U.S. Mission to the European Com­ munity Margaret Elise Wirth '91 Boston—Massachusetts Executive Department of the Environment 1991: Joshua Biu^tein '93 Boston—Civil Liberties of Massachusetts Thomas E. Castleton '93 Washington—office of Joseph P. Kennedy II, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Massachusetts) John H. Cawley '93 Washington—office of , member, U.S. Senate (R-Pennsylvania) Linda M. Chang '93 Washington—U.S. Department of State Sandra Cheng '92 Seattle—Department of Human Services Jose J. Cotaielo '94 Washington—office of Cormie Mack, member, U.S. Senate (R-Florida) David M. DiDomenico '92 Washington—The White House Benjamin N. Estes '93 Washington—office of , member, U.S. Senate, (D-Massachusetts) Michael M. Farhang '92 Riyadh, Saudi Arabia—U.S. Embassy Therese Marie Flyrm '92 Bordeaux, France—American Consulate General Oona Hathaway '94 Washington—office of Bill Bradley, member, U.S. Senate (D-New Jersey) Monica Joy HouLe '92 Sao Paulo, Brazil—U.S.Embassy Milena Hruby '92 Boston—^Family, Friends & Commuiuty Project

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Chad Austin Leilh '92 Washington—office of Edward M. Kennedy, member, U.S. Senate (D-Massachusetts) TiH Mina Liu '93 Washington—U.S. Department of State Marc Lucas '94 Washington—Rainbow Lobby Tamara Simone Lyn '93 Boston—office of David Scondras, member, Boston City Council Melissa Jasmin Ma '92 Washington—U.S. Department of State NeilJ.Mello'92 Washington—^Republican Study Committee Crystal Merritt '93 Washington—Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee Emil George Michael '94 Washington—Republican National Committee Eva Nia Nelson '91 Boston—Arson Prevention Commission Thomas James Norman '92 Duluth, Minnesota—Chamber of Comnierce Antoinette Passananle '92 Floral Park, New York—Village Hall Lisa Ann Nowell '92 New Bedford, Massachusetts—office of Bristol Coimty District Attorney Carol Elisa Rava '92 Washington—U.S. Department of Defense Clare R. Scherrer '92 Washington—U.S. Department of State James Stephens '92 Washington—office of Nancy Kassebaum, member, U.S. Senate (R-Kansas) Adam Tolvay '93 Washington—office of Gary Ackerman, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-New York) P. Dmitri Tymoczko '92 Boston—office of David Scondras, member, Boston City Council Harry James Wilson '93 Washington—Republican Study Committee Terrell C. Wolfram '93 Anaheim, California—office of John Seymour, member, U.S. Senate (R-CaHfomia) Kevin Zimmerman '92 Washington—The Pentagon

Summer-in-Washington Program The 1990 Summer-in-Washington Program, coordinated by Kira M. Alvarez '90, hosted the following events: Political July 5 Meeting/discussion withDickThomburgh,U.S.attomeygeneral;former director. Institute of PoHtics July 10 Meeting/discussion with Chase Untermeyer, director of persormel, the White House; former fellow. Institute of Politics July 11 Tour of the White House with David Miller, deputy national security advisor July 17 Meeting/discussion with Bob Grady, assistant to the director. Office of Management and Budget July 24 Meeting/discussion with Ted Sanders, undersecretary, U.S. Department of Education

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August 2 Meeting/discussion with Hendrik Hertzberg, editor-in-chief, The New Republic; former fellow. Institute of Politics August 8 Meeting/discussion with Charles William Maynes, editor-in-chief. Foreign- Policy

Cultural/Social June 22 Program Opening Reception June 29 Garden Reception with Charles Royer, director, and John Howell, deputy director, Institute of PoUtics July 4 Fireworks on the Mall July 16 All Intern Reception

Sports Softball: June 17 Harvard v. University of Pennsylvania June 24 Harvard v. University of Michigan Julyl Harvard v. Julys Harvard-Stanford v. Duke-Wellesley July 15 Harvard v. Duke University July 22 Harvard v. University of California/Berkeley July 29 Harvard v. Yale University

VolleybaU: July 29 Lincoln Memorial

The 1991 Surmner-in-Washington Program, coordinated by Jeanne L. Smoot '92, hosted the following events:

Political June 4 Meeting/discussion with Ambassador David C. Miller, former special assistant to the President for national security affairs June 10 Meeting/discussion with Stephen Hess, senior fellow. The Brookings Institution; former fellow. Institute of Politics June 17 Meeting/discussion with James Wolfensohn, chairman of the board. The Kennedy Center June 18 Brown bag lunch discussion with Margaret Carlson, correspondent. Time magazine; former fellow. Institute of Politics June 25 Meeting/discussion Dr. Muhammed Al-Awadi, board member. Citizens for a Free Kuwait June 26 Ltmch meeting with , host, ABC News "This Week with David Brinkley" June 27 Meeting/discussion with Vladimir Reshetilov, first secretary, Russian Embassy July 1 Meeting/discussion with Michael Williams, assistant secretary for civil rights, U.S. Department of Education

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July 9 Meeting/discussion with Bill Kristol, chief of staff, office of Vice President July 15 Meeting/discussion with , member, U.S. Senate (R-BCansas) July 15 Meeting/discussion with Kati Haycock, vice president. Children's Deferise Fund July 22 Meeting/discussion with Richard Haass, special assistant to the President for Near East and South Asian affairs July 26 Meeting/discussion with Roger Porter, special assistant to the President for domestic & economic affairs July 29 Meeting/discussion with Ron Brown, chair. Democratic National Committee; chair, senior advisory committee. Institute of Politics July 31 BrownbaglunchdiscussionwithMaryMatalin,chief of staff. Republican National Committee August 2 Meeting/discussion with Antonin Scalia, jushce, U.S. Supreme Court August 5 Meeting/discussion with C. Boyden Gray, council to the President August 6 Meeting/discussion with Judith Hope, attorney; member of the board, Harvard Corporation August 8 Brown bag lunch discussion with David Brinkley, host, ABC News "This Week with David Brinkley" August 10 Meeting/discussion with Chase Unlermeyer, former director of personnel, the White House August 12 Meeting/discussion with , director, American Red Cross August 14 Meeting/discussion with Luigi Einaudi, U.S. ambassador to the Organization of American States

Cultural/Social Junes Desert Storm Parade June 16 Nine-College Picnic {Washington Monument) June 29 Tour of the White House June 29 Bagel making/barbecue party, hosted by Mark E. Talisman, director, Washington action office. Council of Jewish Federations; former fel­ low. Institute of Politics (Chevy Chase, Maryland)

Sports Softball: June 9 Harvard vs. University of Pennsylvania June 23 Harvard vs. Smith College June 30 Harvard vs. University of California/Berkeley July 7 Harvard vs. Brown University July 14 Harvard vs. Duke Uruversity July 21 Harvard vs. Star\ford University July 28 Harvard vs. University of Michigan August 4 Harvard vs. Yale University

VolleybaU: June 22 Harvard vs. Yale University

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Summer-in-Boston Program The Surruner-in-Boston Program, coordinated by Kristine Zaleskas '91, hosted the following activities during the term: 1990: "Tuesdays in the Forum" July 17 "Is America in Decline?: U.S. and the Soviet Union in the 1990s," an address by Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Clarence Dillon professor of interna­ tional affairs and director. Center for International Affairs, Harvard University; co-sponsored by the Harvard Summer School Program July 24 An address by , former governor, Massachusetts; 1988 Democratic candidate for president; co-sponsored by the Harvard Summer School Program July 31 "A Conversation with Peggy Noonan," speech writer for Presidents Reagan and Bush; author, What I Saw at the Revolution August 8 "You be the Judge!," a mock "Senate Judiciary Committee" confirmation hearing of the nomination of David H. Souter f or associate justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, with: "Senator" Howard Yourow, doctoral candidate in constitutional law. University of Michigan; visiting professor. Harvard Law School "Nominee" Brian Coucouchas, constitutional law specialist The Audience, members of the voting public

Afternoon Lecture Series July 6 "The Politics of Northern Ireland," lecture and discussion with Padraig O'Malley, professor, John W. McCormack Institute of Public Affairs, University of Massachusetts/Boston July 9 "RevolutioninEastemEurope:AnEconomist's Perspective," lecture and discussion with , Nathaniel Ropes professor of political economy. Harvard University July 17 "The Politics of Abortion," lecture and discussion with Susan Newsome, public relations director. Planned Parenthood July 17 "The Drug Issue in the 1990s," lecture and discussion with Mark Kleiman, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government August 3 "The Future of South Africa," lecture and discussion with Aggrey Mbere, professor, Roxbury Community College; former study group leader. Institute of Politics August 8 "A Conversation with Robert Turner," colurrmist, Tlte Boston Globe

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Political Film Series July 12 "Roger and Me" July 19 "Cry Freedom" July 25 "Mr. Smith Goes to Washington" August 2 "Do the Right Thing" August 9 "All the President's Men"

Field Trip July 21 Tour of the JohnF. Kennedy Librar Summers, public relatior\s director, Kennedy Library

1991 Afternoon Lecture Series July 9 "Women in Politics," lecture and discussion with Alice Wolf, mayor, Cambridge, Massachusetts July 10 "The Press and the Presidency: A Look at the Past, Present and Future," lecture and discussion with Jim King, chief of staff, office of John Kerry, member, U.S. Senate (D-Massachusetts) July 12 "The Political Future of India," a lecture and discussion with Peter Galbraith, advisor, Foreign Relations Committee, U.S. Senate July 17 "Eye of the Storm: Supreme Court Politics," lecture and discussion with Howard Yourow, Harvard Law School July 22 "Women in Politics," lecture and discussion withEvelyn Murphy, former lieutenant governor, Massachusetts, and Arm Lewis, former political director. Democratic National Committee July 24 "Bush's Educational Agenda: A Report Card," lecture and discussion with Sam Allis, national education correspondent, Time magazine July 29 "The Environment and Public Policy," lecture and discussion with Susan Tiemey, secretary of envirorunental affairs, Massachusetts July 30 "Personal Perspectives on Politics," lecture and discussion with Michael Dukakis, former Governor of Massachusetts; 1988 Democratic candi­ date for president Augusts "IssuesinPublicHealth,"lectureanddiscussionwithDeborahProthrow- Stith, former commissioner, Massachusetts Department of Public Health August 6 "The New Paradigm: Republican Approach to Public Policy," lecture and discussion with Steven Pierce, former member, Massachusetts House of Representatives August 7 "Operation Desert Storm: A Retrospective," lecture and discussion with BemardTrainor,director,nationaIsecurityprogram, JohnF. Kennedy School of Government; Lt. Col. (Ret.), U.S. Marine Corps

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Political Film Series June 26 "The Hunt for Red October," introduced by Charles Cogan, research fellow, national security program, John F. Kennedy School of Government July 11 "Mississippi Burning" July 18 "The Front" July 25 "Norma Rae" August 1 "The Candidate" August 8 "All the President's Men"

Social/Field Trip July 2 Summer-in-Boston Open House (Institute of Politics) July 26 Tour of the Massachusetts State House, hosted by Brad Minnick, office of the chief secretary to the governor

Extemships The Institute's Extemship program, scheduled during spring break week, provides undergraduates the opportunity to accompany public sector professionals tiirough a routine workday. Spring 1992 extems and their hosts were: Rajarshi Bhattacharyya '92 Walter J. Stewart, secretary, U.S. Senate Cynthia Dunbar '95 Cokie Roberts, correspondent, ABC News Robert Gordon '93 Bill Clinton, governor of Arkansas; 1992 Democratic candidate for president Scott Levy '94 Ted Koppel, host, ABC News "Nightline" Robert MacLean '93 Jim Traficant, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Ohio)

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Harvard Political Review Harvard Political Review, a journal of political analysis, is published by the Student Advisory Committee of the Institute of Politics. 1990-91 and 1991-92 officers and staff were: Editor-in-Chief: Peter Kozinets (Nov/Jan '90-91) David L. Weller (Mar/May '91) Jonathan G.S. Koppell (Oct/Jan '91-92) Beth Johnston (Mar/May '92) Managing Editor: James Grosjean (Nov/Jan '90-91) Jonathan G.S. Koppell (Mar/May '91) Beth Johnston (Oct/Jan '91-92) Ben Sheffner (Mar/May '92) Assistant Managing Editor: Alex J. Luchenitser (Nov/Jan '90-91) Beth Johnston (Mar/May '91) Evan D. Stone (Mar/May '92) Editor Emeritus: Jeff Glueck (Nov/Jan '90-91) Peter Kozinets (Mar/May '91) David L. Weller (Oct/Jan '91-92) Jonathan G.S. Koppell (Mar/May '92) Advertising: Raul Sandoval ('90-91) Clare Scherrer ('90-91) Liz Yap ('90-91) China E>esk: David L. Weller (Oct '91) Circulation Manager: Umkoo Imam (Nov/Jan '90-91) Cover Story: David L. Weller (Nov/Jan '90-91) Ben Sheffner (Mar-Jan '91-92) Paras MehU (Mar/May '92) Departments: Chris Harris (Nov/Jan '90-91) Evan Durrell Stone (Mar/May '91) Evan D. Stone (Oct/Jan '91-92) Elizabeth McGuire (Mar/May '92) Outside Submissions: Jonathan G.S. Koppell (Nov/Jan '90-91) Alexia Delicari (Mar/May '91) Photo Editor: David Greene (Mar/May '91) Production Manager: Patrick O'Hagan (Mar-Jan '91-92) Ronald Chen (Mar/May '92)

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Publisher: Joe Secondine (Nov/Jan '90-91) Clare Scherrer & Liz Yap (Mar-Jan '91-92) Allison Hughes & Grace Wang (Mar/May '92) Reviews: Robert Gordon (Nov/Jan '90-91) Gary Jonathan Bass (Mar/May '91) Jonathan Kolodner (Mar/May '92) Special Features: Mukhhs S. Balbale (Nov/Jan '90-91) Craig Turk (Mar-May '91-92) Staff Director: Anna Eliasson (Mar/May '91) Ajit Pai (Mar/May '92) Contributing Staff:

Rick Abramson '94 Robert Gordon '93 Jocelyn Melcher '92 Mukhlis Balbale '92 David Greene '93 Samuel Tye Menser '93 Gary Jonathan Bass '92 James Grosjean '91 John Middleton, Jr. '92 Jon M. Biotti '94 James Haney '93 Patrick O'Hagan '92 Tom Castleton '93 Cherie Harder '91 Cathy Petti '91 Siu^chi Chandra '94 Chris Harris '92 Dante Ramos '94 Mike Chen '92 Oona Hathaway '93 Sheryl Sandbeig '91 Philip Chen '95 Malcolm Heinicke '93 Anya Schmemann '93 Ron Chen '95 Chong-Min Hong '94 Charles "Skip" Shaw'92 Danny Chou '91 Allison Hughes '93 Ben Sheffner '93 Will Cooper '94 Beth Johnston '93 Kristen Silverberg '92 Kenneth DeGiorgio '93 Sean Kanuck '93 Evan Durrell Stone '93 Alexia Delicari '93 Tae-Hui Kim '93 Pat Sullivan '93 Anna Depalo '92 Don S. Lee '93 Kyoko Takahashi '93 J. Eigerman '92 Susanna Lee '94 Craig Turk '93 Anna Eliason '92 Titi Liu '93 Grace Wang '93 Lisa Ellis '94 Alex J. Luchenitser '91 Adam Webb '93 Virginia Genao '94 Elizabeth McGuire '93 Charlie Woo '95 John Golden '92 Paras Mehta '94 Leon Yen '94

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There were eight issues of HPR published during the 1990-91 and 1991-92 academic years. Articles included:

VOLUME XYIILNumber I.November 1990 Cover: "Conflicts the Cold War Left Behind" "Cambodia's Last Chance," David L. Weller "Angola Alone/' Adam Webb "Hypocrisy in the Horn," Titi Liu "Afghanistan; No Way Out," Jonathan G.S. Koppell "The CIA After the Cold War," Alexia Delicari Nation: "Post-Webster Politics," Susaima Lee "'s Last Stand," John Middlelon, Jr. "Education at a Crossroads," Beth Johnston "Brennan's Liberal Legacy," Evan Durrell Stone World: "Masters in Their Own Home?," Craig Turk "Prescription: Sachs Therapy," Patrick O'Hagan Reviews: "The Undeserving Poor," Robert Gordon "Agents of Influence," Kyoko Takahashi "Outrage: The Story Behind the Tawana Brawley Hoax," Ben Shef fner

VOLUME XVm,Number 2JanuaTy 1991 Cover "Gearing Up: The Parties Look to'92" "Cuomo Lambasts the Parties," Jonathan G.S. Koppell "Democrats Search for a Message," Samuel T. Menser "Profiles in Risk Aversion," John Middleton, Jr. "Post-Reagan Blues," Susanna Lee "The Outsiders," Beth Johnston World: "Krushchev on Krushchev," Alexia Delicari "Mexico's Second Revolution," James Haney Nation: "Big Green or Big Bucks?," Kyoko Takahashi "Adam Smith Meets Mr. Kotter," Paras Mehta "Gordon Gekko Goes (for) Broke," Evan Durrell Stone Reviews: "What I Missed at the Revolution," Ben Sheffner "Fairwell to the Iron Lady/' Patrick O'Hagan

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VOLUME XVni,Number 3,March 1991 Cover: '^What CNN Didn't Tell You" "Doomsday in Arabia," John Middleton, Jr. "Moynihan's Law/' Jonathan G.S. Koppell "In Search of Unity/' Paras Mehta "Life Without Saddam/' Alexia Delicari "Blood Ba'ath in Baghdad," Ben Sheffner "Human Rights Checklist," Adam Webb Nation: "America's High-Tech Hoax," John Golden "'92 Recession Blues/' Anna Depalo "Bush Blinks on Minority Scholarships/' Thomas E. Castleton "Utah vs. Roe v. Wade," Susanna Lee Reviews: "Mr. Smith Goes to Moscow/' Beth Johnston Features: Letters Q & A: The Role of the Press in Conflicts "Paying Oior National Debt," Kenneth DeGiorgio "Don't Coerce Our Youth," Chris Harris Vital Statistics

