DISCIPLINE SPECIFIC CORE COURSE History of India, C

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B.A.(Programme) Semester-III HISTORY

DISCIPLINE SPECIFIC CORE COURSE History of India, c. 1200-1700

STUDY MATERIAL : Unit I-VII

SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING University of Delhi

Department of History Course Coordinator : Dr. Rajni Nanda Mathew Content Writers

Dr. Meera Khare Dr. Madhu Trivedi Associate Professor (Retired) Associate Professor (Retired) Department of History, School of Open Learning, PGDAV College (M), University of Delhi University of Delhi, Delhi

Dr. Rakesh Kumar Dr. Shubhra Sinha Associate Professor Associate Professor, Ram Lal Anand College, Department of History, University of Delhi Kamla Nehru College, University of Delhi

Dr. Sarbani Kumar Dr. Parul Lau Gaur Associate Professor Assistant Professor P G D A V College (Morning) Ram Lal Anand College University of Delhi University of Delhi

Undergraduate Course

DISCIPLINE SPECIFIC CORE COURSE History of India, c. 1200-1700

Contents

Unit I : Foundation, Expansion and Consolidation of the Sultanates of Delhi c. 13th to 15th century Unit II : Regional Political Formation: Vijayanagara Unit III : Foundation, Expansion and Consolidation of The Mughal State, c.16th to 17th Century Unit IV : 17th Century Transitions: Marathas Unit V : Art and Architecture In Medieval India Unit VI : Society, Culture and Religion Unit VII : Economy and Integrated Patterns of Exchange

Course Coordinator Dr. Rajni Nanda Mathew

SCHOOL OF OPEN LEARNING University of Delhi 5, Cavalry Lane, Delhi-110007 Unit I

FOUNDATION, EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION OF THE SULTANATES OF DELHI C. 13TH TO 15TH CENTURY

1.1 Foundation and Expansion of the Delhi Sultanate (1206 – 1236)

The Foundation of Delhi Sultanate The sudden death of Muhammad Ghuri in 1206 by an assasin created a difficult situation for the Turks in Northern India. He left behind an extensive empire that stretched from Ghuri in Central Asia to Nadia in Bengal, and from the Himalayan Tarai to the deserts of Rajputana. However, it is to be noted that in India the Turks were not firmly in control of their possessions. Rather the Turkish hold was precarious. What prevented the infant Turkish empire from being sucked into the whirlpool of destruction in India was the wisdom, boldness and the imagination of Muhammad Ghuri’s trusted lieutenant, Qutubuddin Aibek. Moreover, the defeated Indian ruling class did not have sufficient military strength to take advantage of this opportune moment. Muizzuddin, popularly known as Muhammad Ghuri left no male heir to succeed him but Aibek was his ablest officer. The foundation of the Delhi Sultanate was laid by Qutbuddin Aibek, who after his humiliating retreat from Ghazni thought, of confining his energies to the territories of Northern India. The Turkish empire in Northern India was unique in some respects. The Delhi Sultanate saw a number of rulers who did not originally belong to India. Obviously they had different socio-cultural and religious background. However, the new immigrant ruling class including the Sultans gradually had become an inseparable part of the Indian society. The most significant thing to understand is that even when the new government was based on exploitation the wealth of the country was not drained out as happened under the British rule. The Turks established essentially a military rule in Northern India, which was based on centralized despotism. The Turkish ‘Slave System’ Muhammad Ghuri had no son. His Indian possessions fell into the hands of one of his slave-officer, Qutubuddin Aibek, who became the first Sultan of the newly established Delhi Sultanate. That a slave could have attained such a high status seems rather strange. There was little social stigma attached to slavery among Turks. Often slaves married in the family of their masters and then succeeded them after their death. As such the phenomenal rise of Aibek was neither exceptional nor accidental. It was the result of as unique ‘Slave System’ among the Turks where the talented boys were bought as slaves and methodical trained and carefully groomed for high officers.

