China's Red Line on the Korean Peninsula
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE and DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma
SOUTH KOREA BETWEEN EAGLE AND DRAGON Perceptual Ambivalence and Strategic Dilemma Jae Ho Chung The decade of the 1990s began with the demise of the Soviet empire and the subsequent retreat of Russia from the center stage of Northeast Asia, leaving the United States in a search to adjust its policies in the region. The “rise of China,” escalating cross-strait tension since 1995, North Korea’s nuclear brinkmanship and missile challenges, latent irreden- tism, and the pivotal economic importance of Northeast Asia have all led the United States to re-emphasize its role and involvement in the region.1 This redefinition of the American mission has in turn led to the consolidation of the U.S.-Japan alliance, exemplified by the 1997 Defense Guideline revision, as well as to the establishment of trilateral consultative organizations such as the Trilateral Coordination and Oversight Group (TCOG) among the U.S., Japan, and South Korea. The increasingly proactive posture by the U.S. has, however, generated grave strategic concerns on the part of China and Russia, which have sought to circumscribe America’s hegemonic parameters in Asia both bilaterally and multilaterally (i.e., the formation of the “Shanghai Six” and the Boao Asia Forum, as well as China’s call for an Association of Southeast Asian Nations Jae Ho Chung is Associate Professor of International Relations, Seoul National University, Seoul, Republic of Korea. The author wishes to thank Bruce J. Dickson and Wu Xinbo for their helpful comments on an earlier version. Asian Survey, 41:5, pp. 777–796. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2001 by The Regents of the University of California. -
1 May 2016 U.S.-Japan-China Trilateral Report by Sheila Smith
May 2016 U.S.-Japan-China Trilateral Report By Sheila Smith June 2016 Introduction The Forum on Asia-Pacific Security (FAPS) of the National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) hosted a one-and-a-half day Track 1.5 meeting in New York City on May 24-25, 2016, with participants from the United States, Japan and China. The participant list for the trilateral meeting appears in the appendix. This report is not so much an effort to summarize the rich discussion at the trilateral meetings, as it is an effort to analyze the complex and fragile nature of trilateral relations today and to offer suggestions to all three sides for improvement in their ties with each other. In contrast to our November 2015 report, which focused on the interactions between and among the bilateral relationships that comprise this trilateral, this meeting focused on the changing regional security balance and the tension between national strategies and regional institutions which might impede cooperation in resolving the growing tensions in the Asia-Pacific. I. Context Japan, China, and the United States once again found common purpose in the wake of North Korean nuclear and missile tests in early 2016. Pyongyang’s continued insistence on developing a nuclear arsenal resulted in a new United Nations Security Council resolution and stronger sanctions on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK). China took some time to agree, prompting concerns yet again in Tokyo and Washington that Beijing was reluctant to punish Kim Jong Un for his belligerence. After Special Representative for Korean Peninsula Affairs Wu Dawei visited Pyongyang in early February,1 Beijing’s position solidified, however, and China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited Washington, DC three weeks later to meet U.S. -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations China-Korea Relations: Year of China-DPRK Friendship; North’s Rocket Fizzles Scott Snyder Asia Foundation/Pacific Forum CSIS See-won Byun, Asia Foundation Top-level diplomacy between Beijing and Pyongyang intensified this quarter in honor of China- DPRK Friendship Year and the 60th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Prior to the Lunar New Year holiday in mid-January, Kim Jong-il held his first public meeting since his reported illness with Chinese Communist Party International Liaison Department Head Wang Jiarui. In March, DPRK Prime Minister Kim Yong-il paid a return visit to Beijing. The Chinese have accompanied these commemorative meetings with active diplomatic interaction with the U.S., South Korea, and Japan focused on how to respond to North Korea’s launch of a multi-stage rocket. Thus, China finds itself under pressure to dissuade Pyongyang from destabilizing activity and ease regional tensions while retaining its 60-year friendship with the North. Meanwhile, South Korean concerns about China’s rise are no longer confined to issues of economic competitiveness; the Korea Institute for Defense Analysis has produced its first public assessment of the implications of China’s rising economic capabilities for South Korea’s long- term security policies. The response to North Korea’s rocket launch also highlights differences in the respective near-term positions of Seoul and Beijing. Following years of expanding bilateral trade and investment ties, the global financial crisis provides new challenges for Sino- ROK economic relations: how to manage the fallout from a potential decline in bilateral trade and the possibility that domestic burdens will spill over and create new strains in the relationship. -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