VOLUME XVIII,Number4,May 1991 Cover: "Clamor at tiie Gates: How the New Immigrants are Changing America" "Melting Pot or Multiculturalism?," Adam Webb "The Far East Goes West," Titi Liu "LA's Latino District," Jocelyn Melcher "A Bright Light in a Big City," Ben Sheffner "Dollars and Nonsense," Jocelyn Melcher "They're Coming to America," Chris Harris and Beth Johnston "Frankly Speaking," Thomas E. Castleton Departments: "Teaching, Tanriing, Resting, and Ready?," Alexia Delicari "Lost in Space," Samuel Tye Menser "Burma: Still Waiting/' John Middleton, Jr. "Sleeping with the Enemy/' Thomas E. Castleton Reviews: "Pledging Allegiance," Gary Jonathan Bass "City of Quartz: Excavating the Future in Los Angeles/' Ben Sheffner "The Russian Revolution," Elizabeth McGuire "Blank Check: The Pentagon's Black Budget/' Paras Mehta "Sleepwalking Through History," Beth Johnston "America's Germany," Dante Ramos

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Features; Q & A: Europe Forges a Common Foreign Policy "End the Permanent Congress/' Alex Luchenitser "Let the People Decide," Jonathan G.S. Koppell Vila! Statistics

VOLUME XIX,Number I.October 1991 Cover; "Does Democracy Still Ring True?: The State of Politics in America' "Doubting Democracy," John R. Middleton, Jr. "Star Search," Susanna Lee "Tele Virtue or Tele Vice?," Kyoko Takahashi "Branching Right," Thomas E. Castleton "The Quick Fix," Malcolm A. Heinicke Commentary: "Apathy at Home...," Chris Harris "...And Success Abroad/' Patrick O'Hagan Soviet Union: "ReCouperating," David J. Greene "USSR Becomes USS-Was/' Elizabeth McGuire "Rebuilding the Ruble," Beth Johnston "No Money Down," Jonathan Kolodner Feature: 25 Years: Glimpses of the Past

VOLUME XDCNumber 2 January 1992 Cover: "Africa; The Forgotten Continent" "Dethroning the Despots," John R. Middleton, Jr. "Zambia: Kicking Out Kenny," Oona Hathaway "The Politics of Starvation/' Chris Harris "Sudan; Casualties of War/' Jonathan Kolodner "AIDS: Africa in Agony," Beth Johnston "Zaire: Life in the AIDS Belt," Anya Schmemann "Terror in the Townships/' Paras Mehta "South Africa: The Anti- Group," Paras Mehta Nation: "When Education Doesn't Begin at Home/' John Golden "Nuclear Arms Erase," Philip Chen "Drawing New Lines," Malcolm A. Heinicke "Quayle Hits the Bar," Kenneth DeGiorgio Features: "Send 'em to the Polls," Tye Menser "People are the Problem," Ben Sheffner "The New Politician," Theodore Sorenson

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VOLUME XIX,Number 3,March 1992 Cover: "What Women Want: Working for Progress Through Government' "Abortion Ambiguities/' Elizabeth McGuire "Mixing Politics and Drugs/' Pat Sullivan "The Economic Gender Gap/' Charlie Woo "The Case Against Susan Faludi/' Ben Sheffner "Unstmg Victories for the Women's Movement/' Ann Lewis "Putting Women on the Agenda/' Betsey Wright Commentary: "Loan Guarantees: Give Israel a Break/' Malcolm A. Heinicke "Don't Sabotage the Peace Process/' Ajit Pai First Person: "Lifting the Veil/' Oona Hathaway "What I Saw at the Revolution/' Anya Schmemann Departments: "Communication Breakdown/' Susanna Lee "The Character Assassins/' Tye Menser "Members Only/' Philip Chen Comparative Advantage/' Tom Castleton Vital Statistics

VOLUME XIX,Number 4,May 1992 Cover: "To Bridge the Gap: Conducting American Science Policy" "FDA: Federal Disaster Area?/' Paras Mehta "Overboard on Overhead/' Oona Hathaway "Desperately Seeking Solace/' Charlie Woo "Cracking the CodC/" Tye Menser "U.S. vs. Japan: The R&D War/' Susanna Lee "From B-2's to 747's: Swords into Plowshares/' Jonathan Kolodner "California Clean/' Susanna Lee Commentary: "Say No to Roe/' Ben Sheffner "Roe: No Aberration/' Jonathan G.S. Koppell Departments: "Russian Renaissance?/' Elizabeth McGuire "Mortgage Might/' Evan Stone "Germany's Jolt/' Ajit Pai "Nuclear Needs/' Shugoo Imam "Rethinking Student Aid/' Garrett Sawyer

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Book Reviews: "President Bush's War/' John Middleton, Jr. "The Overworked American," Peter Juhas "Chain Reaction/' Ben Sheffner "Maus n: And Here My Troubles Began," Jonathan Kolodner "Broken Contracts," Beth Johnston Vital Statistics

Student Projects During academic years 1990-91 and 1991-92, the Projects Committee continued its sponsorship of educattonal programs, including conferences, events in the Forum, brown bag discussion series; Harvard political union debates and aimual political journalism awards.

Projects included:

Conferences

1990-91 Third Annual Harvard/Radcliffe Women's Leadership Conference, September 8-12, 1990, co-sponsored by the Harvard/Radcliffe Women's Leadership Project. Guest speakers included: Philippa Bovet, dean, Radcliffe College Uma Pemmaraju, reporter, "Evening Magazine," WBZ-TV Boston Barbara Ross, reporter, New York Daily News Mimi Castaldi, membership director, Emily's List, Washington, D.C. Karen Green, senior partner. Hale & Dorr Karen Brown Johnson, mayor, Schenectady, New York Lynn Yeakel, founder and president, Womens Way, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania Margaret McKeima, president, Lesley College Linda Wilson, president, Radcliffe College Harvard/Radcliffe Student Leaders Conference, October 20,1990, co-sponsored by the Office of the Dean of Students, Harvard College and the Dean's Office, Radcliffe College. Guest speakers included: Philippa Bovet, dean, Radcliffe College Allen S. Counter, director, Harvard Foimdation Archie C. Epps, dean of students, Harvard College Shahrayne Litchfield, director of programs, Phillips Brooks House, Harvard University

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Harvard/Radcliffe Publishing Symposium, April 20,1991, co-sponsored by the office of the dean of students and the undergraduate council, Harvard College. Guest speakers included: Adam Cohen '90, senior editor, Details Magazine Andy Court, senior editor, American Lazuyer Netty Douglass, manager. The Christian Science Monitor Karen Everbeck, designer. The Christian Science Monitor Laura Freid, publisher. Sophie Glazer, managing editor, The Boston Review Ellen Hume, executive director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics & Public Policy, John F. Kermedy School of Government Martin Peretz, editor-in-chief. The New Republic Kirk Scharfenberg, editorial page editor, The Boston Globe John Shector'90, founder. The Source Keith Sikes, Turley Publications

1991-92 Fourth Annual Harvard/Radcliffe Women's Leadership Project Conference, September 6-11, 1991, co-sponsored by Radcliffe College and Harvard College. Guest speakers included: Damaris Ames, executive vice president and publisher, Houghton-Mifflin, Inc. Colleen Cavanaugh, assistant professor of biology, Harvard University Madeleine Kunin, distinguished visitor in public policy, Radcliffe; former governor of Vermont; former fellow. Institute of Politics Ann McBride, senior vice president. Common Cause Risa Nyman, president. League of Women Voters of Massachusette Maura Wolf, youth coordinator. Points of Light Foundation Susan Zirinsky, senior broadcast producer, CBS News Harvard Model Senate, September 28,1991, co-sponsored by Harvard Model Senate. Harvard Model Senate provides an opportvmity for undergraduates from the Boston area to play the role of members of the U.S. Senate in legislative committees and full session. Ted Wilson, fellow, Institute of Polihcs, director, Hinckley Institute of Politics, , and former mayor of Salt Lake City, delivered tiie keynote address. Conference on Women and Biodiversity, October 4-6,1991, co-sponsored by the Commit­ tee on Women and Biodiversity. Guest speakers included: Kathryn Cameron-Porter, director of policy and governmental affairs. Conservation International Joan Martin-Brown, special advisor to theexecutive director and chief of the Washington office. United Nations Environmental Program Walt Reid, Program in Forests and Biodiversity Claudine Schneider, The Artemis Project; former member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-Rhode Island); former fellow, Institute of Politics

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Second Annual Publishing Symposium, April 25,1992. Guest speakers included: Michael Hirschom, senior editor. Esquire magazine Melissa Ludtke, fellow, Nieman Foundation, Harvard Univrsity; former correspondent. Time magazine Crocker Snow, Jr., president and editor-in-chief. World Times Second Annual Student Leaders Conference, April 25,1992, co-sponsored by the office of the dean of students. Harvard College. Guest speakers included: Archie C. Epps, dean of students. Harvard College Shahrayne Litchfield, director of programs, Phillips Brooks House, Harvard University Myra Mayman, director, office of the arts. Harvard University Buddy Roemer, fellow. Institute of Politics; former Governor of Louisiana Neil Rudenstine, president, Harvard University

Forum (For more information on Forum events co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Commit­ tee, see The Forum)

1990-91 September 18,1990, "Personal Perspectives on Politics" November 1,1990, "Republicans vs Democrats: What's the Difference?" November 5,1990, "The Persian Gulf Crisis: Beyond the Sanctions" November 6,1990, "Election '90 Coverage and Analysis" November 19,1990, "The 'Environmental President": An Assessment of the Bush Administration's Record on the Environment" December 5,1990, "Perspectives on the U.S. Economy" December 6,1990, "The 1990 North Carolina Senatorial Election" December 11,1990, "Winning the War on Poverty" January 15,1991, "The Citizens Agenda for the '92 Election" January 31,1991, "Personal Perspectives on Politics" February 14,1991, "Why Is The World Ignoring Burma?: The Crisis in Amnesty International's Country of the Year" March 4,1991, Part V of "War in the Persian Gulf" series, "After the War: What Are the Aims for Peace?" April 4,1991, "A Call to Economic Arms: The New American Mandate" April 10,1991, "A 25 Year Political Journey: From Protest to Perestroika" April 11,1991, "Israel's Prospects for the 1990's" April 24,1991, "The Persian Gulf and the Peace Movement: Now Peace, Now What?" April 29,1991, "Is the Bill of Rights Working For You?"

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1991-1992 September 19,1991, "Personal Perspectives on Politics" October 4,1991, "The State of the Cities" October 10,1991, "Building for Greatness" October 29,1991, "America in the '90s: A Return to Purpose" October 30,1991, "The New Covenant: Goverrunent by the People" October 31,1991, "Where Next for Conservatism?: Lessons of the Thatcher Years" November 4,1991, "The New American Security" December 12,1991, "The Legacy of LBJ" December 16,1991, "Reclaiming Democracy" December 18,1991, "How to Restore the Public's Trust in Politics" January 15,1992, "The Citizens Agenda for the '92 Election" February 6,1992, "Personal Perspectives on Politics" February 9,1992, Part I of "American Issues '92" series February 11,1992, "Remembering James Baldwin: A CaseStudy of Political Correctness" February 12,1992, an address by Mario Cuomo February 19,1992, "Analysis of the New Hampshire Primary Results" February 25,1992, screening of documentary film "The Hate That Hate Produced" February 26,1992, "Pohtical Humor" March 3,1992, panel discussion with third-party presidential candidates March 10,1992, " 1992" March 11,1992, "The True World Order: Rebuild America" March 15,1992, Part I of "American Issues '92" series, "The Commonwealth of Indepen­ dents States and the United States After the Cold War" March 17,1992, "The Failures of the Bush Presidency and the Role of the Press" March 18,1992, "Economic Growth and Empowerment in the 1990s" March 31,1992, "No Free Lunch" April 4,1992, "The Futiate of Central America" April 7,1992, "Reflections on Social Justice" April 15,1992, an address by Antonia Novello April 21,1992, "Massacre in East Timor: A Case Study in U.S. Foreign Policy" April 21,1992, "George Bush and the Fourth American Revolution" April 22,1992, "Prosecuting Rape and Sexual Assault" April 29,1992, "The Story Behind the 1983 Downing of Korean Airlines Flight 007" May 4,1992, "Beyond Gridlock: The Perils of Divided Government"

Brown Bag Luncheons

Fall 1990 October 23 "David Souter and the Supreme Court," with H. W. Perry, associate professor of government. Harvard Uiuversity October 31 "The Changing Climate in the Soviet Union," with Richard Pipes, Frank B. Baird Jr. professor of history, Harvard University

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November 1 "The Stakes in the Massachusetts Elections/' with Paul Tsongas, former member, U.S. Senate (D-Massachusetts) and Steven Pierce, former minority leader, Massachusetts House of Representatives November 9 "United States - Japan Relations," with Hiroshi Hirabay ashi, minister for foreign rconomic relations, Japan

Spring 1991 Six-part series on The Politics of the Persian Gulf War, including: February 15 "The Debate in Congress/' with Thad Cochran, member, U.S. Senate (R-Mississippi) February 21 "The Evolving Role of Intelligence in International Conflict/' with Chuck Cogan, research fellow. National Security Program; senior intelligence officer. Central Intelligence Agency February 27 "The Role of the Press in International Conflict," with Peter Ross Range, journalist; former fellow. Institute of Politics March 8 "Environmental Issues and the War in the Gulf," with Nancy Anderson, director. New England Environmental Network March 12 "The Military and the Gulf Crisis: What Happens Now?," a discussion with Bernard Trainor, director. National Security Program, John F. Kennedy School of Government March 21 "The Ethics Debate Surrounding the Persian Gulf War," with SUnley Hoffmann, C. Douglas Dillon Professor of the Civilization of France, Harvard University

Four-part series on Women in Politics, including:

February 13 "The Women's Movement: Opportunities for the Future," with Pat Reuss, Women's Campaign Fimd April 5 "Conversation with a Senator/' with Nancy Kassebaum, member, U.S. Senate (R-Kansas) April 10 "What Do Young Women Want from the Women's Movement?," with Sarah Igo, editor. Lighthouse Magazine, a Harvard/Radcliffe publica­ tion devoted to women's issues April 17 "Women and Voting: A Pollster's Perspective," with Linda Divall, American Viewpoint

Fall 1991 October 22 'Can a Bridge Replace the Wall?," with StaiJey Hoffmann, C. Douglas Dillon professor of the civilization of France, Harvard University October 29 'Personal Perspective on the Civil Rights Movement," with Julian Bond, visiting lecturer on Afro-American studies. Harvard University

119 The Student Program

Spring 1992 February 18 "Diversity in the Cambridge Community/' with Ken Reeves, mayor of Cambridge March 16 "Feminism and the Future," with Patricia Ireland, president, National Organization for Women April 20 "The Media and the Military/' with Rick Kieman, chief media officer.

Three-part series on politics with Bill Hudnul, fellow, Institute of Politics; former mayor of Indianapolis, Indiana; Presbyterian minister, including:

March 18 "On Being a Politician" April 10 "The Personal Side of Politics," with spouse Beverly Hudnut May 8 "Religion and Politics," with Reverend Peter J. Gomes, minister. Memo­ rial Church, Harvard University

Harvard Political Union

The Harvard Political Union, a student debating forum (and subcommittee of the Student Advisory Committee) sponsored the following debates in Starr Auditorium, John F. Kennedy School of Government:

1990-91 "Taxation, Education and Abortion," November 1,1990, between the Harvard Republi­ can Club and the Harvard Democrat Club

"The Role of the Government in the Arts and the Limits of Free Expression," November 14, 1991, between Arts Organization for the Advancement of Sexual Minorities and Association Against Learning in an Absence of Religion and Morality

"Harvard's Divestment Strategy Towards South Africa," December 3,1991 (open debate)

"U.S. Policy in the Middle East," February 20,1991, between Students Uruted for Desert Storm and Students Against the War in the Middle East

"Civil Rights, the Economy, and Poverty," March 20, 1991, between the Harvard Democrat Club and the Harvard Republican Club

'On Free Speech," April 17,1991 (open debate)

120 The Student Program

1991-92 "ROTC at Harvard/' October 16,1991, between Keep All ROTC Scholarships and Gays Against ROTC Discrimination

November 20,1991, between Peninsula, Harvard's conservative student publication and Perspective, Harvard's Uberal student publication

"Primary Predictions: Who Should be the Democratic Nominee?/' February 13,1992, with Harvard/Radcliffe Students for Clinton, Harvard/Radcliffe Students for Tsongas, Harvard for Harkin, Associated Students for Agran for President '92 and Harvard Students for Kerrey

"Abortion: Parental Consent and National Policy/' March 16,1992, with Students for Choice, Harvard/Radcliffe Democrats, Alliance for Life and Harvard Republican Club

"The : Revolution or Regression?," April 15,1992, between Harvard Repub­ lican Club and Harvard Democrat Club

Political Journalism Awards

Each spring, the Student Advisory Committee presents awards for political journalism to Harvard imdergraduates. Entries in two categories, opinion and reporting, are judged by a panel of political journalists.

The winning entries were:

1991 Opinion: Jesse Furman '94, "Legacy of Discrimination," Perspective, Fall 1990

Reporting: Michael Mullaney '92, "The World Bank, the State and Enterprise: Rethinking Development," Harvard International Review, fall 1990

The panel of judges, which reviewed 70 entries, included: Margaret Carlson, senior writer. Time magazine; former feUow, Institute of Politics Lynda Matthews, former editor, The Los Angeles Times Magazine Robert Phelps, former news editor. The Boston Globe Peter Ross Range, former writer, U.S. News and World Report; former fellow. Institute of Politics

121 The Stlldent Program

1992 Opinion: Kenneth A. Katz '93 and Allan S. Galper '93, "Revenge of the Ice People," Harvard Crilllsoll, February 7,1992

Editorial: Dona Hathaway '94, "Lifting the Veil," Harvard Political RL'lJiew, Volume XIX/ Number 3:March 1992

The panel of judges, which reviewed 60 entries, included: Margaret Carlson, senior writer, Time magazine; former fellow, Institute of Politics John Hart, fellow, Institute of Politics; former anchor, "World Monitor"/Discovery Channel, CBS ews, NBC News Van Gordon Sauter, former president, CBS ews

Senior Advisory Committee Meeting, October 25, 1991

John Culver, Mukhlis Balbale, Kim Harris

122 Senior Advisory Committee Meeting, May 11, 1992

Marlill SII/ith, George Lodge

Edward Kelllledy, Kyle Kill/ball, SI1II1I111tha Graff-Jollathall Koppell

Fdward Kellliedy, Madeleille Kllllil', Biallca Regalado, Harry Wilsoll, JOIlIlthall Koppell, R(l~~ Garoll

123 The Fellows Program

The program for fellows is central to the Institute's dual commitment to encourage student interest and competence in public life and to develop more effective ways in which the academic and political communities may share their resources. The program for fellows was originally designed to offer a chance for reassessment and personal enrichment to individuals in politics and government—particularly those described as "in-and-outers"—who might feel the need for this opportunity and benefit from it. Although this original purpose still exists, fellows have become increasingly involved in the other programs of the Institute, as well as in other areas of the Kennedy School and the University. Significant emphasis is now placed on a fellow's contribution to the Institute and to the Harvard community during the term of residence.