Sultan Qutubuddin Aibek After the second battle to Tarain in 1192 Qutubuddin Aibek was entrusted with the charge of his master’s Indian dominion. Much of the credit of the Ghurid conquests in India should go to Aibek. He saved Ajmer from two uprisings. He played an important role in the defeat of Jai Chand. Besides, Qutubuddin Aibek captured Koil (Aligarh), Ranthambhor (1195). Badaun (1197-98) and Kanauj (1198-99). Kalinjar, Mahoba and Khajuraho (1202-03). He also occupied Delhi and made it capital of the newly established Turkish empire in 1193. It was Aibek who was formally invested with viceregal powers and promoted to the rank of a malik in 1206. The death of Muhammad Ghuri marked only a change of status for Aibek. who lost no time in exploiting the situation in his favour. He marched to Lahore and formally assumed power as a sovereign of the Ghurid empire on 25 June 1206. The death of Muhammad Ghuri removed the support of a powerful protector and involved Qutubuddin Aibek in the intricate web of Central Asian politics. The Ghurid empire broke up into warring fragments; Ghiyasuddin Mahmud succeeded in establishing his rule in Ghur. Tajuddin Yalduz, another slave of Muhammad Ghuri, laid claims to his master’s Indian possessions. The internal situation, in Northern India was also disturbing. Preoccupied with these affairs, Aibek could not deal effectively with the Rajputs who lately were quite active in recovering their lost political authority. Kalinjar had been recovered by the Chandellas, the Gahadwalas under Harishchandra reoccupied Farrukhabad and Badaun, while Gwalior seems to have been lost to the Prariharas. In 1210 when Aibek died of injuries sustained from a fall from his horse while playing chaugan (polo), the Delhi sultanate lacked political stability and had no effective administration. Yet his contribution is immense as he laid the foundation of the Delhi Sultanate which had an independent status. Aibek was a brave soldier and a competent military general, whose contribution in extending the Turkish empire was unique. Besides it is to be noted that his early training in Nishapur equipped him with refined literary taste as is evident from his patronage of scholars like Hasan Nizami and Fakhre Mudabbir. His generosity was proverbial and earned him the title “lakh bakhsh” (giver of lakhs). As his reign was too short and the difficulties he faced were too many, he did not seem to have made a significant contribution in evolving a solid administrative structure of the Delhi Sultanate. But there is no doubt that he managed the show. Abul Fazl the official historian of Akbar’s reign is all praise for Aibek and sums up his contribution in the following words : “He achieved things, good and great.” Sultan Iltutmish On the death of Aibek, the Turkish faction at Lahore supported Aibek’s son Aram Shah (there is a good deal of controversy whether he was actually the son of Qutubuddin Aibek or not).