3/2006 Data Supplement PR China Hong Kong SAR Macau SAR Taiwan CHINA aktuell Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Data Supplement People’s Republic of China, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: Institute of Asian Affairs Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax:(040)4107945 Contributors: Uwe Kotzel Dr. Liu Jen-Kai Christine Reinking Dr. Günter Schucher Dr. Margot Schüller Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 3 The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC LIU JEN-KAI 22 Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership LIU JEN-KAI 27 PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries LIU JEN-KAI 30 PRC Laws and Regulations LIU JEN-KAI 34 Hong Kong SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 36 Macau SAR Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 39 Taiwan Political Data LIU JEN-KAI 41 Bibliography of Articles on the PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, and on Taiwan UWE KOTZEL / LIU JEN-KAI / CHRISTINE REINKING / GÜNTER SCHUCHER 43 CHINA aktuell Data Supplement - 3 - 3/2006 Dep.Dir.: CHINESE COMMUNIST Li Jianhua 03/07 PARTY Li Zhiyong 05/07 The Main National Ouyang Song 05/08 Shen Yueyue (f) CCa 03/01 Leadership of the Sun Xiaoqun 00/08 Wang Dongming 02/10 CCP CC General Secretary Zhang Bolin (exec.) 98/03 PRC Hu Jintao 02/11 Zhao Hongzhu (exec.) 00/10 Zhao Zongnai 00/10 Liu Jen-Kai POLITBURO Sec.-Gen.: Li Zhiyong 01/03 Standing Committee Members Propaganda (Publicity) Department Hu Jintao 92/10 Dir.: Liu Yunshan PBm CCSm 02/10 Huang Ju 02/11 -
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs
China Data Supplement May 2007 J People’s Republic of China J Hong Kong SAR J Macau SAR J Taiwan ISSN 0943-7533 China aktuell Data Supplement – PRC, Hong Kong SAR, Macau SAR, Taiwan 1 Contents The Main National Leadership of the PRC .......................................................................... 2 LIU Jen-Kai The Main Provincial Leadership of the PRC ..................................................................... 30 LIU Jen-Kai Data on Changes in PRC Main Leadership ...................................................................... 37 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Agreements with Foreign Countries ......................................................................... 42 LIU Jen-Kai PRC Laws and Regulations .............................................................................................. 44 LIU Jen-Kai Hong Kong SAR ................................................................................................................ 45 LIU Jen-Kai Macau SAR ....................................................................................................................... 52 LIU Jen-Kai Taiwan .............................................................................................................................. 56 LIU Jen-Kai ISSN 0943-7533 All information given here is derived from generally accessible sources. Publisher/Distributor: GIGA Institute of Asian Studies Rothenbaumchaussee 32 20148 Hamburg Germany Phone: +49 (0 40) 42 88 74-0 Fax: +49 (040) 4107945 2 May 2007 The Main National Leadership of the PRC -
Comparative Connections a Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations US-China Relations: Friction and Cooperation in Run-up to Hu’s US Visit Bonnie Glaser, CSIS/Pacific Forum CSIS Brittany Billingsley, CSIS In the final quarter of 2010, China-US relations were marked by the now familiar pattern of friction and cooperation. Tensions spiked over North Korea, but common ground was eventually reached and a crisis was averted. President Obama‟s 10-day Asia tour, Secretary of State Clinton‟s two-week Asia trip, and US-ROK military exercises in the Yellow Sea further intensified Chinese concerns that the administration‟s “return to Asia” strategy is aimed at least at counterbalancing China, if not containing China‟s rise. In preparation for President Hu Jintao‟s state visit to the US in January 2011, Secretary Clinton stopped on Hainan Island for consultations with Chinese State Councilor Dai Bingguo and Deputy Secretary of State Steinberg visited Beijing. Progress toward resumption of the military-to-military relationship was made with the convening of a plenary session under the US-China Military Maritime Consultative Agreement (MMCA) and the 11th meeting of the Defense Consultative Talks. Differences over human rights were accentuated by the awarding of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize to Chinese dissident Liu Xiaobo. Gaping differences over North Korea North Korea‟s provocative moves this quarter posed a challenge to the US-China bilateral relationship and Northeast Asian stability. The news that North Korea had built a sophisticated uranium enrichment plant took Washington and Beijing by surprise. As the two countries prepared to consider how to respond to the apparent North Korea violation of UN Security Council resolutions, Pyongyang shelled South Korea‟s Yeonpyeong Island, killing two civilians and two marines deployed on the island. -