Panel on Fellowships Michael Barrett, member, Massachusetts State Senate John Cullinane, The Cullinane Group, Cambridge, Massachusetts Christopher F. Edley, Jr., professor of law. Harvard Law School Archie C. Epps III, dean of studente, Harvard College Katherine Farming, former editor. The Christian Science Monitor Judith Davison Keenan, headmistress. Commonwealth School, Boston Randall Kennedy, professor. Harvard Law School Herman B, (Dutch) Leonard, Jr., George F. Baker, Jr. professor of public management, John F. Kennedy School of Government Ann F. Lewis, political consultant Nicholas T. Mitropoulos, executive director, Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government Richard E. Neustadt, Douglas Dillon professor of government, John F. Kennedy School of Government Martin F. Nolan, associate editor. The Boston Globe John Shattuck, vice president for government and public affairs. Harvard University* Henry Solano, professor, John F. Kennedy School of Government Cathy Douglas Stone, attorney, Foley, Hoag, & Eliot

* Chair

Student Members: Mukhlis Balbale, 1991 Ross Garon, 1991-92 Bruce Goldberger, fall '90 Trey Grayson, spring '92 Kim Harris, 1991 Jonathan G.S. Koppell, spring '92 Jocelyn Melcher, fall '90 Mark Mindich, spring '91 Kimberly Morgan, fall '90 Marlin Smith, 1991-92 David Socolow, fall '90

124 The Fellows Program

Fellows' Alumni Advisory Committee Robert Bradford Alvin J. Bronstein * Bernard R. Gifford Stephen H. Hess David Keene Evelyn Murphy Martin F. Nolan Philip J. Rutledge Mark E. Talisman

* Chair Institute Fellows Fall 1990 Margaret Carlson, senior political writer. Time magazine. Ms. Carlson was Washington bureau chief. Esquire magazine and contributor and acting managing editor, The New Republic prior to moving to Time to cover the 1988 presidential campaign. She led a study group entitled "Mutual Assured Seduction in the Washington Press Corps."

Brock Evans is vice president for national issues. National Audubon Society. He served as northwest representative of the Sierra Club (Seattle) before moving to Washington to become the Club's associate executive director. His study group was entitled "The Politics of Saving the Earth: Taking On the Big Boys and Winning."

Tom Luce is a prominent Dallas attorney who was a candidate for the 1990 Republican gubernatorial nomination in Texas. He is a founder of Hughes and Luce and served as H. Ross Perot's personal attorney for many years. He led a study group entitled "The Sunbelt: Key Force in American Politics."

Jessie Rattley,mayorofNewportNews, Virginia (1986-90). Ms. Rattiey servedfor twenty years on the Newport News City Council and was vice-mayor in 1976. Her study group was entitled "Local Government Stands Alone."

Dick Riley served in the South Carolina House of Representatives and Senate before being elected governor in 1979. Mr. Riley served on the executive committee of the National Governor's Association and as chairman of the Soutiiem Governor's Associa­ tion. He led a study group entitled "The Changing Role of Governors: Solving Problems vs. Cutting Ribbons."

Melor Sturua is the former Washington bureau chief and political columrust for Izvestia. He covered almost every Soviet-American summit from Khrushchev's meeting with Eisenhower to the final meeting between Gorbachev and Reagan. Mr. Sturua led a study group entitled "Perestroika—Past, Present, and Future."

125 I L to R: Back Row - Brock Evans, Sergei Khruschchev, Melor Sturua Front Row - Jessie Rattley, Dick Riley, Margaret Carlson, Tom Luce

Bill Lacy Josie Heath William Welsh

Claudine Schneider Peter Ross Range TOIll Loftus

126 The Felloivs Program

Spring 1991 Josie Heath, 1990 Democratic candidate for U.S. senator from Colorado. Ms. Heath served as regional director of ACTION prior to becoming chair of the Board of Coimty Commis­ sioners, Boulder County, and chair of the Boulder County Consortium of Cities. Her study group was entitled "Young Americans and PubUc Service; Duty or Desire?"

Bill Lacy served as a special assistant to the president and as director of political affairs in the Reagan Administration. He was campaign director and vice chair for strategy and plarming, 1988 Dole for president campaign. His study group was entitled "Inside Baseball: The Politics of the Presidency."

Tom Loftus, Democratic candidate for governor of Wisconsin in 1990^ served as speaker of the Wisconsin Assembly for eight years. During his fourteen year Assembly career, he authored welfare reform and child support legislation, served as chair of the Joint Committee on Employment Relations, the Joint Committee on Legislative Orgai\ization and the Rules Committee. His study group was entitled "Stumbling Toward Utopia: Solutions from the State Legislature."

Peter Ross Range, freelance jourr\alist, covered the Berlin student uprising in 1968 for NBC news. He has since written for Time magazine as Berlin correspondent, Bonn correspondent, correspondent and Saigon bureau chief. He was recently diplo­ matic correspondent for U.S. News and World Report. He led a study group entitled "War, Peace and the Press: Journalism and the New World Order."

Claudine Schneider was the first woman from Rhode Island elected to the U.S. House of Representatives. Ms. Schneider served in Congress for ten years and has been a leader in environmental preservation and co-founder and co-chair of the Congressional Competi­ tion Caucus. Her study group was entitled "Making a EHfference: Shaping the Congres­ sional Agenda of the '90s."

William Welsh was the spring 1991 Jerry Wurf Fellow. He served as director of governmental affairs, AFSCME, and was executive director of the Democratic National Committee from 1969 to 1974. His study group was entitled "The Impact of Labor on Politics and Policy in tiie 90s."

Fall 1991 Maria Berriozabal, 1991 candidate for mayor of San Antonio, served as a councilwoman in San Antonio from 1981 to 1991. She is a member of the Texas Advisory Committee to the United States Civil Rights Commission, and former member of the Board of the National League of Cities. Her study group was entitled "Women, Minorities, and Public Policy: ANew American Agenda."

127 L to R: Ted Wilsall, Ullita Blackwell, jallles Lilley, George Gortoll, jallles Hoge, Maria Berriozabal

Tholllas D'A11101'1' johll Hart Willialll HI/dlllit

'r elella Khallga BI/ddy Roellll'/' Betsey Wright

128 The Fellows Program

Unita Blackwell, mayor of Mayersville, Mississippi from 1976 to 1991, served as president of the National Conference of Black Mayors (1990-1992). Ms. Blackwell is credited with co-founding the Mississippi Democratic Freedom Party. She led a study group entitled "Eyewitness to the Civil Rights Movement: 1964 to the Present."

George Gorton, chair of California Governor Pete Wilson's Reapporhonnient Commit­ tee, served as manager of Governor Wilson's 1990 gubernatorial campaign and worked on many of Wilson's other political campaigns, including his 1988 campaign for U.S. Senate. Mr. Gorton's study group was entitled "California 1991: The Big Enchilada of Politics Faces Its Biggest Year Ever."

James Hoge, former publisher and president of the New York Daily News (1984-90) and publisher of the Chicago Sun-Times (1980-1984). The New York Daily News won a Pulitzer Prize for Distinguished Commentary in 1986 and The Chicago Sun-Times won six Pulitzers during Mr. Hoge's tenure as publisher. His study group was entitled "Presidential Politics and the Press: Will '92 Be Any Afferent?"

James R. Lilley was ambassador from the United States to the People's Republic of China from 1989 to 1991 and to Korea from 1986 to 1989. He isa former deputy assistant secretary for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, U.S. Department of State. His study group was entitled "Change in North Asia: A Dramatic Decade for Taiwan, South Korea, and China."

Ted Wilson, mayor of Salt Lake City (1976-1985) was the 1988 Democratic candidate for governor of Utah and 1982 candidate for U.S. Senate. He has served as director of the Hinckley Institute of Politics at the University of Utah since 1985 and is a member of the National Board of Trustees, National Parks and Conservation Association. Mr. Wilson's study group was entitled "The Wild Wild West Revisited: Environmental Warfare."

Spring 1992 Thomas J. D'Amore, Jr., served as Connecticut Governor Lowell Weicker's chief of staff in 1991 and as chair of the Connecticut Republican Party from 1983 to 1987. He managed Weicker's successful 1990 campaign for governor, as well as his campaign for the in 1982. Mr. D'Amore led a study group entitled "Is the Party Over for the Two National Parties?"

John Hart, anchor of "World Monitor" from 1988 to 1990, was a correspondent at NBC News from 1975 to 1988. Prior to joining NBC, he spent fifteen years at CBS News. He is the past recipient of the George Foster Peabody and Edward R. Murrow Awards, and received the 1991 ACE Newscaster of the Year award. Mr. Hart's study group was entitled "Conflicts of Interest in the News Business."

William A. Hudnut III, served four terms as mayor of Indianapolis (1976-1991), was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives (1973-1975), board member of the National League of Cities (1977-1991) and President of the League in 1981. He is an ordained Presbyterian rruruster and author of Minister/Mayor. Mr. Hudnut's study group was entitled "Cities Under Siege: Urban America at the Brink."

129 The Fellows Program

Yelena Khanga, correspondent for Moscow News (1984-1990) and guest commentator for Soviet television's "Vzglyad" (1988-1990), has served as commentator on Soviet life for "20/20," the "MacNeil/Lehrer News Hour" and "Sonya Live." Her study group was entitled "The Commonwealth of Independent States; Can It Last?"

Buddy Roemer, governor of Louisiana (1988-1992), was a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from 1981-1987, serving on the House Banking, Finance, Urban Affairs and Small Business Committees. He is the founder of two banks and has managed his own computer company and consulting firm. Mr. Roemer's study group was entitled "Governors and the Art of Governing."

Betsey Wright,chief of staff to Arkansas Governor Bill Clinton(1980-1990),served as chair and executive director of the Arkansas Democratic Parly from 1990 to 1991. She managed a successful drive in 1988 for an initiated act requiring lobbyist disclosure in Arkansas, and directed a public support campaign in 1983 for state education reforms. Ms. Wright left her fellowship at the end of March to join the Clinton presidential campaign. Her study group was entitled "High Tech Politics: The Future Is Here."

Fellows Luncheon Speakers Weekly luncheons with members of the Harvard community and other distinguished guests have become a tradition of tiie fellows program. Guests have included:

Fall 1990 Mark Kleiman, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Clarence Dillon professor of international affairs, Har\'ard University Richard Neustadt, Douglas Dillon professor of government, emeritus, John F. Kermedy School of Government Randall Kennedy, professor, Harvard Law School Olivia Golden, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government John Keimeth Galbraith, Paul M. Warburg professor of economics, emeritus, Harvard University Graham T. Allison, Douglas Dillon professor of government, John F. Kermedy School of Government Shirley Williams, pubUc service professor of electoral politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government Lunch with the Nieman Fellows Lunch with at the Kermedy Library and Museum with Dave Powers, curator

Spring 1991 Roger Fisher, Samuel WUliston professor of law. Harvard Law School Dermis Thompson, director. Program in Ethics and the Professior^, John F. Kennedy School of Government Robert Reich, lecturer in pubhc policy, John F. Kermedy School of Goverrmient

130 The Fellows Program

Shirley Williams, public ser\'ice professor of electoral politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government Richard Neustadl, Douglas Dillon professor of government, emeritus, John P. Kermedy School of Government William Schneider, Thomas P. O'Neill professor of political science, Boston College Chuck Cogan, fellow. National Security Program, John F. Kennedy School of Govern­ ment Kurt Campbell, assistant director, Center for Science and International Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government Lunch at the Kennedy Library and Museum with museum curator Dave Powers Lunch with the Nieman Fellows

Fall 1991 Graeme Boone, assistant professor of music. Harvard University Harvey Cox, Victor S. Thomas professor of divinity. Anthony Lewis, columnist, Neio York Times Shirley Williams, public service professor of electoral politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government Roger Fisher, Samual Williston professor of law, Harvard Law School Michael Sandel, professor of government. Harvard University Randall Kennedy, professor. Harvard Law School Timothy Colton, Morris and Anna Feldberg professor of goverrunent and Russian studies. Harvard University T. Berry Brazelton, clinical professor of pediatrics, emeritus. Children's Hospital, Boston

Spring 1992 Stephan Themstrom, Winthrop professor of history. Harvard University Jorge Dominguez, professor of goverrunent. Harvard University George Whitesides, Mallinckrodt professor of chemistry. Harvard Uruversity Stephen J. Gould, professor of geology. Harvard University Robert Reich, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Christopher Andrew, visiting Beton Michael Kaneb professor of national security and military affairs. Harvard University Francis M. Bator, Ford Foundation professor of international political economy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Sergei Khrushchev, former research fellow. Institute of Politics; author, Khrushchev on Khrushchev Albert Camesale, dean, John F. Kermedy School of Government Seamus Heaney, Boylston professor of rhetoric and oratory. Harvard University David Denison, editor, Dallas Observer Michael McElroy, chair, earth and planetary sciences department. Harvard University Lunch with the Nieman Fellows

131 The Fellows Program

Research Fellows The Institute of Politics occasionally offers research fellow appointments to individuals who provide special program support or conduct research while affiliated with the Institute. Over the years, research fellows have provided support in areas such as media- politics and have researched topics such as bureaucracy, politics and poHcy, campaign finance, momentum in presidential primaries, new communications technologies, presi­ dential transition and regulatory reform.

Sergei Khrushchev, son of the late premier of the U.S.S.R., held a research fellow appointment in fall 1990. While at the Institute, Mr. BChrushchev edited his father's diaries. He is the author of Khrushchev on Khrushchev.

Doris Keams Goodwin and Richard Goodwin held research fellow appointments in spring 1991. Ms. Goodwin, a biographer and historian, is the author of Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream and The Fitzgeralds and the Kennedys. WhUe at the Institute she did research and writing for a book-in-progress on the homefront during World War n. Mr. Goodwin, a former speechwriter who served in both the Kennedy and Johnson adminis­ trations, is the author of The American Condition, Remembering America, and a screenplay, Two Men of Florence.

132 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Campaign Reform Conference November 19-20,1990 In November 1990, the Canadian Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing, the Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy of the John F. Kennedy School of Government, and the Institute of Politics co-sponsored a two-day conference on campaign reform. Discussion topics included campaign finance reform, the role of the media, the role of the parties and differences between campaigns in Canada and the United States.

Participants Jill Abramson, staff reporter, Washington bureau, The Wall Street Journal; former editor. Legal Times W. David Angus, head, Maritime Law Department and partner, Stikeman, Elliott; chairman, PC Canada Fund Peter C. Aucoin, professor. Department of Political Science and School of Public Administration, Dalhousie University Thomas S. Axworthy, executive director. The CRB Foundation Jan W. Baran, partner, Wiley, Rein & Fielding, Washington, D.C.; member. President's Commission on Federal Ethics Law Reform Darryl Bricker, special advisor to the Prime Minister Bemadette A. Budde, vice president for political education, Business-Industry Politi­ cal Action Committee; editor, Politikit Les Campbell, principal secretary. Federal New Democratic Party Penny H. Collenette, vice chair. Human Rights Committee, Liberal International; former campaign director, Jean Chretian, leader. Liberal Party of Canada David Collenette, former member of Parliament; prime minister, Trudeau Cabinet; former secretary general. Liberal Party of Canada D. Ross Fitzpatrick, founder, president and chief executive officer, Viceroy Resource Corporation Edward M. Fouhy, co-founder, executive producer, Concord Communications Group, Washington, D.C.; former producer and executive, CBS-TV News Michael Foumier, chief of staff. Office of the Leader of the Opposition Philip Friedman, attorney, Ross & Hardies; specialist in campaign finance and ethics laws; founder, chair, Capital PAC Robert T. Gabor, corrunissioner, Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing Sheila Gervais, secretary general. Liberal Party of Canada Edward S. Goldenberg, principal secretary. Federal Leader of the Opposition Guy Y. Goulard, executive director. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing Jean-Marc Hamel, special consultant to the chairman. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing

133 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Ellen Hume, executive director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kermedy School of Government Jane Jenson, professor. Department of Political Science, Carleton University, Ottawa Marvin Kalb, director, John Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy and Edward R. Murrow Professor of Press and Public Policy, John F. Ker\nedy School of Government Patrick Kerwin, director. Department of Political Action, Canadian Labour Congress William Knight, director of government affairs, Canadian Co-operative Credit Union, Ottawa; commissioner. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing Robert Lewis, managing editor, MacLean's Magazine Martin Linsky, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Pierre Lortie, president. Bombardier Capital Group; chairman. Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Financing Allan Lutfy, counsel, civil litigation, Lavery, O'Brien James C. May, executive vice president for government relations. National Association of Broadcasters Peter A. S. Milliken, member of Parliament, Kingston and the Islands (Ontario) John J. Motley, vice president, federal government relations. National Federation of hidependent Business R. Marc Nuttle, executive director, national campaign manager. National Republican Congressional Committee Gary R. Orren, professor of public policy, associate director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy and Professor of Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Lucie Pepin, commissioner. Royal Conmiission on Electoral Reform and Party Financ­ ing; former member of Parliment, Canada Dick Proctor, federal secretary. New Democratic Party of Canada Michael W. Robinson, president, MWR Public Affairs Consultants Inc. Ron Rosenblith, co-founder, American Political Network; former staff member, sev­ eral Democratic presidential campaigns Bernard A. Roy, partner, Ogilvy Renault, Montreal Charles Royer, director, Institute of Politics; former mayor, Seattle, Washington Karl J. Sandstrom, staff director, chief counsel, Subcommittee on Elections, U.S. House of Representatives Hugh D, Segal, president, Advanced Planning & Communications Larry Shapiro, executive producer, "The Editors," PBS/CBC weekly TV series Robert Shogan, national political correspondent, Washington bureau. The Los Angeles Times Frank J. Sorauf, professor, Department of Political Science, University of Minnesota Mike Synar, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Oklahoma) Paul Taylor, national political reporter. Paul Tully, director of political operations. Democratic National Committee Suzanne Warren, director of operation/Ontario, Progressive Conservative Party of Canada Fred Wertheimer, president and chief executive officer. Common Cause Jodi While, associate. The Neville Group, Ottawa, Canada