The nobles at Delhi, led by Ismail, who occupied the post of amir-i-dad (an important functionary of judicial department), invited Iltutmish to ascend the throne. Iltutmish at that time was the governor of Badaun. He marched towards Delhi. But before entering the capital he met the army of Aram Shah. He easily defeated Aram Shah, whose rule lasted only for about eight months (1210-1211) and was of no significance. Shamsuddin Iltutmish was the son of a noble belonging to the Ilbari (ILBARI) tribe of the Turks. He was sold as a slave by his jealous brothers to a merchant named Jamaluddin, from whom he was bought by Qutbuddin Aibek. It is interesting to note that like Aibek, the rise of Iltutmish was rapid. In due course of time he rose to the post of amir-i akhur (master of stables). Iltutmish married a daughter of Qutbuddin Aibek, who after sometime appointed him the muqtai (governor) of Badaun. And finally he succeeded in occupying the throne of the Delhi Sultanate in 1211. The Initial Problems Iltutmish did not find the throne of Delhi a ‘bed of roses’. The death of Aibek had plunged the Delhi Sultanate into confusion. Iltutmish had to start cautiously. His was a task fraught with dangers and difficulties which were not only numerous but of a varied character: internal and external, political and administrative and cultural. However, Iltutmish rose to the occasion. By showing proper understanding and adopting timely measures he provided a fresh lease of life to the infant Delhi Sultanate. The Turkish jandars (guards) of Delhi rose in rebellion and created a difficult situation before Iltutmish. They were, however, taken to task and were finally suppressed. Yet there were other problems also. Yalduz and Qubacha claimed of sovereignty. Bengal shook off its allegiance to the central authority. Ali Mardan assumed royal status at Lakhnauti in Bengal. Rajput chiefs rose in rebellion and ravaged the country-side Jalor and Ranthambhor were first to regain independence. Above all, there loomed large over the north-western frontier the Mongol hurricane that could easily sweep aside the infant Turkish empire in India before it could stand on its legs. That the new Sultan was able to deal effectively with most of these problems is the proof of his ability and tactfulness. Iltutmish was a realist and a shrewd statesman. He followed a policy of caution and compromise. Unwilling to risk a civil war or provoke his rivals, he even compromised his sovereign status by accepting the royal insignia (canopy and baton) sent by Yalduz, Iltutmish bided his time, and followed a defensive policy towards his contenders for the throne of the Delhi Sultanate. However when Yalduz occupied the Punjab and moved towards Delhi he came forward to meet the challenge. Yalduz was defeated at the battle field of Tarain in 1215-16. He was imprisoned and sent to Badaun by Iltutmish. This victory certainly enhanced his prestige in the eyes of the nobles. However Qubacha could be finally eliminated only in 1228.

Mongol Threat The Mongol threat was also averted by Iltutmish’s tact and diplomacy. The Mongols came in hot pursuit of Jalaluddin Mankbarani, the Crown Prince of Khwarazm, who sought refuge in India. This placed Iltutmish on the horns of a dilemma. To help Jalaluddin Mankarani meant to incur the wrath of Chengiz Khan. And this would have been suicidal for the infant Turkish empire. To refuse aid bluntly to a fugitive, who had become a hero in the Islamic world, would have alienated the Muslim sentiments but Iltutmish keeping in view alone the interest of the Turkish empire followed dilatory tactics which discouraged Jalaluddin Mankbarani who left India in 1224. Close on his heels departed the Mongols who had no immediate design for the conquest of India. It is also to be noted that Chengiz Khan died in 1227 which averted the imminent Mangol Threat. Conquest of Bengal The Mongols danger having passed away Iltutmish turned his attention towards Bengal, which had been a constant source of trouble to Delhi. Ali Mardan having been murdered in 1211 was succeeded by Hisamuddin /IWAZ, who assumed full sovereign powers. It took three campaigns before Bengal could be subjugated and the authority of the central government reestablished in this rebellious province. In 1225, the Sultan, himself led a successful expedition and Bihar was subsequently annexed. Iltutmish forced Iwaz to pay an indemnity and accept the overlordship of Delhi. When Iwaz tried to assert his independence once again Nasiruddin Mahmud, the son of Iltutmish, was assigned the task to suppress the rebellious chief. Nasiruddin Mahmud defeated and killed Iwaz. He captured Lakhnauti in 1226. The last campaign was necessitated by a fresh outbreak following the sudden death of Nasiruddin Mahmud. Iltutmish led an army in person. He decisively defeated the rebels led by Balka. Thus Iltutmish once again brought the eastern region consisting of the provinces of Bihar and Bengal under the control of Delhi. War against the Rajputs

The Rajputs presented another problem with which Iltutmish had to grapple. They were making a fresh bid to throw off the yoke of Turkish rule. The security of the Turkish political ascendancy in India demanded the subjugation of the insurgent Rajputs and the recovery of the territories lost to them. This Iltutmish achieved methodically. Ranthambhor was the first to be captured in 1226. The victory over Ranthambhor was followed by Nagor next year i.e., 1227. Gwalior was also brought under the possession of the Delhi Sultanate in 1231. The campaigns in Rajputana were rounded off by the sack of Bhilsa and Ujjain (1234-35). The Gangetic valley was also pacified, and the Turkish rule was re-established by force in Awadh and the Doab. A review of the military campaigns of Iltutmish establishes beyond doubt that his achievements, were quite remarkable. When he became the Sultan of the early Turkish empire it was confronted with enormous problems, external as well as internal. Iltutmish’s