Asia Focus #3
PROGRAMME ASIE QUELLE COMPOSITION DU POLITBURO ET DU COMITÉ CENTRAL CHINOIS APRÈS 2017 ? Par Alex PAYETTE STAGIAIRE POSTDOCTORAL CRSH UNIVERSITÉ DE MONTREAL OCTOBRE 2016 Septembre 2016 ASIA FOCUS #3 l’IRIS ASIA FOCUS #3 - PROGRAMME ASIE / Octobre 2016 lors que 2016 se termine et que la campagne anticorruption agressivement menée par la tristement célèbre « jiwei » [纪委] a pris fin, il ne reste que A quelques mois pour finaliser la sélection interne des cadres qui seront appelés à être élus en novembre au Politburo ainsi qu’au Comité central. Cela dit, depuis la fin de 2015, nous avons pu remarquer un certain durcissement, voire même un « repli » de la part de Xi, tant dans son attitude face au pouvoir (p. ex. retour aux idiomes/symboles maoïstes, méfiance ouverte de l’Occident, attitude de plus en plus inflexible en matière de structures internationales, etc.), que dans son attitude envers certains patriarches du Parti, notamment Jiang Zemin (président de la République populaire entre 1993 et 2003) et Hu Jintao (président de 2003 à 2013), ainsi qu’envers les autres forces en présence sur la scène politique chinoise (par exemple la Ligue des jeunesses communistes [共青团]1, la « faction du pétrole » [石油帮]2, la bande Shanghai [ 上海帮], la bande du Jiangxi [江派], etc.). Ce dernier a également resserré son emprise non seulement sur Beijing – par le biais de son proche collaborateur Wang Xiaohong [王 小洪]3-, mais bien aussi sur le pays en entier. Tandis que le temps d’« abattre les tigres » [打虎] et que les déraillements de la jiwei sont encore perceptibles, en particulier dans la province du Hebei4, fort est de constater que l’impact n’est pas celui escompté, sauf dans les cas de Su Shulin [苏树林]5 et Jiang Jiemin [蒋洁敏]6, et qu’il ne sera pas vraiment possible d’évaluer les dégâts de cette campagne avant la formation du Comité central de 2022. -
The Koreas and the Policy/Culture Nexus
Two States, One Nation: The Koreas and the Policy/Culture Nexus Jacqueline Willis Institute for Culture and Society University of Western Sydney A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. © 2013 Acknowledgements I would like to especially thank my principal supervisor Professor James Arvanitakis for the unfailing guidance, encouragement and support he has given me throughout my candidature. His academic expertise, enthusiasm and assuring presence have provided the motivation, confidence and direction needed to complete this intellectually stimulating, though sometimes daunting task. I gratefully acknowledge and extend immeasurable thanks for his mentorship, editorship and invaluable feedback, without which this thesis could not have been written. I would also like to acknowledge the input of my co-supervisor Professor Brett Neilson, whose expert knowledge and recommendations have proven invaluable to the development and completion of this thesis. Special thanks and acknowledgement must also be given to Shin Yoon Ju for providing Korean-English translations, as well as to Brian J. McMorrow, Grete Howard, Eric Testroete, Chris Wood, Raymond Cunningham and fellow Korea researcher, Christopher Richardson, for generously allowing me to use and reproduce their personal photographs. Thanks too to those affiliated with the Institute for Culture and Society at the University of Western Sydney, for their committed nurturing of my academic development and ambitions over the course of my doctoral enrolment. Finally, I would like to extend gratitude to my family, friends and colleagues for always encouraging me in my academic endeavours. Their patience, unwavering support and steadfast faith in my ability have been powerful incentives, driving and sustaining me in my scholarly pursuits. -
The Rise of China and Its Effect on Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea: U.S
Order Code RL32882 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web The Rise of China and Its Effect on Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea: U.S. Policy Choices Updated January 13, 2006 Dick K. Nanto Specialist in Industry and Trade Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Emma Chanlett-Avery Analyst in Asian Political Economy Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress The Rise of China and Its Effects on Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea: U.S. Policy Choices Summary The economic rise of China and the growing network of trade and investment relations in northeast Asia are causing major changes in human, economic, political, and military interaction among countries in the region. This is affecting U.S. relations with China, China’s relations with its neighbors, the calculus for war across the Taiwan Straits, and the basic interests and policies of China, Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea. These, in turn, affect U.S. strategy in Asia. China, for example, has embarked on a “smile strategy” in which it is attempting to coopt the interests of neighboring countries through trade and investment while putting forth a less threatening military face (to everyone but Taiwan). Under the rubric of the Six-Party Talks, the United States, China, Japan, Russia, and South Korea are cooperating to resolve the North Korean nuclear crisis. Taiwanese businesses have invested an estimated $70 to $100 billion in factories in coastal China. China relies on foreign invested enterprises for about half its imports and exports. For Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea, China has displaced the United States as their major trading partner. -