134 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Timothy E. Wirth, member, U.S. Senate (D-Colorado) David Yepson, chief political reporter, The Des Moines Register

Program for Newly-Elected Members of Congress December 6-12,1990

The tenth Program for Newly-Elected Members of Congress, co-sponsored by the Committee on House Administration of the U.S. House of Representatives and the Institute of Politics, was held in December 1990 at the Institute with forty newly-elected members and three incumbent members participating. As in 1988, recently-elected members of the British Parliament were also invited to attend as observers; three MPs participated in the 1990 program. Held biennially since 1972, the program is conducted with a practical approach to substantive managerial and procedural issues and an emphasis on the links between policy and the legislative process. Sessions are led by academics and political practitio­ ners. Discussions include topics which are constants, such as federal budget issues and U.S.-U.S.S.R. relations and topics of current interest. The 1990 program included discussions on the Iraq crisis. Congress and the War Powers Act, new developments in Eastern Europe, the domestic drug problem, and ethics in government. Financial support was provided by the Committee on House Administration, Allied Signal, AT&T, Bull HN Information Systems, Sears, Roebuck and Company and the Sun Company. Participants Neil Abercrombie (D) Hawaii—District 1 Wayne Allard (R) Colorado—District 4 Robert E. Andrews (D) New Jersey—District 1 Thomas H. Andrews (D) Maine—District 1 James Bacchus (D) Florida—District 11 Bill Barrett (R) —^District 3 John A. Boehner (R) Ohio—District 8 Bill K. Brewster (D) Oklahoma—District 3 Glen Browder (D) —District 3 Dave Camp (R) Michigan—District 10 Barbara-Rose Collins (D) Michigan—District 13 John W. Cox Jr. (D) Illinois—District 16 Robert E. (Bud) Cramer, Jr. (D) Alabama—EHstrict 5 Rosa L. DeLauro (D) Connecticut—District 3 Calvin M. Dooley (D) California—District 17 John T. Doolittle {R) California—EHstrict 14 Chet Edwards (D) Texas—District 11 Fete Geren (D) Texas—District 12

135 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Wayne T. GUchrest (R) Maryland—District 1 David L. Hob son (R) Ohio—District 7 Joan Kelly Horn (D) Missouri—District 2 William J. Jefferson (D) Louisiana—^District 2 Scott L. Klug (R) Wisconsin—District 2 Michael J. Kopetski (D) Oregon—District 5 Larry LaRocco (D) Idaho—District 1 James P. Moran (D) Virginia—District 8 Dick Nichols (R) Kansas—District 5 Eleanor Holmes Norton DEL District of Columbia Jim Nussle (R) Iowa—District 2 Bill Orton (D) Utah—District 3 Collin C. Peterson (D) Minnesota—District 7 Douglas (Pete) Peterson (D) Horida—District 2 Minnesota—District 3 Jim Ramstad (R) John F. Reed (D) Rhode Island—District 2 California—District 1 Frank D. Riggs (R) Tim Roemer (D) Indiana—District 3 Vermont—At Large Bernard Sanders (I) Pennsylvania—District 18 Richard John Santorum (R) New Hampshire—District 2 Dick Swett (D) Texas—District 18 Craig A. Washington (D) California—District 29 Maxine Waters P) New Hampshire—District 1 William RZelift Jr. (R) New Jersey—District 12 Richard A. Zimmer (R) Members of Parliament Anthony Coombes Conservative William Hague Conservative Sylvia Heal Labor Faculty M. A. Adelman, professor emeritus. Department of Economics, Massachusetts Insti­ tute of Technology Graham T. Allison, Jr., Douglas Dillon professor of government, John F. Kennedy School of Government Francis Bator, professor of international political economy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Joan Z. Bernstein, vice president. Chemical Waste Management, Inc. John Block, president, National American Wholesale Grocers' Association Ken Bode, director. Center for Contemporary Media, DePauw University Richard Boiling, Crompton, Maryland John Bovenzi, Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation Terry L. Bruce, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Illinois) Albert Camesale, professor of public policy administration, John F. Kennedy School of Government

136 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Abram Chayes, Felix Frankfurter professor of law, Harvard Law School Silvio O. Conte, member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-Massachusetts) Hermann F. Eilts, chairman. Department of International Relations, Boston University Martin Feldstein, professor, Economics Department, Harvard University Ronald Ferguson, associate professor of public policy, John F. Kermedy School of Government William Frenzel, member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-Minnesota) Martin Frost, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Texas) John Kenneth Galbraith, Paul M. Warburg professor of economics, emeritus. Harvard University Willis D. Gradison, Jr., member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-Ohio) Robert D. Hormats, vice president, Goldman Sachs International Ellen Hume, executive director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Robert Hutchings, director for european political affairs. National Security Council Julie Johnson, correspondent, Time/Warner, Inc. Jack Kemp, secretary, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development Herman B. Leonard, George F. Baker Jr. professor of public management, John F. Kennedy School of Goverrunent Martin A. Linsky, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government William G. Miller, president. The American Committee on U.S.-Soviet Relations , NBC News John Joseph Moakley, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Massachusetts) Mark H. Moore, Daniel & Florence Guggenheim professor of criminal justice and policy management, John F. Kennedy School of Government Michael Nacht, dean. School of Public Affairs, University of Maryland Thomas P. "Tip" O'Neill, Jr., O'Neill & Athy, Washington, D.C.; former speaker, U.S. House of Representatives Paul Portney, senior vice president. Resources for the Future Robert D. Putnam, dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government Robert Reich, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Goverrunent Alice Rivlin, director of economic studies. The Brookings Institution Pat Roberts, member, U.S. House of Representatives (R-Kansas) William J. Roberts, legislative director to Dr. Richard Denison, Environmental Defense Fund Larry Sabato, Department of Government & Foreign Affairs, University of Virginia , professor of international trade. Harvard University Nadav Safran, Murray A. Albertson professor of middle eastern studies, emeritus. Harvard Uruversity Robert Stavins, assistant professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Laura Tyson, Department of Economics, University of California/Berkeley Paul Volcker, chairman, James D. Wolfensohn, Inc., New York Ezra F. Vogel, professor of international affairs, Harvard Uiuversity

137 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Shirley Williams, public service professor of electoral politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government John Yang, staff writer. The Washington Post Staff House Administration Committee Mary Sue England, minority staff director Bobby Wood, assistant staff director Institute of Politics Theresa Donovan, associate director Kathy Eckroad, conference consultant John Howell, deputy director Jo-Anne Wilbum, conference coordinator Student Advisory Committee Julie Fromholz Dan Hoffman Mark Mindich

Women in Congress Program April 28 & 29,1991

The second conference for incumbent congresswomen, co-sponsored by the Center for Leadership Studies and the Institute of Politics, was held at the Institute in April 1991. The program, designed to provide an opportunity for women in Congress to meet in an academic environment to consider issues of leadership and public policy, received financial support from the American Council of Life Insurance, Chicago Board of Trade, Chicago Mercantile Exchange, Dayton Hudson Foundation, Household Inter­ national, Mutual of Omaha, NYNEX Government Affairs Company, Prudential Insur­ ance Company of America and Sears Roebuck and Company. Participants - U.S. House of Representatives

Cardiss Collins (D) Illinois Joan Kelly Horn (D) Missouri (D) California Jolene Unsoeld (D) Washington Session Topics and Faculti/: "Beyond the Cold War: Revolutions in the Soviet Empire" - Graham T. Allison, Jr. Dinner Address, "Personal Ii\sights on Women Achieving Success" - Bette Bao Lord "Health Care Reform" - Deborah Prothrow-Stith, M.D. "Post War in the Middle East: Problems and Prospects" - Hermann F. Eilts

138 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Luncheon Address, "Women and Poverty in the '90s" - Julie Wilson "Energy Policy in Perspective" - Darius W. Gaskins, Jr. Faculty Graham T. Allison, Jr., Douglas Dillon professor of government, former dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government Hermann F. Eilts, chair. Department of International Relations, Boston University; former U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia and Egypt Darius W. Gaskins, Jr., visiting professor, Center for Business & Government, John F. Keimedy School of Government; former president & CEO, Burlington Nothem Railroad Belte Bao Lord, author. Legacies, A Chinese Mosaic and numerous other works on China Deborah Pro thro w-Stith, M.D., assistant dean, Harvard School of Public Health; former commissioner of public health, Boston Julie Wilson, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Conference Coordination Center for Leadership Studies Stephen G. Lakis, president Marcia B. Vander Voort, executive assistant

Institute of Politics Charles Royer, director John Howell, deputy director Jo-Anne Wilburn, conference coordinator

Governors' Education Policy Advisors Conference May 3-5,1991

In May 1991, The Education Commission of the States, the National Governors Association, The Danforth Foundation, The Taubman Center for State and Local Government of the John F. Kennedy School of Government, the Harvard Graduate School of Education and the Institute of Politics co-sponored a confemce for education policy advisors to governors. The objective of the conference was to assist in the re­ examination of the role of education policy advisors and the role of governors in providing educational leadership in the states.

Participants Alabama Anita Buckley, education liaison, governor's staff Connecticut Emily V. Melendez, legislative/agency aide,governor's office Delaware Helen Foss, governor's education advisor

139 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

District of Columbia Janette Hoston Harris, director of educational affairs, office of the mayor Georgia David Lee, governor's office of planrung & budget Hav^'aii Patricia Brandt, special assistant to the governor Idaho Jeff Shinn, senior financial management analyst, governor's office Indiana Don Ernst, executive assistant, elementary & secondary education, governor's office Kentucky Jack D. Foster, secretary, education and humanities cabinet Maryland Judy Sachwald, executive assistant for education, governor's office Missouri Karen Gallagher, assistant for education & policy management, governor's office Mississippi Pickett Wilson, special advisor, education/ intergovernmental relations, governor's office New Mexico Caroline Gaston, administrative assistant to the first lady New York Daniel Kinley, assistant secretary for education & arts, governor's office North Dakota Carol M. Siegert, administrative assistant, governor's office Rhode Island Kevin Hiveley, policy analyst, governor's policy office South Carolina Janice Trawick, acting executive assistant for education, governor's office Utah Colleen S. Colton, administrative assistant for educa­ tion, governor's office Vermont Michael Gilhooly, assistant for education, governor's office Virgin Islands Linda Creque, commissioner of education Washington Ronn Robinson, Rorin Robinson and Associates, Inc. Session topics and Speakers "Restructuriiig the Education System: A Dialogue with Al Shanker" "They Should Learn What I Learned in School: Public Misperceptions about Educating Americans," Deborah Wadsworth "The President's Proposal," Charles Kolb "Restructuring State Departments of Education," Thomas Boyscn, Helen Foss, Jack D. Foster, Caroline Gaston "The Role of the Governor's Educahon Advisor," Karen Gallagher, Janice Trawick, Pickett Wilson "Schools That Work for Teachers," Susan Moore Johnson "A Dialogue with John Kenneth Galbraith "Update: Higher Education Reauthorization," Eve Bither "Update: The National EducationGoals Panel and the Progress Reports,"Pat Forgione, Susan Traiman

140 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Faculty and Administrative Staff Eve Bither, commissioner of education, Maine Thomas Boysen, commissioner of education, Kentucky Peggy Carle, director, commissioner relations. Education Commission of the States Pat Forgione, executive director. National Education Goals Panel John Kenneth Galbrailh, Paul M. Warburg professor of economics, emeritus. Harvard University Susan Greene, senior policy analyst. National Governors' Association John Howell, deputy director. Institute of Politics Susan Moore Johnson, associate professor of administration, planning and social policy. Harvard Graduate School of Education Charles Kolb, deputy assistant to the president for domestic policy. The White House Jean McDonald, senior policy analyst. National Governor's Association Frank Newman, president. Education Commission of the States Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics Al Shanker, president, American Federation of Teachers Susan Traiman, education program director. National Governors' Association Deborah Wadsworth, Public Agenda Foundation Jo-Anne Wilburn, conference coordinator. Institute of Politics Gary Wright, program director, Danforth Foundation

Seminar on Metropolitan Governance July 19-20,1991 The National Association of Regional Ccouncils in Washington, D.C. serves as an advocate for regional councils and their local government members and analyzes and monitors proposed legislation and federal regulations affecting metropolitan gover­ nance. In July 1991, the Taubman Center for State and Local Goverrmient, John F. Kennedy School of Goverrmient, and the Institute of PoUtics co-sponsored a two-day seminar at the Kermedy School focusing on "structured brainstorming" on three broad topics: current issues/problems of metropolitan governance; innovative approaches to ad­ dressing those issues; and looking at what specific research could advance scholarly tmderstanding of metropolitan governance and help practitioners currently grappling with pracHcal governance problems. Conclusions drawn from seminar discussions noted the need for more scholarly research on metropolitan governance and suggested that a research agenda be pre­ pared and major conferences, papers and articles be held to broaden the academic and political dialogue on these issues.

141 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Participants Alan Altshuler, director, Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government Edward Blakely, professor of city and regional planning. University of California/ Berkeley Franklin Ching, president. Metropolitan Area Planning Council, Boston Benjamin Chinitz, senior fellow, Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, Massa­ chusetts Michael N. Danielson, B.C. Forbes professor of politics & public affairs, Princeton University John M. DeGrove, director, FAU/FIU Joint Center for Environmental and Urban Problems, Fort Lauderdale, Florida Jameson W. Doig, professor of politics and public sffairs, Woodrow Wilson School, Princeton Uruversity Robert Einsweiler, director of research, Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, Massachusetts Richard Hartman, executive director. National Association of Regional Councils John Howell, deputy director. Institute of Politics Jonathan B. Howes, research professor and director. Center for Urban & Regional Studies, University of North Carolina/Chapel Hill Arnold M. Howitt, associate director, Taubman Center for State and Local Govern­ ment, John F. Kennedy School of Government John J. Kirlin, professor of public administration. University of South Calif ornia/Napa Michael Lipsky, program officer. Ford Foundation Frank Mauro, Rockefeller College Institute, State University of New York/Albany Richard Nathan, provost, Rockefeller College of Public Affairs and Policy, Albany, New York Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics Lynne B. Sagalyn, visiting professor, Graduate School of Business, Columbia Univer­ sity; scholar in residence, Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kermedy School of Government David C. Soule, executive director. Metropolitan Area Planning Council, Boston William Stafford, executive director. Trade Development Alliance of Greater Seattle James H. Svara, professor and director of public administration. School of Public Administration, North Carolina State Uruversity/Raleigh Peter Vanderpoel, Citizens League, Minneapolis, Minnesota Allan Wallis, director of research. National Civic League, Denver, Colorado Carol Whiteside, assistant secretary of inter-governmental affairs. Resources Agency, Sacramento, California Observers Laura Carter, research analyst, Taubman Center, Kennedy School David Luberoff, research analyst, Taubman Center Deborah Miness, research associate, Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, Cambridge, Massachusetts

142 COlljerellces, Semi/wI's alld Special Projecb

teve Wat on, research analyst, Taubman enter Jo- nne Wilburn, conference coordinator, Institute of Politic· ark Zegans, associate director for research, Innovations in tate and Local Govern­ ment Program, John F. Kennedy School of Gmoernment

lOP 25th Anniversary Debate

I to R: ROil BroWIl, Charles Royer, Clay tOil Yel/tter

143 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Strengthening America's Democracy: Politics and Purpose in the Post Cold War Era INSTITUTE OF POLITICS 25TH ANNIVERSARY CELEBRATION OCTOBER 25-26,1991

SCHEDULE OF EVENTS

Friday, October 25

1:00 - 7:00 p.m. Registration (TOP Living Room) 1:30 - 3:30 p.m. Open House - Little Yellow House (78 Mt. Auburn Street) Hosted by former Institute of Politics Directors: Ernest R. May (1971-74) Jonathan Moore (1974-86) Richard E. Neustadl (1966-71)

1:30 - 3:30 p.m. Tours of John F. Kennedy's undergraduate suite ()

4:00 - 5:30 p.m. Opening (Forum) Welcome: Charles Royer, Director, Institute of Politics Address: Edward M. Kennedy, Member, U.S. Senate (D-Massachusetts); Member, Institute of Politics Senior Advisory Committee Remarks: Ron Brown, Chairman, Democratic National Committee; Chair, Institute of Politics Senior Advisory Committee

7:00 - 7:30 p.m. Cocktails (Forum)

7:30 - 9:00 p.m. Traditional lOP Supper (Forum) Presentation of 25th Anniversary Essay Contest Awards John F. Kennedy, Jr., Assistant District Attorney, New York County; Member, Institute of Politics Senior Advisory Committee Introduction: Richard E. Neustadt, Douglas Dillon Professor of Government, Emeritus; former Institute of Politics Direc­ tor (1966-71)

144 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Speaker: Theodore C. Sorenson, Senior Partner^ Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison; former Special Counsel to President John F. Kennedy

9:30 p.m.-l:00 a.m. 1960s Dance (Winthrop House)

Saturday, October 26

8:00 - 9:00 a.m. Breakfast Buffet (Forum)

9:00 -10:15 a.m. Three Concurrent Sessions: Young Elected Officials: Why We Chose Politics (KSG/Room 150) Pflnd/sfs; Patrick Kermedy, Member, Rhode Island House of Representatives (D) Todd Paulson, Mayor, Brooklyn Center, Minnesota (R) Susan M. Tracy, Member, Massachusetts House of Representatives (D) WalterM. Tucker III, Mayor, Compton, California (D) Moderator: John Culver, Senior Partner, Arent, Fox, Kintner, Plotkin & Kahn; Member, U.S. Senate (1975-81/D- lowa); Member, Institute of Politics Senior Advisory Committee

9:00 -10:15 a.m. The New World Order: What Does It Mean at Home and Abroad? (KSG/Room 140) Panelists: Barber Conable, former President, The World Bank (1986-91); Member, U.S. House of Representatives (1965-85/D-New York); former Member, Institute of PoUtics Senior Advisory Committee Madeleine M. Kunin, Distinguished Visitor in Public Policy, Mary Ingraham Bunting Institute, Radciiffe College; Governor, Vermont (1985-91); Member, Institute of Politics Senior Advisory Conunittee John O'Sullivan, Editor, ; Special Advisor to Great Britain Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher (1987-88); 1983 Institute of PoUtics Fellow Art Torres, Member, (D); Member, Council on Foreign Relations; Member, NaHonal Commission on International Migration and Development; 1974 Institute of Politics Fellow Moderator: Jonathan Moore, Ambassador and U.S. Representative to the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations; Coordinator and Ambassador-at-