4 authority was questioned even in his own capital. Under such difficult circumstances Iltutmish displayed “great fortitude, courage and farsight.” Though he did not resort to rapid conquests, he gradually succeeded in recovering all those territories which were lost since the death of Muhammad Ghuri. Iltutmish showed much more interest in their complete surrender of the acquired territories to the central authority. His military campaigns in Bengal resulted in weakening the local opposition, may be temporarily. Thus, the military campaigns of Iltutmish were not plundering raids but aimed at re-affirming the might of the Turkish empire. Whatever success he achieved enhanced the prestige of his rule and made the Sultanate of Delhi more formidable and consolidated. Organization of Administration Though the Turkish rule was established in North India after the second battle of Tarain (1192) no concrete steps were taken to gear up the existing administrative machinery. Muhammad Ghuri had no time to spare for this task, and whatever he initiated was not sufficient enough to provide stability to his newly founded empire. Personally, he was available in India only for launching military campaigns. The burden of running the administration was left to the slave-officers. After his death when Qutubuddin Aibek came at the helm of the affairs but there was no appreciable change in the situation. It was in the reign of Iltutmish that for the first time the Turkish state thought of understanding the administrative problems with some seriousness. Though, in the beginning, Iltutmish took some time to settle himself, but once he strengthened his position he was not prepared to lower the authority of his office. He believed in upholding the status and dignity of the Sultan. Therefore, first of all he cleared from his path all those opponents who renounced his sovereignty and tried to get rid of him. Once, he got rid of his archrivals or put some of them on the defence he turned to more concrete measures. As a Sultan he knew that single-handedly he could not perform his tasks. Therefore, he built around him a group of loyal and trustworthy slaves, called the chihalgani (forty). They were not only used in conquering the new territories but were assigned the administrative tasks also. It was some sort of a mini but powerful machinery at the personal command of the Sultan. We know that with the establishment of the Turkish rule the empire was divided into many iqtas or the administrative-cum-revenue units. These were not of uniform size. Some iqtas were quite extensive while the others were small. Those who were assigned the iqtas were known as the muqtai. The muqtai was entrusted with the task of keeping law and order and to collect taxes. Though not much is known about the actual working of iqtadari system during the reign of Iltutmish, but whatever evidence is available indicates that the system continued to operate more or less smoothly.

The medieval historians have shown great appreciation for Iltutmish’s care for rendering justice. Long after his death the people remembered his justice. Ibn Battuta, who visited India in the reign of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, records that Iltutmish fixed two statues of lions on the gate of imperial place. Hanging chains were attached with them and on the other end of the chains a bell was fixed. As soon as an aggrieved person reached the spot, he pulled the chain which made the bell ringing. The act was sufficient to draw the attention of the relevant authorities to the person concerned. However, this practice of pulling the chain was usually confined to night clone. But during the daytime aggrieved person used the coloured garment for catching the attention of the concerned authorities. Besides, Iltutmish saw to it that amir-i- dads were appointed in almost all the important towns. He passed judgement on the appeals coming from the lower courts. However, in all important matters relating to justice Iltutmish could directly intervene and pronounce his judgement. Iltutmish made a place for himself in monetary system also. It was during his reign that introduction of the tanka (silver coin) and the jital (copper coin) took place. Commenting on Iltutmish’s performance in this field Nelson Wright remarks: “The reign of Iltutmish stands out as a landmark in the coinage of Delhi lltutmish was a great moneyer. That he established the silver tanka and the jital on a firm footing was in itself a remarkable achievement.” Conclusion Iltutmish occupies a prominent place amongst the Sultans of Delhi. A shrewed, cautious and far-seeing statesman, he left a permanent mark on the canvas of Indian history. The history of ‘muslim’ sovereignty in India, rightly observes Dr. R.P. Tripathi, properly speaking begins with him. While it is true that lltutmish was neither a military genius like Mahmud of Ghazni nor an outstanding administrator like Alauddin Khalji but significance of his work can not be underestimated. Overcoming one problem after another he was not only able to save the disintegration of the Turkish empire but he placed it on a firm ground. It was he who gave the country a capital, an independent state, a monarchical form of government and a governing blass. If he is called the real founder of the Sultanate of Delhi it is not an exaggeration but a befitting appreciation of his work.