Qiaowu and the Overseas Chinese
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UC Research Repository Hand-in-Hand, Heart-to-Heart: Qiaowu and the Overseas Chinese _____________________________________________________________________ A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirement for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the University of Canterbury by James Jiann Hua TO ___________________________________________________________ University of Canterbury 2009 Table of Contents Acknowledgements iv Abstract v Notes on Romanization of Chinese vi List of Acronyms and Abbreviations vii Figure 1: Relationships Between the Qiaowu Apparatus and the viii Extended State Bureaucracy 1.00 Introduction 1 1.01 A Comparison: Incorporating the Turkish Diaspora in Europe 3 1.02 Introduction to the Extant Literature 7 1.03 Aims of this Research 10 1.04 Importance of Qiaowu Research to International Relations 11 1.05 Political/Social Control 13 1.06 Qiaowu for the 21st Century 15 1.07 Problems with Assessing Qiaowu 16 1.08 Methodology 17 1.09 Thesis Outline 21 st 2.00 Mobilizing the OC in the 21 Century 23 2.01 Capitalizing on the Olympic Spirit 23 2.02 The 1989 Tiananmen Incident 26 2.03 The CCP’s Ideological Work and Influence on PRC Students 28 2.04 The 2008 Olympic Torch Rallies 30 2.05 Another Evolution in Qiaowu 34 2.05 Conclusion 35 3.00 Unveiling Qiaowu 36 3.01 The Role of the OC for the CCP-led Party-State 36 3.02 Political Mobilization 38 3.03 Espionage 41 3.04 Unveiling Qiaowu 44 3.05 Service for the OC: -
Supplementary Materials for the Article: a Running Start Or a Clean Slate
Supplementary Materials for the article: A running start or a clean slate? How a history of cooperation affects the ability of cities to cooperate on environmental governance Rui Mu1, * and Wouter Spekkink2 1 Dalian University of Technology, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences; [email protected] 2 The University of Manchester, Sustainable Consumption Institute; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +86-139-0411-9150 Appendix 1: Environmental Governance Actions in Beijing-Tianjin-Hebei Urban Agglomeration Event time Preorder Action Event Event name and description Actors involved (year-month-day) event no. type no. Part A: Joint actions at the agglomeration level MOEP NDRC Action plan for Beijing, Tianjin, Hebei and the surrounding areas to implement MOIIT 2013 9 17 FJA R1 air pollution control MOF MOHURD NEA BG TG HP MOEP NDRC Collaboration mechanism of air pollution control in Beijing, Tianjin, Hebei and 2013 10 23 R1 FJA MOIIT R2 the surrounding areas MOF MOHURD CMA NEA MOT BG Coordination office of air pollution control in Beijing, Tianjin, Hebei and the 2013 10 23 R2 FJA TG R3 surrounding areas HP 1 MOEP NDRC MOIIT MOF MOHURD CMA NEA MOT BG Clean Production Improvement Plan for Key Industrial Enterprises in Beijing, TG 2014 1 9 R1 FJA R4 Tianjin, Hebei and the Surrounding Areas HP MOIIT MOEP BTHAPCLG Regional air pollution joint prevention and control forum (the first meeting) 2014 3 3 R2, R3 IJA BEPA R5 was held by the Coordination Office. TEPA HEPA Coordination working unit was established for comprehensive atmospheric BTHAPCLG 2014 3 25 R3 FJA R6 pollution control. -
China Media Bulletin
CHINA MEDIA BULLETIN A weekly update of press freedom and censorship news related to the People’s Republic of China Issue No. 66: July 26, 2012 Top Headlines Secrecy surrounds party conclaves ahead of leadership change ‘China Daily’ sells front page to Louis Vuitton Beijing flood criticism erupts online amid media controls Disowning Beijing’s UN veto, netizens back Syrian rebels Taiwan regulator grants conditional approval for media merger PHOTO OF THE WEEK: CHINA DAILY FRONT PAGE FOR SALE Credit: Danwei BROADCAST / PRINT MEDIA NEWS Secrecy surrounds party conclaves ahead of leadership change As the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) prepares for its crucial 18th Congress in the fall, behind- the-scenes wrangling and decision making is gaining momentum, with insiders predicting that most key leadership changes will be decided behind closed doors in the coming weeks, well in advance of the congress itself. While some discussion will take place in Beijing, rounds of informal negotiations are expected to take place in the beach town of Beidaihe outside the capital, where retired CCP elders and some current leaders are known to vacation in private villas each summer. The tightly guarded and opaque process has forced Chinese media and citizens to read between the lines of publicly available information in an effort to anticipate potential changes. These include the possibility that the CCP’s nine-member Politburo Standing Committee—China’s top decision- making body—will be reduced back to its pre-2002 format of seven members, with the powerful portfolios of propaganda and public security demoted to the 25-member Politburo.