145 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Large for Refugee Affairs, U.S. Department of State (1986-89); former Institute of Politics Director (1974-86)

9:00 -10:15 a.m. Political Activism on Campus: Then and Now (KSG/Room 230) Panelists: George Gorton, Fellow, Institute of Politics; Chairman, California Governor Pete Wilson's Reapportionment Committee; National College Director, 1972 Nixon for President campaign Art A. Hall '93, President, Harvard/Radcliffe Black Students Association Kim Harris '92, Chair, Institute of Politics Student Advisory Committee Hendrik Hertzberg, Senior Editor, The New Republic; Chief Speechwriter for President (1979); former Editor, The ; 1985 Institute of Politics Fellow Moderator: Shirley Williams, Public Service Professor of Electoral Politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government; Acting Director, Institute of Politics (1989) member. Institute of Politics Senior Advisory Committee

12:00-1:00 p.m. Debate (Forum) Democrats vs. Republicans: Who's the Party of the 1990s? Ron Brown, Chairman, Democratic Nahonal Committee Clayton Yeuter, Chairman, Republican National Committee Moderator: Charles Royer, Director, Institute of Politics

1:00 p.m. Picnic Lunch (KSG/Penthouse)

146 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Seminar on Transition and Leadership for Newly-Elected Mayors November 13-16,1991

On November 13-16,1991, the ninth Seminar on Transition & Leadership for Newly Elected Mayors, co-sponsored by the Institute of Politics and the U.S. Conference of Mayors, was held at tiie Institute with nineteen mayors participating. The program, held bieni\ially since 1975, is designed to help new mayors make optimal use of the transition period and the crucial early months in office and to provide insight and instruction on several substantive policy areas. In addition to discussions on traditional topics and leadership issues, the 1991 seminar addressed issues relating to current urban problems such as managing racial tension and diversity, education reform, privatization and health care. Other discus­ sion topics included relations between the mayor and the city manager, the mayor and the city council, and two case studies, "Policing a City's Central District: The Oakland Story" and "Democracy Reborn: The Eastern European View of Local Government." Funding was provided by Allied-Signal, Inc., American Telegraph & Telephone, Bull HN Information Systems, Inc., Sears, Roebuck & Company, Sun Company, Inc. and PEBSCO. Participants Edward Austin (D) Jacksonville, Florida Angel O. Berries (D) Caguas, Puerto Rico Liz Brater (D) Ann Arbor, Michigan Phil Bredesen (D) Nashville, Tennessee (D) Salt Lake City, Utah Joseph Ganim (D) Bridgeport, Cormecticut Patrick J. Gibbs (R) Davenport, Iowa (R) Lincoln, Nebraska John H. Logie (I) Grand Rapids, Michigan Robert Markel (D) Springfield, Massachusetts James McGreevey (D) Woodbridge, New Jersey Robert E. Metivier (D) Pawtucket, Rhode Island Linda Morton (R) Lakewood, Colorado Tommy Olmstead (D) Macon, Georgia Mesquite, Texas Cathye Ray (R) Dwight Tillery (D) Cincirmati, Ohio Bruce Todd (D) Austin, Texas Charlotte, North Carolina Richard Vlnroot (R) Terrence Zaleski (D) Yonkers, New York Faculty Victor Ashe, mayor, Knoxville, Tennessee Maria Berriozabal, fellow, Institute of Politics; former member. City Council, San Antonio, Texas

147 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Albert Carnesale, acting dean & Lucius N. Littauer professor of public policy and administration, John F. Kennedy School of Government Tom Cochran, executive director, U.S. Conference of Mayors Cardell Cooper, mayor, East Orange, New Jersey Juanita M. Crabb, mayor, Binghamton, New York Roger Dahl, director. Labor Management Relations Service, U.S. Conference of Mayors Richard F. Elmore, professor of education. Graduate School of Educahon, Harvard University , mayor, Boston, Massachusetts Dall W. Forsythe, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Donald M. Fraser, mayor, Minneapolis, Minnesota Francis X. Hartmann, executive director. Program in Criminal Justice Policy and Management, John F. Kennedy School of Government Philip A. Hawkey, city manager, Pasadena, California Linda Lampkin, director^ Department of Research, AFSCME George Latimer, dean, Hamline School of Law, St. Paul, Minnesota; former mayor, St. Paul Howard Leibowitz, director of federal relations. City of Boston Herman B. Leonard, George F. Baker Jr. professor of public management, John F. Kennedy School of Government Martin A. Linsky, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government John O. Norquist, mayor, Milwaukee, Wisconsin Norman Rice, mayor, Seattle, Washington Marc J. Roberts, professor of political economy & health policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics; former mayor, Seattle Peggy Rubach, mayor. Mesa, James Snyder, special assistant/intergovernmental affairs. The White House Betsy Watson, chief of police, Houston, Texas Kathryn Whitmire, mayor, Houston, Texas ShirleyWilUams, public serviceprofessorofelectoral poll tics, JohnF. Kennedy School of Government Peter B. Zimmerman, associate dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government Faculty Advisory Committee Martin A. Linsky Herman B. Leonard Marc J. Roberts Shirley Williams Peter B. Zimmerman Administrative Staff U.S. Conference of Mayors J. Thomas Cochran, Executive Director Tom McClimon, Managing Director

148 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Institute of Politics Charles Royer, Director John Howell, Deputy Director Jo-Anne Wilbum, Conference Coordinator

Seminar for Business-Government Relations Council April 24 & 25,1992

The Business-Government Relations Council is a non-profit organization, represent­ ing national and international organizations, with the mission of improving business understanding of governmental policies, metiiods and operations, and increasing governmental awareness of the role of business in national affairs. In April 1992, twenty-nine members of the council attended a seminar at the John F. Kennedy School of Government co-sponsored by the Center for Business and Government and the Ir\stitute of Politics. The purpose of the seminar was to examine issues to be confronted throughout the next decade and to discuss some of the policies being debated in the 1992 election campaign.

Participants Randolf H. Aires Sears, Roebuck and Company David S, J. Brow^n Monsanto Company Ken W. Cole Allied-Signal Inc. Peter J. Connell Aetna Life & Casualty Lewis "Lew" Gayner Dow Chemical John P. Hall, Jr. Johnson & Johnson A. J. Harris, II CIGNA Corporation Holly Hassetl Hershey Foods Corporation Sidney G. Hawkes Mead Corporation William J. Holes Drake Beam Morin, Inc. John W. Hushen Eaton Corporation James D. Johnston General Motors Corporation Frank P. Jones, Jr. Aluminum Company of America William K. King Ford Motor Company E. F. "Manny" Livaudais^ Jr. ARCO Cynthia Mansfield General Public Utilities Mark Nelson E.I. duPont de Nemours & Company Thomas G. O'Hara The Prudential Insurance Company of America Robert A. Perkins Chrysler Corporation Paulette C. Pidcock Baltimore Gas & Electric Company Woodruff M. Price CSX Corporation Harold S. Russell FMC Corporation Ronald F. Stowe Pacific Telesis Group Terrence D. Straub USX Corporation

149 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

W. Dennis Thomas International Paper William J. Turenne Eli Lilly and Company Rudolph A. Vignone The Goodyear Tire & Rubber Company Richard S. Ward ITT Corporation Thomas L. Wylie Sun Company, Inc. Session Topics and Faculty "Demographics & The Work Force," William C. Apgar, Jr., Lisa M. Lynch, Julie Boatright Wilson "Competitiveness and International Trade," Robert Z. Lawrence, Debora L. Spar, Raymond Vemon "1992 Politics," John P. Ellis, Ann F. Lewis, Gary Orren "Health Care Reform: Fantasy or Reality?," Robert J. Blendon, M.D., Marc J. Roberts "Ethics in the 1990s," Gregory J. Dees, Alan Rosenthal "Business, Government and the Press," Marvin Kalb Dinner Speaker: F.J. O'Rourke, author Sessions were moderated by Charles Royer or Richard E. Cavanaugh Faculty William C.Apgar, Jr., lecturer in publicpolicy, John F.Kennedy School of Government; Executive Director, Joint Center for Housing Studies, Harvard University Dr. Robert J. Blendon, Roger I. Lee professor of health policy and management and chairman. Department of Health Policy and Management, Harvard School of PubUc Health Richard E. Cavanagh, executive dean & acting director, Center for Business & Govern­ ment, John F. Kennedy School of Government Gregory J. Dees, assistant professor of business adminstration. John P. Ellis, consultant. Institute of Politics; former political analyst and producer, NBC News election unit Marvin Kalb, Edward R. Murrow professor of press and public policy and director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Robert Z. Lawrence, Albert L. Williams professor of international trade and invest­ ment, John F. Keimedy School of Government Ann F. Lewis, political analyst; public affairs commentator, Morutor TV and Radio and WHDH-TV Boston Lisa M. Lynch, associate professor of industrial relations, Sloan School of Management, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; faculty research fellow. National Bureau of Economic Research Gary Orren, profesor of pubUc policy and associate director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Govern­ ment Marc J. Roberts, professor of political economy and health policy. Harvard School of Public Health and John F. Kennedy School of Government

150 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Alan Rosenthal, professor of political science and director, Eagleton Institute of Politics, Rutgers - The State University of New Jersey Charles Royer, director, histitute of Politics Debora L. Spar, assistant professor. Harvard Business School Raymond Vernon, Clarence Dillon professor of international affairs, emeritus and Herbert F. Johnson professor of international business management. Harvard Uni­ versity Julie Boatright Wilson, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Govern­ ment Administrative Staff Center for Business and Government Beverly Raimondo, administrative director

Institute of Politics John Howell, deputy director Jo-Anne Wilbum, conference coordinator Kristine Zaleskas, staff assistant

African National Congress Seminar June 22-23,1992 In June 1992, the African American Institute, the National Democratic Institute, the U.S. Information Agency and the Ir\stitute of Politics co-sponsored a seminar focusing on the theoretical construct of the U.S. federalist system for a delegation from South Africa—members of the Constitutional Committee of the African National Congress. Agenda topics for the two-day program included "The Historical Framework: A System of Checks and Balances," "The U.S. Constitution," "A Comparative Look at Other Developing Democracies," "Policing in a Democracy," "The Court System," "Ethics in Government," "Intergoverrunental Relations: The Federal, State and Local Web," "The Role of the Press in a Democracy," and "Preparing for the Next Govern­ ment: Training Programs for Government Officials." Participants Thozamile Botha, head, ANC Local and Regional Government and Housing Depart­ ment Nicholas Roland Haysom, attomey-at-law, Cheadle Thompson and Hayson; profes­ sor of law, University of Witwatersrand; member, ANC Constitutional Committee; Jayaprakash Mervyn Josie, program coordinator. The Macro Economic Research Group for the Establishment of the National histitute of Economic Policy Brigitte Sylvia Mabandia, member, ANC Legal and Constitutional Committee; senior constitutional researcher, Commuruty Law Center, University of Western Cape Essa Moosa, attorney; member, ANC Legal and Constitutional Committee

151 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Mathole Samuel Motshekga, head. Department of Development Lavi' and senior researcher. Institute of Foreign and Comparative Law and Research, University of South Africa; vice chairman, ANC Transvaal Region Aaron M. Ndlovu, senior lecturer. Political Science, University of Zululand; chairman, ANC Northern Natal Region; member, ANC National Executive Committee Bulelani Ngcuka, attorney, Ngcuko and Matana; senior researcher. Community Law Center, University of Western Cape; member, ANC Constitutional Committee, National Association of Democratic Lawyers Abdulah Mohamed Omar, advocate, director, Community Law Center; member, ANC Constitutional Committee; vice president, National Association of Democratic Law^yers Albie Sachs, professor; director. South African Constitution and Studies Center, London and Cape Town; member, ANC National Executive Committee, Constitu­ tional Committee Zola Sidney Skweyiya, director. Legal and Constitutional Affairs Department, Com­ munity Law Center, University of VVestem Cape; chairperson, ANC Constitutional Committee Lewis Thembile Skweytya, senior advocate, ANC Constitutional Committee; edito­ rial board. South African journal on Human Rights; chairman. Board of Trustees, South African Committee for Higher Education; delegation leader Linda Cristobel Zama, member, ANC Regional Executive Committee for Natal; trustee. Institute for Multiparty Democracy Faculty Antonia H. Chayes, adjunct lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Ronald David, lecturer in public policy, Malcolm Wiener Center for Social Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Jorge L Dominguez, professor of government. Harvard University Ralph D. Gants, counsel. Palmer and Dodge, Boston; former chief. Public Corruption Division, Office of the U.S. Attorney, Boston Bill Kovach, curator, Nieman Foundation, Harvard University Gail Leftwich, asociate director. Program on South Africa, John F. Kermedy School of Government Randall L. Kennedy, professor of law. Harvard Haw School Charles J. Ogletree, Jr., assistant professor of law. Harvard Law School H. W. Perry, Jr., asociate professor of government. Harvard Uiuversity Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics Frederick Schauer, Frank Stanton professor of the first amendment, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government John Shattuck, vice president for government, community and public affairs. Harvard University

152 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Alan Rosenthal, professor of political science and director, Eagleton Institute of Politics, Rutgers - The State University of New Jersey Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics Debora L. Spar, assistant professor. Harvard Business School Raymond Vernon, Clarence Dillon professor of international affairs, emeritus and Herbert F. Johnson professor of international business management. Harvard Uni­ versity Julie Boatright Wilson, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Govern­ ment Administrative Staff Center for Business and Government Beverly Raimondo, administrative director

Institute of Politics John Howell, deputy director Jo-Anne Wilbum, conference coordinator Kristine Zaleskas, staff assistant

African National Congress Seminar June 22-23,1992 In June 1992, the African American Iristitute, the National Democrahc Institute, the U.S. Information Agency and the Institute of Politics co-sponsored a seminar focusing on the theoretical construct of the U.S. federalist system for a delegation from South Africa—members of the Constitutional Committee of the African National Congress. Agenda topics for the two-day program included "The Historical Framework: A System of Checks and Balances," "The U.S. Constitution," "A Comparative Look at Other Developing Democracies/' "Policing in a Democracy," "The Court System," "Ethics in Government," "Intergovernmental Relations: The Federal, State and Local Web," "The Role of the Press in a Democracy," and "Preparing for the Next Govern­ ment: Training Programs for Government Officials." Participants Thozamile Botha, head, ANC Local and Regional Government and Housing Depart­ ment Nicholas Roland Haysom, attomey-at-iaw, Cheadle Thompson and Hayson; profes­ sor of law, University of Witwatersrand; member, ANC Constitutional Committee; Jayaprakash Mervyn Josie, program coordinator. The Macro Economic Research Group for the Establishment of the National Institute of Economic Policy Brigitte Sylvia Mabandla, member, ANC Legal and Constitutional Committee; senior constitutional researcher. Community Law Center, University of Western Cape Essa Moosa, attorney; member, ANC Legal and Constitutional Committee

151 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Mathole Samuel Motshekga, head. Department of Development Law and senior researcher. Institute of Foreign and Comparative Law and Research, University of South Africa; vice chairman, ANC Transvaal Region Aaron M. Ndlovu, senior lecturer, Political Science, University of Zululand; chairman, ANC Northern Natal Region; member, ANC National Executive Committee Bulelani Ngcuka, attorney, Ngcuko and Matana; senior researcher, Community Law Center, University of Western Cape; member, ANC Constitutional Committee, National Association of Democratic Lawyers Abdulah Mohamed Omar, advocate, director. Community Law Center; member, ANC Constitutional Committee; vice president. National Association of Democratic Lawyers Albie Sachs, professor; director. South African Constitution and Studies Center, London and Cape Town; member, ANC National Executive Committee, Constitu­ tional Committee Zola Sidney Skweyiya, director. Legal and Constitutional Affairs Department, Com­ munity Law Center, University of Western Cape; chairperson, ANC Constitutional Corrunittee Lewis Thembile Skweytya, senior advocate, ANC Constitutional Committee; edito­ rial board. South African Journal on Human K/^/i^s; chairman. Board of Trustees, South African Committee for Higher Education; delegation leader Linda Cristobel Zama, member, ANC Regional Executive Committee for Natal; trustee, Iiistitute for Multiparty Democracy Faculty Antonia H. Chayes, adjunct lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Ronald David, lecturer in public policy, Malcolm Wiener Center for Social Policy, John F. Kermedy School of Govermnent Jorge I. Dominguez, professor of government. Harvard University Ralph D. Cants, counsel. Palmer and Dodge, Boston; former chief. Public Corruption Division, Office of the U.S. Attorney, Boston Bill Kovach, curator, Nieman Foundation, Harvard University Gail Leftwich, asociate director. Program on South Africa, John F. Kennedy School of Government Randall L. Kennedy, professor of law. Harvard Haw School Charles J. Ogletree, Jr., assistant professor of law. Harvard Law School H. W. Perry, Jr., asociate professor of government, Harvard University Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics Frederick Schauer, Frank Stanton professor of the first amendment, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government John Shattuck, vice president for government, community and public affairs. Harvard University

152 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Administrative Staff Charles Royer, director, Listitute of Politics John Howell, deputy director. Institute of Politics Jo-Anne Wilbum, conference coordinator. Institute of Folihcs

Meetings Hosted

In keeping with the ongoing interest of the Institute in fostering lirxks between the worlds of pohtics and academia, the Institute hosted several meetings during academic years 1990-91 and 1991-92, including a brown bag lunch with Keisuke Morita of Osaka, Japan; a luncheon with a delegation of senators and government officials from France; a luncheon meeting with young political leaders from Argentina; a day-long visit to Harvard by U.S. Congressman Richard Gephardt; a presentation for a delegation of mayors from the People's Republic of China.

February 14, 1991, illustrated talk, brown bag lunch and discussion, with Keisuke Morita, planning director for the City of Osaka, Japan; former managing director of Osaka Waterfront Development Corporation, co-hosted by the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Keimedy School of Government. A ttending were Kennedy School and Urban Design and Planning students and faculty. Mr. Morita's presentation included a case history of the Ring of Fire Aquarium and Tempozan Marketplace in Osaka, an example of the Japanese pattern of public/private investment in public development projects which included the participation of an American design team led by Cambridge Seven Associates.

January 21,1992, luncheon meeting and discussion about American politics, with a delegation of French senators, deputies, administrators and interpreters in the United States to tour Bull HN Information Systems operations in Massachusetts and Washing­ ton and to meet with leaders in business, government and academia. Members of the French delegation included Senators Jean Arthuis, Maryse Berge- Lavigne, Paulette Brisepierre, Roland du Luart, Rene Monory, Louis Perrein, Jacques Valade; Assemblee Nationale representatives Francois d'Aubert, Gilbert Gantier; Parliament administrators Phillippe Ceriez, Olivier Delemarre Deboutteville, Jean- Louis Schroedt-Girard. Brief presentations on topics relating to U.S. presidential and congressional elections were made by Marvin Kalb, director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy; Gary Orren, professor of public poUcy, John F. Kermedy School of Government; Charles Royer, director, Institute of Politics.

153 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Also attending were Alex Leblois, president and chief executive officer. Bull HN Information Systems; John Carpenter, senior development officer. Harvard Univer­ sity; Nicholas Mitropoulas, executive director, Taubman Center for State and Local Government; John Howell, deputy director. Institute of Politics.

March 11,1992, luncheon meeting and discussion with young political leaders from Argentina, sponsored by the American Council of Young Political Leaders (ACYPL). Discussion topics included American politics, economics and U.S.-Argentina relations. Luncheon guests included: Richardo Garcia Blaya, vice president. Bank of the City of Buenos Aires; vice president, Justicialista Political Party Liliama Cordova, interpreter Miguel Cordova, interpreter John Ellis, consultant. Institute of Politics Thomas Ferrari, ministry of economy, Argentina; 1992 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Cleopatra Gianni, undersecretary of institutional relations. Ministry of Governance, Province of Cordoba Luis Losada, national deputy (representative). Province of Missions, Radical Civic Uiuon Political Party Jose Made, provincial senator; president, Justicialista Party Bloc Luis Martinez, vice president, Municipal Bank of La Plata; leader, Justicialista Political Party Fernando Melillo, chief cabinet advisor to the mayor of Buenos Aires; president, Youth Branch, Justicialista Political Party Brad Minnick, deputy chief secretary, office of Governor Weld of Massachusetts Luz Oramas, interpreter Alfred Puig, provincial deputy. Province of Salta; Revovador Political Party Carlos Raimundi, national deputy. Radical Civic Union Political Party Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics Heman Vela, architect; group leader. City of Mar del Plata Branch, FURP Betsey Wright, fellow. Institute of Politics

May 4, 1992, visit to Harvard by Richard Gephardt, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Missouri). Congressman Gephardt's schedule included meetings with Harvard President Neil Rudenstine, Dean Albert Carnesale, John F, Kennedy School of Government, and Harvard undergraduate and graduate students; briefings and discussions witii Harvard faculty and administrators on economic issues, the break-up of the Soviet Union and press and politics; a reception hosted by Dean Carnesale and an address in the Forum on "Beyond Gridlock: The Perils of Divided Government."

154 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

June 9,1992, presentation for a delegation of mayors from the People's Republic of China. The Institute of Politics was one stop on a two-week visit to the United States sponsored by the National Committee on United States-China Relatior\s. The agenda for the visit included briefings on the history, mission and programs of the Institute and the John F. Kennedy School of Government; briefings and discussions on the Seminar on Transition and Leadership for Newly-Elected Mayors conducted biermially by the Institute since 1975, and on 1992 presidential politics and 1992 congressional politics.

Members of the delegation and escorts included: Wang Tingchen, mayor of Ktmming; delegation leader Wang Wenqing, mayor of Lianyungang Li Youmei, mayor of Datong Zheng Zhihui, mayor of Zhanjiang Han Yulin, mayor of Zhangzhou Qiu Shangyun, deputy secretary general, Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs Wang Deren, division chief, Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs Tian Chvmyan, first secretary, Department of American and Oceanian Affairs, Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs Jan Carol Berris, vice president. National Committee on U.S.-China Relations; pro­ gram coordinator David M. Lampton, president. National Committee on U.S.-China Relations Wendy Locks, interpreter, National Committee on U.S.-China Relations

Faculty Study Group on Term Limits

The campaignf or term limitations for members of state and federal legislative bodies has generated considerable attention. By November 1991,150 different term limit bills were pending in 45 states and as many as 20 states may be voting on term limits in 1992. But the debate on term limits has too often been characterized by rhetorical flourish rather than careful analysis. The implications of term limits are much more complex and uncertain than they may first appear, and term limits are inextricably linked to some larger controversies about the nature of our political system. The Faculty Study Group on Term Limits was organized in spring 1992 to exanune the term limits movement, to clarify the arguments of the opposing sides, identify relevant empirical imf ormation and systematically evaluate the merits of restrictions on legislative service. The members of the faculty study group will attempt to identify problems and alternatives, to examine the relationship to other recent reform movements, and to look at the impact on elections, on legislative behavior and on political careers.

155 Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects

Members of the Study Group are: Hale Champion, Pforzheimer lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Goverrunent Morris P. Fiorina. Jr., professor of goverrunent. Harvard University John Howell, deputy director. Institute of Politics Gary King, professor of government. Harvard University Edward L. Lascher, Jr., assistant professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Robert D. Putnam, Don K. Price professor of politics, John F. Kennedy School of Government; professor of government. Harvard University Alan Rosenthal, director, Eagleton Institute of PoUtics, Rutgers-The State University of New Jersey Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics

Bruce Morrison is research assistant for the project

156 THE FORUM

The Institute of Politics administers all formal programs held in the ARCO Forum of Public Affairs, a multi-tiered amphitheater located in the heart of the Littauer building of the John F. Kennedy School of Government. As Senator Edward M. Kennedy remarked in his address at the dedication of the School in 1978, the Forum serves as a "crossroads by day and a meeting place by night, an arena for debate where democracy can come alive, a forum where citizens can meet with presidents and kings, or poets debate with secretaries of defense." 1990-91 Imagining a President," July 10, 1990, an address by Roy Blount Jr., humorist and commentator; author. First Hubby; co-sponsored by the Harvard Summer School Program "Is America in Decline?: U.S. and the Soviet Union in the 1990's," July 17,1990, an address by Joseph S. Nye Jr., Clarence Dillon professor of international affairs and director. Center for International Affairs, Harvard University; co-sponsored by the Harvard Summer School Program and the Summer-in-Boston Program July 24,1990, an address by Michael Dukakis, former governor, Massachusetts; 1988 Democratic candidate for president; co-sponsored by the Harvard Summer School Program and the Summer-in-Boston Program July 31,1990, "A Conversation with Peggy Noonan, speech writer for Presidents Reagan and Bush; author. What I Saw at the Revolution/' co-sponsored by the Summer-in-Boston Program "You Be the Judge!!!," August 8,1990, a mock "Senate Judiciary Committee" hearing on the nomination for associate justice, U.S. Supreme Court, of David H. Souter, co- sponsored by the Summer-in-Boston Program, with: "Senator" Howard Yoiu-ow, doctoral candidate in constitutional law, University of Michigan; visiting professor. Harvard Law School "Nominee" Brian Coucouchas, constitutional law specialist The Audience, members of the voting pubUc "Personal Perspectives on Politics," September 18,1990, a panel discussion with the fall 1990 fellows of the histitute of Politics, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: Brock Evans, vice president for national issues. National Audubon Society Margaret Carlson, senior political writer. Time magazine Tom Luce, attorney; 1990 Republican candidate for governor of Texas Jessie Rattley, former mayor, Newport News, Virgiiua Dick Riley, former governor. South Carolina Melor Sturua, Washington bureau chief and political columnist, Izvestia Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator)

157 Mikhail Cor11Ochev ill the Fonllll, May 15,1992

Mirabel Medilla (MPA/IO candidate, KSC/HLS), Antonia Novello

158 The Forum

"Freedom in Czechoslovakia," October 4,1990, a pane! discussion, co-sponsored by the Joan Sorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: Graham T. Allison, Jr., Douglas Dillon professor of Government, director, Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, John F. Kermedy School of Government Jiri Dienstbier, foreign minister of Czechoslovakia Michael Getler, assistant managing editor for foreign news. The Washington Post Shirley Williams, public service professor of electorial politics, director. Project Liberty, John F. Kennedy School of Government Marvin Kalb, director, Shorenstein Barone Center (moderator) "A Louisiana Governor's Tough Choices: Abortion, Capital Pimishment, Flag Burrung, Record Labeling, and Affirmative Action," October 11, 1990, an address by Buddy Roemer, governor of Louisiana "Mentors,Tutors,Friends: Employee Volunteers in America'sSchools," October 17,1990, a lecture by John F. Welch Jr., chairman and cfuef executive officer. General Electric Company, co-sponsored by the Center for Business and Government, John F. Kermedy School of Government "Tax Reform or Rollback?," October 18,1990, a debate with: Barbara Anderson, executive director. Citizens for Limited Taxation James Braude, executive director. Tax Equity Alliance for Massachusetts Herman (Dutch) Leonard, Jr., George F. Baker Jr. professor of public management, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "A Fresh Look at an Old Neighbor: Mexican Foreign Policy for the 1990's," October 19,1990, an address by Fernando Solana, foreign minister of Mexico with respondent John Womack, Roberts Woods Bliss professor of Latin American history and economics. Harvard University, co-sponsored by the Harvard Institute for Intemational Development "Who Can Solve the Crisis in Education?" October 22, 1990, a panel discussion, co- sponsored by the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kennedy &hool of Government, with: Derek Bok, president. Harvard Uruversity Lewis Branscomb, Albert Pratt professor of public service, John F. Kennedy School of Government; former chairman, Carnegie Task Force on Teaching as a Profession Roger Porter, assistant to the president for domestic affairs. The White House Richard Riley, fellow. Institute of Politics; former governor of South Carolina Patricia Graham, dean, Graduate School of Education, Harvard University (moderator) "Winning the White House: A Fiscally Responsible 'New Maii\stream' Way for a Democratic Victory in 1992,"October25,1990,anaddressbyL. Douglas Wilder,govemor of Virginia, co-sponsored by the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government

159 The Forum

"Republicans vs Democrats: What's the Difference?," November 1,1990, a debate, co- sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: Sumner Anderson, president. Harvard Republicans Ken DeGeorgio, member. Harvard Republicans Jamie Harmon, president, Harvard Democrats Jeffrey Livingston, member. Harvard Democrats Jessica Yellin, member. Harvard Democrats Joe Zimrpano, member. Harvard Republican (Starr Auditorium)

"The Persian Gulf Crisis: Beyond the Sanctions," November 5,1990, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: James Akins, former U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia L. Paul Bremer III, managing director, Kissinger Associates Joseph S. Nye, Jr., Clarence Dillon professor of international affairs and director. Center for International Affairs, Harvard University David Scondras, member, Boston City Covmcil Robert Blackwill, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Election '90 Coverage and Analysis," November 6,1990, a panel discussion, co-spon­ sored by the Kennedy School Political Junkies, the Press Politics Center Student Interest Group, the Harvard Democrats, the Harvard Republicans and the Student Advisory Committee, with: John Ellis, fellow, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; former political analyst, NBC News Marvin Kalb, director, Shorenstein Barone Center Ann Lewis, political consultant; former national director, Americans for Democratic Action; former fellow, Institute of Politics Margaret Carlson, senior political writer. Time magazine Hugh Sidey, Washington contributing editor. Time magazine Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) "Rebuilding Our Country," November 13,1990, an address by Ross Perot, chairman, Perot Systems Corporation; founder. Electronic Data Systems Corporation, with Tom Luce, fellow. Institute of Politics (moderator) "Reflections on Press and Politics," November 15,1990, an address by Walter Cronkite, CBS News anchor, co-sponosored by the Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Govermnent

160 The Forum

"The 'Environmental President': An Assessment of the Bush Administration's Record on the Environment/' November 19,1990, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Harvard- Radcliffe Environmental Action Committee, the Energy and Environment Student Inter­ est Group, John F. Kennedy School of Government, and the Student Advisory Committee, with: Brock Evans, vice president for national issues. National Audubon Society; fellow. Institute of Politics F. Henry Habicht, deputy administrator, U.S. Emvironmental Protection Agency Timothy Wirth, member, U.S Senate (D-Colorado) Robert Stavins, assistant professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Govern­ ment; director. Project 88 (moderator) "Prospects for Democracy in Zaire," November 19,1990, an address by Tshisekedi wa Mulumba, democratic opposition leader, Zaire (Starr Auditorium) "The Impact of the '90 Elections on 1991," November 26,1990, a panel discussion, with: Robert Beckel, political analyst, Beckel and Associates Chris Black, political writer, The Boston Globe Ron Brown, chairman. Democratic National Committee John Ellis, fellow, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and PubUc Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; former political analyst, NBC News Edward Rollins, co-chairman. National Republican Congressional Committee William Schneider, Speaker Thomas O'Neill Jr. visiting professor of American politics, Boston College; political analyst, CNN Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) "Homelessness: Solving an American Disgrace," November 27,1990, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Community Service Clearinghouse; Creative Gourmet; Taubman Center for State and Local Government and Wiener Center for Social Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; Kennedy School Student Government; Phillips Brooks House, Harvard University, with: Sue Marsh, executive director, Massachusetts Coalition for the Homeless Leslie Samuelrich, director. National Student Campaign Against Hunger and Homelessness Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) (Starr Auditorium) "Washington D.C: With a Shovel and Not a Broom," November 29,1990, an address by Sharon Pratt Dixon, mayor of Washington, D.C. "Perspectives on the U.S. Economy," December 5,1990, an address by Michael Boskin, chairman. Council of Economic Advisers, The White House, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee

161 t r on tne

Dm·id Dillkills with studellts, October 4,1991

162 The Forum

"The 1990 North Carolina Senatorial Election," December 6,1990, an address by Harvey Gantt, 1990 Demoaatic candidate for the North Carolina State Senate; co-sponsored by the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government; the Kennedy School Black Student Caucus; and the Student Advisory Committee "Winning the War on Poverty," December 11,1990, an address by Jack Kemp, secretary, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, co-sponsored by the Harvard Republicans, Harvard Real Estate and Urban Development Group and the Student Advisory Committee Part I of "War in the Persian Gulf" series, January 29,1991, a panel discussion, with: Kurt M. Campbell, assistant professor of public policy and international relations; John F. Kennedy School of Government; consultant to the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Randall Forsberg, executive director. Institute for Defense and Disarmament Studies Robert Mnookin, Adelbert H. Sweet professor of law and director. Center on Conflict and Negotiation, Stanford University Bernard Trainor, director. National Security Program, John F. Kermedy School of Government; Lt. Gen. (Ret.), U.S. Marine Corp (moderator) "Personal Perspectives on Politics," January 31,1991, a panel discussion with the spring 1991 feUowsofthelnstituteofPolitics,co-sponsoredby the Student Advisory Committee, with: Josie Heath, 1990 Democratic candidate for U.S. senator from Colorado; former chair, Board of County Commissioners, Boulder County William Lacy, poHtical consultant, former director and vice president for strategy and plarming, 1988 Dole for president campaign; former director, office of political affairs, The White House (1985-1986) Tom Loftus, speaker, Wisconsin Assembly (1983-1991); 1990 Democratic nominee for governor of Wisconsin Peter Ross Range, former diplomatic and White House correspondent, U.S. News and World Report Claudine Schneider, former member, U.S. House of Representatives (1980-1990/R- Rhode Island); 1990 Republican candidate for U.S. Senate William Welsh, former legislative director, AFSCME; former executive director. Demo­ cratic National Committee Charles Royer, director, Institute of Politics (moderator) "The Crisis in Perestroika," February 6,1991, an address by Fedor Burlatsky, editor, Literaturnaia gazeta, Moscow; member. Supreme Soviet and chairman, Soviet Public Commission on Human Rights, with respondents: Graham T. Allison, Jr., Douglas Dillon professor of government, director. Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, John F. Kermedy School of Government Richard Pipes, Frank B. Baird Jr. professor of electoral politics. Harvard University Shirley Williams, public service professor of electorial politics, director. Project Liberty, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator)

163 The Forum

Part II of "War in the Persian Gulf" series, "Understanding the Middle East," February 13, 1991, a panel discussion, with: Bishara Bahbah, senior fellow. Center for Policy Analysis on Palestine, Washington, D.C. Leila Fawaz, associate professor of history; associate professor of diplomacy, Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University Laurie Mylroie,fellow,Center for MiddleEastemStudies,HarvardUniversity;co-author with of Saddam Hussein and the Crisis in the Gulf Sam Zakhem, former U.S. ambassador to Bahrain (1986-1989); chairman. Freedom Task Force Leonard Hausman, director. Institute for Social and Economic Policy in the Middle East, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Why Is The World Ignoring Burma?: The Crisis in Amnesty International's Country of the Year" February 14, 1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Committee for International Affairs, Harvard University and the Student Advisory Committee, with: Louisa Benson, U.S. representative to the Democratic Alliance of Burma Kit Kitatani, former U.N. representative to Burma Bertil Linter, journalist Uving in Bangkok Eric Sandburg, head of Burma desk, U.S. Department of State Josef Silverstein, professor of political science, Rutgers University David Steinberg, professor of economics, Georgetown University (moderator) (Starr Auditorium) Part in of "War in the PersianGulf" series, "Focus on the Press," February 20,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: Joyce Davis> foreign editor. National Public Radio H.D.S. Greenway, associate editor. The Boston Globe Jim Lederman, reporter based in Jerusalem Gordon Manning, consultant, NBC News Marvin Kalb, director, Shorenstein Barone Center (moderator) "One Year and Counting: A Look at the New Hampshire Presidential Primary," February 25,1991, a panel discussion, with: Chris Black, political writer. The Boston Globe Dayton Duncan, author. Grass Roots: One Year in the Life of the New Hampshire Presidential Primary; former presidential campaign adviser Jack Germond, columnist, Baltimore Evening Sun Hugh Gregg, author. The Candidates: See How They Run; former governor of New Hampshire (1953-1955); former presidential campaign adviser Gary Orren, professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; co­ author. Media and Momentum: The New Hampshire Primary and Nomination Politics (moderator)

164 The I^orum

Part rV of "War in the Persian Gulf" series, "The Impact on the Black Community," February 27,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Kennedy School Black Student Caucus in conjunction with Black History Month, with: Dallas Brown, 1991 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government; U.S. Army Louis Elisa, president, NAACP/Boston Leo MacKay, 1991 MPP & Ph.D. candidate, John F. Kermedy School of Government; aviator; lieutenant, U.S. Navy Fletcher Wiley, attorney, political leader, Massachusetts; U.S. Air Force Academy '65; researcher for 1968 report by Adam Yarmolinsky on The Impact of Racial Integration in the Military on Overall American Society/ Brian Mathis, 1992 MPA/JD candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government/ Harvard Law School; co

165 icholas Mitropoulos (Executive Director, Taubman Center, KSC), Bill Clinton, Charles Royer, Octo/ler 31, 1991

HARVARD UNIVERSI1Y -lID ----- STITUTE OF POLITICS F. KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT

L to R: Helm Lndd, Maxine Waters, Alan Altshuler, Edward DuPont, RaYlllolI£i Flynn, Apn19,1991

166 The Forum

Part V in "War in the Persian Gulf" series, "After the War: What Are the Aims for Peace?," March 4,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: Nashat Al-Masri '92, citizen of Jordan Kurt M. Campbell, assistant professor of public policy and international relations, John F. Kennedy School of Government; consultant to the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Fretmut Duve, member. Bundestag; member. Bundestag Commission of Foreign Affairs Yaakov Levy, consul general of Israel, Boston Shirley Williams, public service professor of electorial politics, director. Project Liberty, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Political Cartoonists: Hov^r Far Can They Go?," March 6,1991, a panel discussion, co- sponsored by the Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John P. Kennedy School of Government, with: Jules Feiffer, The Village Voice Doug Marlette, New York Neivsday Paul Szep, The Boston Globe Ellen Hume, executive director, Shorenstein Barone Center (moderator) Part VI of "War in the Persian Gulf series, "Arab Perspectives," March 11,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Kennedy School Arab Society, the Harvard-Radcliffe Society of Arab Students and Middle East Student Association, Harvard Law School, with: Nada Al-Nashif, 1991MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government; Palestin­ ian from Kuwait Khaled Helmy, Ph.D. candidate, government department; citizen of Egypt Hassan Mneimneh, Ph.D. candidate, history department; citizen of Lebanon Malek Mufti, Ph.D. candidate, government department; citizen of Jordan Sami Sindi, 1991 LLM candidate, Harvard Law School; citizen of Saudi Arabia Walid Khalidi, research fellow. Center for Middle East Studies, Harvard University (moderator) "U.S. Technology Policy: Can it Help Make American Companies Competitive?," March 13, 1991, an address by D. Allan Bromley, assistant to the president for science and technology, The White House, co-sponsored by the Program on Science, Teciinology and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with respondente: Ashton Carter, director. Center for Science and International Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government Robert Kuttner, syndicated columnist and economics correspondent. The New Republic Linda Wilson, president, RadcHffe College Lewis Branscomb, director. Program in Science, Technology and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator)

167 The Forum

"Central America's Future Challenges," March 21,1991, a panel discussion, with: Jose Figueres, 1991 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government; minister of agriculture (1988-90), minister of foreign trade, Costa Rica Hector Gramajo, 1991 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government; minister of national defense (1987-1990), Guatemala Salvador Mayorga-Sacasa, 1991 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Gov­ ernment; vice minister of agriculture (1984-1989), Nicaragua Marc Lindenberg, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "The Role and Responsibility of the Press in Matters of National Security," April 2,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Joan Shorenstein Baron Center on the Press, Politics and PubUc Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: Erwin Griswold, former U.S. solicitor general (Nixon admirustration) Ernest R. May, Charles Warren professor of history, John F. Kennedy School of Government A.M. Rosenthal, columnist. The New York Times Fete Williams, assistant secretary for public affairs, U.S. Department of Defense Marvin Kalb, director, Shorenstein Barone Center (moderator) "The Screening of History: Lincoln," April 3,1991, an address by Gore Vidal, author, co- sponsored by the Program in the History of American Civilization, Harvard University 1991 Joe Alex Morris, Jr. Memorial Lecture, "President Bush's Foreign Policy," April 3, 1991, by Leslie Gelb, foreign affairs columnist. The New York Times, co-sponsored by The Nieman Foundation, Harvard University "A Call to Economic Arms: The New American Mandate," April 4,1991, an address by Paul Tsongas, attorney; member, U.S. Senate (1975-85/D-Massachusetts); chair, Massa­ chusetts Board of Regents of Higher Education; unarmounced candidate for president, co- sponsored by the Kennedy School Political Junkies and the Student Advisory Committee "Revitalizing Democracy: A Challenge for the 21st Century," April 5,1991, an address by Robert D. Putnam, dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government, in conjunction with 1991 Kennedy School alumni weekend "The New Federalism or No Federalism: Can Federal, State and Local Relations Be Repaired?," April 9,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: Edward DuPont, president. New Hampshire State Senate Raymond Flynn, mayor, Boston Helen Ladd, professor of public policy studies, Duke University Maxine Waters, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Califomia), former member, California State Assembly Alan Altshuler, professor in urban policy & planning and director, Taubman Center (moderator)

168 The Forum

"A 25 Year Political Journey: From Protest to Perestroika/' April 10,1991, an address by Gary Hart, attorney; 1984 & 1988 Democratic candidate for president; member, U.S. Senate (1975-1987/D-Colorado), co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee "Israel's Prospects for the 1990's," April 11,1991, an address by Yitzhak Rabin, former prime minister, minister of defense and ambassador to the U.S. from Israel, co-sponsored by the Institute for Social and Economic Policy in the Middle East, John F. Kennedy School of Government and the Student Advisory Committee "Reviewing the '80s," April 17,1991, a panel discussion, with: Ellen Goodman, columnist, The Boston Globe Haynes Johnson, author, Sleepwalking Through History William Lacy, political consultant; former director, Office of Political Affairs, The White House Lynn Nofzinger, political consultant; former director. Office of Political Affairs, The White House Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) Live television broadcast, "The Governors Forum on the New England Economy," April 23,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by WCVB-TV Boston, with: Eimice Groak, lieutenant governor, Connecticut John McKeman, governor, Maine Richard Snelling, governor, Vermont Bruce Sundlun, governor, Rhode Island William Weld, governor, Massachusetts Marvin Kalb, director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Democratization in Africa," April 24, 1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the International Development Student Interest Group, John F. Kennedy School of Govern­ ment, with: Gibson Kuria, human rights attorney, Hisham Omayad, director. Department for Special Political Questions/Regional Co­ operation, United Nations Cedric Thomberry, under-secretary general for administration and management. United Nations Jennifer Widner, associate professor of government. Harvard University (moderator) (Starr Auditorium) "The Persian Gulf and the Peace Movement: Now Peace, Now What?," April 24,1991, a discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: Daniel Sheehan, Christie Institute Kiut M. Campbell, assistant professor of public policy and international relations, John F. Kennedy School of Government; consultant to the U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff (moderator)

169 The Forum

"Latina Leaders: Changing the Face of American Leadership," April 25,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Taubman Center for State and Local Government and Hispanic Caucus, John F. Kennedy School of Government; National Hispana Institute, Harvard University; and Latinas Unidas, with: Aida Alvarez, vice president. The First Boston Corporation and board member. National Hispanic Agenda Ramona Martinez, senior member, city council, Denver Blandina Cardenas Ramirez, U.S. dvil rights commissioner and director, American Council on Education, Office of Minority Concerns Miriam Santos, city treasurer, Chicago Lydia Villa-Komaroff, associate professor of neurology, Harvard Medical School (mod­ erator) (Wiener Auditorium) "Is the Bill of Rights Working For You?," April 29,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: Stephen Breyer, judge, U.S. Court of Appeals Caroline B. Kennedy, attorney; author. In Our Defense: The Bill of Rights in Action Robert C. Rufo, sheriff, Suffolk County, Massachusetts Laurence H. Tribe, Ralph S. Tyler Jr. professor of constitutional law. Harvard Law School Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) "Media Coverage of the Gulf War: Journalism or Jingoism?," April 30, 1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by The Irish Times, wifri: Noam Chomsky, institute professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Hugh Colver, chief of public relations, British Ministry of Defense Paul Gillespie, foreign news editor. The Irish Times David Shukman, BBC Larry Speakes, chief spokesman. The White House (1981-1987) Conor Brady, editor. The Irish Times (moderator) "The Work of Nations: Preparing Our Workforce for the Next Century," May 13,1991, a panel discussion, with: Bill Clinton, governor, Arkansas Edson DeCastro, former chairman. Data General Corp. Hans Decker, vice chairman, Siemans Corp. Ellen Frost, corporate director of international affairs. United Technologies Robert Reich, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; author, The Work of Nations

170 The Forum

Tribute to the late John Heinz, member, U.S. Senate (D-Pennsylvania), "Market-Based Strategies for Environmental Protection," May 16,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by Project 88, the Energy and Environment Student Interest Group, Center for Science and International Affairs and the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: William Reilly, administrator, U.S. Environmental Protection Agency Claudine Schneider, fellow. Institute of Politics; former member, U.S. House of Represen­ tatives (R-Rhode Island) Timothy Wirth, member, U.S Senate (D-Colorado) Robert Stavins, assistant professor of public policy and director. Project 88, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Fast Tracking the Rule of Law: Our Most Valuable Export," May 17,1991, an address by Dick Thomburgh, U.S. Attorney General "Will the Soviet Union Survive?," May 22, 1991, an address by Grigory Yavlinsky, chairman, EPlCent; former first deputy prime minister on questions of economic reform, Russian Federation, co-sponsored by the Strengtherung Democratic Listitutions Project, John F. Kennedy School of Government "John F. Kennedy's Wit and Humor," May 29,1991, a panel discussion, with: Richard Donahue, president, NIKE, Inc.; former special assistant to President Kennedy John Kenneth Galbraith, Paul M. Warburg professor of economics, emeritus, Harvard University; former Ambassador to India (Kermedy administration) Edward M. Kennedy, member, U.S. Senate (D-Massachusetts) John Kennedy, assistant district attorney. New York County Charles Weltner, associate justice, Georgia Supreme Court; member, U.S. House of Representatives (1963-67/D-Georgia); 1991 recipient. Profile in Courage Award Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) "Tianaiunen Square Two Years Later: How Did the Media Perform?," May 30,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Joan Shoreristein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Goverrunent, with: Harry Harding, senior fellow. Department of Foreign Policy, Brookings Institution Jeff Sommer, foreign editor, Shen Tong, chairperson. Democracy for China Susan Zirinsky, senior producer, CBS News Ross Terrill, research fellow, John K. Fairbank Center for Asian Research, Harvard University; author of niunerous works on China (moderator) Class Day Address to the 1991 graduates of the John F. Kermedy School of Government, June 5,1991, by Linda Wertheimer, host, "All Things Considered" National PubUc Radio

171 I TITUTE OF POLITICS JOHN F. KENNEDY SCHOOL OF GOVERNMENT

Ol1l'id Ellwood, jallle~ Rockefeller, L/:/1cth. 5C IIOrr, T. 8l.'rrt/ 8rn~c1h~'_ , m'e/llbel" 8, 1991

jOllatlulII Mallll, jalle OS/Iom, Apri/16, 1992

172 The Forum

1991-92 September 6,1991, screening of ABC News "Peter Jennings Special Report from Moscow: Live Interviews with Gorbachev and Yeltsin" "Western Security and the Changing Soviet Union," September 16,1991, a panel discus­ sion, co-sponsored by the Center for Science and International Affairs, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with; Madeleine Albright, president. Center for National Policy, Washington D.C.; Dormer professor of international affairs, Georgetown University Robert Blackwill, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government John Calvin, Supreme Allied Commander, Europe Lawrence Kerb, director. Center for Public Policy Education and senior fellow. Foreign Policy Studies Program, The Brookings Institution Albert Camesale, acting dean, John F. Kermedy School of Government (moderator) "Personal Perspectives on Politics," September 19,1991, a panel discussion with the Fall 1991 fellows of the Institute of Politics, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: Maria Berriozabal, 1991 candidate for mayor of San Antonio, Texas; former member. City Council, San Antonio Unita Blackwell, mayor of Mayersville, Mississippi George Gorton, chair, California Reapportionment Committee James Hoge, publisher and president. New York Daily News (1984-1990) James Lilley, U.S. ambassador to the Peoples Republic of China (1989-1991) Ted Wilson, mayor of Salt Lake City (1976-1985); 1988 candidate for governor of Utah Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) September 26, 1991, an address by Leonid Kravchuk, President of the Ukraine, co- sponsored by the Project on Economic Reform in the Ukraine, John F. Kennedy School of Government and the Harvard Ukrainian Research Institute "A Soviet Union Update: A Revolution in Progress," October 1,1991, a panel discussion, with: Graham T. Allison, Jr., Douglas Dillon professor of government, director. Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, John F. Kennedy School of Government Marvin Kalb, director, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, PoUtics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Richard Pipes, Frank B. Baird Jr. professor of electoral politics. Harvard University Shirley Williams, public service professor of electorial politics, director. Project Liberty, John F. Kennedy School of Government Albert Camesale, acting dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "The State of the Cities," October 4,1991, an address by David Dinkins, mayor of New York City, co-sponsored by the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, the Black Student Caucus, the Asian Student Caucus, the Gay, Lesbian and Bisexual Student Caucus, the Hispanic Student Caucus, the Women's Caucus and the People of Color Coalition of the John F. Kennedy School of Government, and the Student Advisory Committee

173 The Forum

"A Town Meeting/' October 7,1991, an address by Neil Rudenstine, president. Harvard University

* "Building for Greatness," October 10,1991, an address by , member, U.S. Senate (D-Nebraska); candidate for the Democratic nomination for president, co-spon­ sored by the Student Advisory Committee October 11,1991,screening of the Senate Judiciary Committeehearings on the nomination of Clarence Thomas to the U.S. Supreme Court "An Assessment of the Clarence Thomas Nomination Process," October 16,1991, a panel discussion, with: Christopher Edley, professor of law, Harvard Law School Ann Lewis, former national director, Americans for Democratic Action Glenn Louiy, professor of political economy, John F. Kermedy School of Government Alan Safran, press spokesman, Massachusetts Republican Party Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) October 25-26,1991,25th Anniversary of the Instihite of Politics (see Conferences, Seminars and Special Projects) * "America in the '90s: A Return to Purpose," October 29,1991, an address by Paul Tsongas, attorney; former member, U.S. Senate (1979-1985/D-Massachusetts; chairman. Board of Regents of Higher Education, Massachusetts; candidate for the Democratic nomination for president, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee

* "The New Covenant: Government by the People," October 30,1991, an address by Bill Ginlon, governor of Arkansas; car\didate for the Democratic nomination for president, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee "Where Next for Conservatism?: Lesson of the Thatcher Years," October 31,1991, an address by Geoffrey Howe, member of Parliament, United Kingdom; deputy prime minister (1989-1990), co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee * "The New American Security," November 4,1991, an address by , former mayor of Irvine, Cahfomia; candidate for the Democratic nomination for president, co- sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee

"America's Children: The Decade's Challenge and Imperative," November 8,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Malcom Wiener Center for Social Policy, Jotm F. Kermedy School of Government, with: T. Berry Brazelton, M.D., clinical professor of pediatrics, Boston Children's Hospital James Rockefeller, member, U.S. Senate (D-West Virginia) Lisbeth Schorr, lecturer. Department of Social Medicine, Harvard Medical School; author. Within Our Reach David EUwood, professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator)

174 The Forum

"Midsize Companies and Community Initiatives," November 13,1991, a discussion with Russell Meyer, chairman and chief executive officer, Cessna Aircraft Company and Arnold Hiatt, chairman of the board, The , co-sponsored by the Center for Business and Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government "The Press and PubUc Policy in the Age of Manipulation," November 14,1991, an address by Benjamin Bradlee, executive editor. The Washington Post, co-sponsored by the Joan Shoret\stein Barone Center on the Press Politics and Public Policy, John F. Ketmedy School of Government "The Soviet Union and Russia: Questions of Domestic and Foreign Policy," November21, 1991, an address by Geoi^ Arbatov, director. Institute of USA and Canada, Academy of Sciences of the USSR, co-sponsored by the Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, John F. Kennedy School of Govertunent "Taiwan Tangle," December 5, 1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Asian Student Caucus, John F. Kennedy School of Government and the Harvard Republic of China Students Club, with: James Chang, Director-General James Lilley, U.S. Ambassador to the Peoples Republic of China (1989-1991) Ming-min Peng, president, Asian Pacific Council of Democracy Bill Alford, Henry L. Stimson professor of law. Harvard Law School (moderator) "The Legacy of LBJ," December 12,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: Francis M. Bator, Ford Foundation professor of international political economy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Joseph Calif ano, author. The Triumph and Tragedy of Lyndon Johnson; special assistant to President Johnson for domestic affairs (1965-1969); secretary. Department of Health, Education and Welfare (1977-1979) Doris Keams Goodwin, author, Lyndon Johnson and the American Dream and TheFitzgeralds and the Kennedys Robert Healy, Washington correspondent (1963-1965), former executive editor and Washington bureau chief. The Boston Globe Hale Champion, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) December 13,1991, an address by Angela Davis, professor of history of consciousness. University of California/Santa Cruz; 1980 & 1984 candidate (Commimist Party) for vice president; founder and co-chair. National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repres­ sion * "Reclaiming Democracy," December 16,1991, an address by Hdmund "Jerry" Brown, candidate for ttie Democratic nomination for president, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee

175 The Forum

"Pearl Harbor Remembered," December 17,1991, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Asian Student Caucus, John F. Kennedy School of Go verrunent and the Program on U.S. / Japan Relations, Harvard University with: John Dower, Henry R. Luce professor of international cooperation and global stability, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Carol Gluck, George Sansom professor of history, GrantUjifusa, co-author, A/mflnflco/^menoinPo/ihcs; strategy chair, Japanese-American Redrew Campaign Yukio Matsuyama, honorary chairman, former chairman, editorial board, AsahiShimbun; distinguished visiting associate. Program on U.S./Japan Relations, Harvard Uruversity Susan Pharr, Edwin O. Reischauer professor of Japanese politics and director, Program on U.S./Japan Relations, Harvard University (Starr Auditorium) "How to Restore the Public's Trust in Pohtics," December 18,1991, a panel discussion, co- sponsored by The and the Student Advisory Committee, with: Barbara Anderson, executive director. Citizens for Limited Taxation Paul Cellucci, lieutenant governor of Massachusetts E. J. Diorme, political reporter. The VJashington Post; author, W/zy Americans Hate Politics Barney Frank, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Massachusetts) Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) * "The Citizens Agenda for the '92 Election," January 15,1992, an addressby Ralph Nader, consumer advocate; Independent Protest candidate for president, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee January 16,1992, screening of the movie, "JFK," followed by a discussion with Oliver Stone, producer, director and co-writer, co-sponsored by Lowell House, Harvard Univer­ sity "The Congressional Agenda," ,1992, an address by George Mitchell, member, majority leader, U.S. Senate (D-Maine) January 29,1992, re-broadcast of the "1992 State of the Union Address" by George Bush, president of the United States "Democracy, Russia and the New Commonwealth," January 30,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Strengthening Democratic Institututions Project, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with Stanley Fischer, professor of economics, Massachusetts Institute of Technology; former chief economist. The World Bank John Lloyd, Moscow correspondent, Financial Times Graham T. Allison, Jr., Douglas Dillon professor of government, director, Strengtherung Democratic Institutions Project, John F. Kennedy Sdiool of Government (moderator)

176 ERRATUM

ProceedinL^s 1990-91. 1^^)1-^)2

The ((illowing event was omitted from pages i 18 and 176:

"A Foreign Policy tor America," January 2.'>, 1992, an address by Tom Harkin. United States Senator; candidate for the Democratic nomination for President, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee The Forum

"Voices of Our Children in Crisis," February 5,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Malcokn Wiener Center of Social Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government and The Endowment for Children in Crisis (a donor advised fund of the Boston Foundation) with: Mary Jo Bane, director, Malcolm Wiener Center for Social Policy, John F. Kermedy School of Government Robert Coles, M.D., professor of psychiatry and medical humanities, Harvard University Alex Kottowitz, author. There Are No Children Here; writer. The Wall Street Journal David Ellwood, professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Personal Perspectives on Politics," February 6,1992, a panel discussion with the spring 1992 fellows of ti\e Institute of Politics, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committe, with: Thomas D'Amore, chief of staff to Lowell P. Weicker Jr., governor of Connecticut (1991); chair, Connecticut Republican Party (1983-87) John Hart, anchor, "World Monitor" (1988-90); correspondent, NBC News (1975-88) William Hudnut III, mayor, Indianapolis (1976-91); member, U.S. House of Representa­ tives (1973-75/R-Indiana) Yelena Khanga, correspondent, Moscmo News (1984-90); commentator, Vzglyad (Soviet television) (1988-90) Buddy Roemer, former governor, Louisiana Betsey Wright, chief of staff, campaign manager to Arkansas governor Bill Clinton (1980- 90); chair, executive director. Democratic Party of Arkansas (1990-91) Charles Royer, director, Institute of Politics (moderator) February 9,1992, live television broadcast of Part I of "American Issues '92" series, "The Auto Industry and the American Economy/' joint production of The Monitor Charmel and the Institute of Politics, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, a panel discussion, with: Richard Wirlhlin, president, The Wirthlin Group; pollster for President Reagan James Womack, author. The Machine that Changed the World; principal researdi scientist, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Charles Royer, director, Institute of Politics (moderator) Classroom discussion led by Robert Reich, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; author. The Work of Nations "Remembering James Baldwin: A Case Study of Political Correctness," February 11, 1992^ a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, in conjunc­ tion with Black History Month, with: Richard Brookhiser, senior editor, National Review; author. The Way of the WASP: How it Made America and How it Can Save It...So to Speak Henry Gates, W.E.B. EHibois Professor of Humanities and chair. Department of Afro- American Studies, Harvard University Anthony Flint, staff reporter. The Boston Globe Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator)

177 Kate Michelli/ali, February 20,1992

Mario CIIOII/O, February 12, 1992

178 The Forum

February 12,1992, an address by Mario Cuomo, governor. New York, co-sponsored by the Taubman Center for State and Local Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government; the Harvard Italian Qub and the Student Advisory Committee "Analysis of the New Hampshire Primary Resulte," February 19,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: Ken Bode, director. Center for Contemporary Media, DePauw University; political analyst, CNN John Ellis, consultant. Institute of Politics; author, "Nine Sundays: A Proposal for Better Presidential Campaign Coverage"; former political producer, NBC News election unit Ann Lewis, former national director, Americans for Democratic Action Tom Oliphant, Washington columnist. The Boston Globe Charles Royer, director, Ir\stitute of Politics (moderator) "Women's Issues in the 1992 Elections," February 20,1992, an addressby Kate Michelman, president. National Abortion Rights Action League, co-sponsored by the Women's Caucus, John F. Kennedy School of Government February 25,1992, screening of the documentary film about Malcolm X, "The Hate That Hate Produced," in conjunction with Black History Month, with introduction and commentary by Archie Epps, dean of students. Harvard College and author, Malcolm X: Speeches at Harvard/' co-sponsored by the Black Student Caucus, John F. Kennedy School of Government and the Student Advisory Committee

"Political Humor," February 26, 1992, an address by AI Franken, writer, NBC-TV "Saturday Night Live," co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee

* March 3,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: , Libertarian Party candidate for president , candidate for president Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) "The Road to UNCED (United Nations Conference on Environment and Development): North Meets Soutti?," March 5, 1992, co-sponsored by the Research Foundation for Science and Ecology Committee; Overseas Development Network; Cultural Survival, South Asian Association; A SEED; SEAC; and the Student Advisory Committee, a discussion with Helena Norb erg-Hodge, founder and director, Ladakh Project Vandana Shiva, executive director. Research Foundation for Science and Ecology (Starr Auditorium)

179 The Forum

"Super Tuesday 1992," March 10,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, with: John Anderson, 1980 candidate for president; former member, U.S. House of Represen­ tative (R-HLinois) Thomas D'Amore, fellow, Institute of Politics; former chief of staff to Lowell P. Weicker, Jr., governor of Connecticut William Hudnut III, fellow. Institute of Politics; mayor, Indianapolis (1976-91); member, U.S. House of Representatives (1973-75) Buddy Roemer, fellow. Institute of Politics; former governor of Louisiana Betsey Wright, fellow, Institute of Politics; former chief of staff and campaign manager to Bill Clinton, governor of Arkansas and 1992 Democratic candidate for president Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) "The True World Order: Rebuild America," March 11,1992, an address by Reverend Jesse Jackson, 1988 candidate for president and founder. Rainbow Coalition, co-spon­ sored by the Black Student Caucus, John F. Kennedy School of Government; the Black Student Association, Harvard University; and the Student Advisory Committee

"Campaign '92: Will the Best Party Win?," March 13,1992, a debate, co-sponsored by the Kennedy School Student Government, with: David Cow, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Marjorie Kline, 1992 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government David Medina, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Jennifer Mezey, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Jason Sau, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Dennis O'Connor, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Buddy Roemer, fellow. Institute of Politics; former governor, Louisiana (moderator)

March 15,1992, live television broadcast of Part n of "American Issues '92" series, "The Commonwealth of Independents Stales and the United States After the Cold War," joint production of The Monitor Charmel and the Institute of PoUtics, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee, a panel discussion, with: Graham T. Allison, Jr., Douglas Dillon professor of government, director, Strengthening Democratic Institutions Project, John F. Kennedy School of Government Angela Stent, associate professor. Department of Government, Georgetown University Richard Wirthlin, president, Wirthlin Group; pollster for former President Reagan Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics (moderator) Qassroom discussion led by Robert Reich, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; author, The Work of Nations * "The Failures of the Bush Presidency and the Role of the Press," March 17,1992, an address by Eugene McCarthy, poet and essayist; candidate for the Democratic nomina­ tion for president; former member, U.S. Senate (1958-70/D-Minnesota), co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee

180 The Forum

"Economic Growth and Empowerment in the 1990s," March 18,1992, an address by Jack Kemp, secretary, U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development, co-sponsored by Kermedy School Repubhcan Caucus, the Harvard Law School Republicar^s and the Student Advisory Committee "Can Russian Economic Reform Succeed?," March 30, 1992, an address by Grigoiy Yavlinsky, chairman, EPICent; former first deputy prime minister on questions of economic reform, Russian Federation "No Free Limch," March 31,1992, an address by Lowell Weicker, governor of Connecti­ cut (Independent); former member, U.S. Senate (R-Connecticut), co-sponsored by the Taubman Center forState and Local Government John F. Kennedy School of Goverrunent and the Student Advisory Committee 1992 Joe Alex Morris, Jr. Memorial Lecture, "World Without Boundaries; Expanding Challenges to the Foreign Correspondent in the Post Cold War Era," April 2,1992,by Peter Amett, international correspondent, CNN, co-sponsored by the Nieman Foimdation, Harvard University "The Future of Central America/' April 4,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Harvard Forum on Hispanic Affairs, the Harvard Foimdation, the Harvard International Office, the Kermedy School Hispanic Caucus, the Undergraduate Council, LASPAU, and the Student Advisory Committee, with: Jorge Hernandez Alceno, ambassador from Honduras to the United States Juan Case Fanjul, ambassador from Guatemala to the United States Jorge Dominguez, professor of goverrunent. Harvard University (moderator) "The Path to Democracy in South Africa," April 4,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Harvard African Students Association, with: Graeme Block, executive member, United Democratic Front Ben Magubane, professor. Department of Anthropology, University of Connecticut Anthony Marx, professor, Department of Political Science, Columbia University John Matshikiza, actor, director and playwright. South Africa Research Program, Yale University John Thomas, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kermedy School of Government (moderator) (Starr Auditorium) 1992 Edwin L. Godkin Lekture, "Money, Markets and Motivation: Will the Values of the 80's Serve Us Adequately in the '90s?," April 6,1992, by Derek Bok, former president. Harvard University "Reflections on Social Justice," April 7,1992, an address by Cesar Chavez, founder and president. United Farm Workers Union; labor and civil rights leader, co-sponsored by Migrant Farm Works Committee; RAZA; the Black Student Association, Asian American Association, WEB DuBois Graduate Society, Education for Action, the Minority Student Alliance and La Orgaruzacion Estudiantil Boricua of Harvard University, and the Student Advisory Committee

181 The Forum

"Women in Journalism," April 8, 1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Joan Shorenstein Barone Center of the Press, Politics and Public Policy John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: Gail Harris, anchor, "Monitor News," The Monitor Channel David Nyhan, political columrust. The Boston Globe Caryl Rivers, professor of journalism, Boston University Nan Robertson, author, The Girls in the Balcony; former reporter, The New York Times Ellen Hume, executive director, Shorenstein Barone Center (moderator) "Leadership and Organizational Change," April 9,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Kennedy School Alumni Office, with: Madeleine M. Kunin, former governor^ Vermont William Hudnut III, fellow. Institute of Politics; mayor, Indianapolis (1976-1991); mem­ ber, U.S. House of Representatives (1973-75/R-Indiai\a) Barbara Roberts, governor, Oregon Herman "Dutch" Leonard, George F. Baker Jr. professor of public management, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Foreigners Buying Up American: Benefit or Threat?," April 13,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Center for Business and Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: Edward Graham, senior fellow. Institute of International Economics, Washington, D.C Robert Lawrence, A.L. Williams professor of international trade and investment, John F. Kennedy School of Government Clyde Prestowitz, president, Economics Strategy Institute, Washington, D.C. Laura Tyson, professor of economics and business administration and director. Institute of International Studies, University of California/Berkeley Sidney Topol, fellow. Center for Business and Government, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Lesbians and Gays in Uniform: Implications of the U.S. Military's Homosexual Exclu­ sion Policy," April 14,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Kennedy School Gay, Lesbian & Bisexual Caucus and Harvard-Radcliffe Bi-Gay Student Association, with: Mai^arethe Cammermeyer, Colonel, Washington Barney Frank, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Massachusetts) Lawrence Korb, director. Center for Public Policy Education; senior fellow. Foreign Policy Studies Program, The Brookings Institution Sandra Lowe, director. Governor's Office of Lesbian and Gay Concerns, New York Frederick Schauer, Frank Santon professor of tiie first amendment, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "National Perspectives on Health Issues of the '90s," April 15,1992, an address by Antonia Novello, surgeon general of the United States, co-sponsored by the Women's Caucus and the Hispanic Caucus, John F. Keimedy School of Government and the Student Advisory Committee

182 The Forum

"International AIDS Epidemic and the U.S. Response/' April 16,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Malcolm Wiener Center for Social Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: Richard Bissell, assistant administrator for research & development, U.S. Agency for International Development Jonathan Mann, professor of epidemiology and international health. Harvard School of Public Health; director. International AIDS Center, Harvard AIDS Institute; chair, 8th Annual International Conference on AIDS June Osbom, dean, School of Public Health, University of Michigan: chair, National Commission on AIDS Debrework Zewdie, former program manager, AIDS prevention and control, Ethiopian Ministry of Health; research fellow, MacArthur Fellowship Program, Harvard Center for Population and Development Studies Joseph Newhouse, John D. MacArthur professor of health policy and management, Harvard University (moderator) "Massacre in East Timor: A Case Study in U.S. Foreign Policy," April 21,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Harvard-Radcliffe Undergraduate Council; Asian Ameri­ can Association; Harvard College Democrats; Radcliffe Union of Students; Democratic Socialists of America; Anthropology Club with the cooperation of Amnesty International; East Timor Action Network; Portuguese American; Portuguese Continental Union, Human Rights Program, Harvard Law School and the Student Advisory Committee, with: Noam Chomsky, institute professor, Massachusetts Institute of Technology Larry Dinger, Indonesia desk officer, U.S. Department of State Amy Goodman, news editor, WBAI/Pacifica Radio Allan Nairn, correspondent. Henry Steiner, professor of law and director of Human Rights Program, Harvard Law School (moderator) "George Bush and the Fourth American Revolution," April 21,1992, a discussion with James Pinkerton, senior advisor to Bush/Quayle '92 campaign, co-sponsored by Harvard Business School Political Club; the Kennedy School Republican Caucus; the Republican Club and Federalist Society, Harvard Law School and the Student Advisory Committee "Prosecuting Rape and Sexual Assault," April 22,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by Radcliffe Union of Students and the Student Advisory Committee, in conjunction with "Take Back The Night 1992," with: Linda Fairslein, chief of sex crimes prosecution. New York County; prosecutor, Robert Chambers-Jennifer Levin Case Nancy Gertner, attorney, Silverglate, Gemter, Fine, Good and Mizer Heidi Krizer, survivor of a rape at the Pi Eta Speakers Club Elizabeth Lederer, New York County District Attorney's Office; prosecutor, "Central Park Jogger" case Lenore Weitzman, associate professor of sociology. Harvard Uruversity (moderator) (Starr Auditoriimi)

183 Presidential Candidates in the Forum

POIII Tsollsas Charles Royer, DOllS Wilder

Tom Harkel' Bill Clilltoll

TlU: fORt \t r1T1'H Of 1'01 nlc Ii 80/1 Kerrey Jerry BrowlI

1 ..J. The Forum

Inaugural Goldsmith Awards Presentation, April 23,1992, Career Achievement Prize for Investigative Reporting presented by the Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government, to Bob Woodward, assistant managing editor for investigative news, The Washington Post Don Hewitt, executive producer, CBS News "" "Forging U.S. Foreign Policy in the 1990s," April 24,1992, a debate, co-sponsored by the E)emocratic Caucus and the Republican Caucus, John F. Kennedy School of Government, with: Amelia Alvarez, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government John Brooks, 1992 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Basem Jassin, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Andrew Romanoff, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kermedy School of Government Andrea Slrimling, 1993 MPP candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Peter Wilson, 1992 MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Bernard Roshco, fellow, Joan Shorenstein Barone Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government; former director. Office of Opinion Analysis, U.S. Department of State (moderator)

"Hispanics and the National Health Policy Agenda," April 28,1992, a panel discussion, co-sponsored by the Kennedy School Hispanic Student Caucus for Drug Abuse Preven­ tion and Treatment (A.D.A.P.T), with: Hector Acevedo, Mayor, San Juan, Puerto Rico; president. Pan American AIDS Founda­ tion; co-chairman, AIDS Task Force, National Conference of Mayors Jose Cruz, training institute project director. Association for Drug Abuse Prevention and Treatment (A.D.A.P.T) Christina Lopez, director. Health and Elderly Services, National Council of La Raza Maria Segarra, chief. Program Development Unit, Office of Minority Health, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Henry Solano, lecturer in pubUc policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "The Story Behind the 1983 Downing of Korean Airlines Flight 007," April 29,1992, a discussion with Harold Ewing, airlines pilot and John Keppel, career diplomat (retired), U.S. State Department, co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee (Starr Auditorium) "Gender and Race: Can the America of the 199G's Rid Itself of Sexism and Racism?," April 30,1992, a panel discussion, with: Geri Augusto, 1992 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government Ronald David, lecturer in public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government David EUwood, professor of pubUc policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Robin Ely, assistant professor of public policy, John F. Kennedy School of Government Sidney Holmes, 1992 MC/MPA candidate, John F. Kennedy School of Government (moderator) "Beyond Gridlock; The Perils of Divided Government," May 4, 1992, an address by Richard Gephardt, member, U.S. House of Representatives (D-Missouri), co-sponsored by the Student Advisory Committee

185 The Forum

May 15,1992, a discussion with Mikhail Gorbachev, former President, U.S.S.R., with introductory remarks by Albert Camesale, dean, John F. Kennedy School of Government and Neil Rudenstine, president. Harvard University

"The Arts in America: Carrying JFK's Vision Forward," May 28,1992, with introductory remarks by Edward M. Kennedy, member, U.S. Senate (D-Massachusetts) and Charles Royer, director. Institute of Politics and a a panel discussion, with: Peggy Charren, president. Action for Children's Television; visiting scholar. Harvard Graduate School of Education Richard Goodwin, author; former speech writer and assistant special counsel to Presi­ dent Kennedy Robert Hughes, senior art critic. Time magazine; author, Barcelona Shelby Steele, author, Tite Content of Our Character: A New Vision of Race in America; professor of English, San Jose State University John Kennedy, assistant district attorney. New York County (moderator) Class Day Address to the 1992 graduates of the John F. Kennedy School of Government, June 3,1992, by Harris Wofford, member, U.S. Senate (D-Pennsylvania)

* Presidential Campaign Series

Photos by Martha Stewart^ Cambridge, Massachusetts, except Charles Royer & Ron Brown.

186