1.2 Consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate under Balban (1266-1286)

The struggle for power (1236-1266) During the three decades that followed Iltutmish’s death in 1236, important changes occurred in the distribution of power within the Sultanate ruling class. The Chihalgani nobles, who supported Iltutmish in every possible way, became claimant of power and authority. This resulted in the declining status of the monarchy. The Sultans played like pawns in the hands of these ambitious nobles. In case they resisted, they were deposed and killed. The first ruler who succeeded Iltutmish was Rukruddin Firuz Shah. He was, however, deposed very soon and Raziya ascended the throne with the help of Wazir Zunaidi and the intervention of

6 prominent Delhi citizens, whom she appealed regarding her claim to authority. She was able to grab the throne and was subsequently successful in creating schism in the camp of opposing Turkish nobles (thus prevented them to offer her a united challenge) but this was a momentary gain. Without a band of powerful supporters she could not ensure a prestigeous and dominating position for monarchy. As the chihalgani (forty) or most of them could no longer be relied upon Raziya had no alternative but to opt for building a non-Turk and non-Tazik group of loyalists. She was able to rally some and Malik Yaqut, an Abyssinian1 slave, was a prominent figure amongst them. He was appointed to the post of amir-i-akhur (officer commanding the horse). This was treated as an open assertion of Raziya’s increasing power and many prominent nobles did not take it lightly. Before Raziya could establish herself on a firm support base these nobles chose to strike first. Malik Kabir Khan, the muqtai of Lahore rebelled. Altunia who was the incharge of the iqta of Bhatinda also behaved in the same fashion. While these rebellions were quite alarming the most dangerous development was the erosion of her hold over the nobles stationed in Delhi itself, who brought Bahram Shah on the throne even when Raziya was alive. Both the Turk and Tazik groups of nobles became united as observed by Prof. Irfan Habib, in smashing the newly emerging group of loyalists under Raziya. Though before her end she could enlist the support of Altunia, but this new combination was not strong enough to defeat the united opposition of the nobles hostile to her. The result was that a valiant attempt to maintain the dignity of monarchy ended in a failure. At the initial stage it appeared that monarchy in Bahram had lost the battle for supremacy once for all as the nobles tried to enhance their position within the official heirarchy. It is interesting to note that for the first time in the history of Delhi Sultanate the office of naib was created and Malik Aitagin was the first to occupy it. It appears that he had the support of some influential members of nobility. Our contemporary historian Minhaj clearly states that with the help of Muhazzabuddin, the Wazir and Muhammad Iwaz, the auditor, he took “all functions” in his hands. Again Minhaj mentions: “After the appointment as naib Aitagin well organized all the functions of the state.” The emergence of such a powerful office was a clear cut indication of the intention of Aitagin, who was bent to reduce the status of monarchy by resorting to a legal step. If naib continues to be the symbol of concentration of state authority the Sultan would soon become a political non-entity. It is to the credit of Bahram Shah that he was able to finish off Aitagin within a month or two. But still he was not able to get rid of powerful nobles like Muhazzabuddin, the wazir, who finally succeeded in despatching him to the next world. Muhazzabuddin did not survive for long. The new Sultan, Alauddin Masud (1242-1246) soon managed to get him murdered. But this action did not curtail the power of its potentials

1 Abeyssinia = modern Ethopia, known as Habsh in medieval times: Habshi is derived from this word.

7 were yet to be exhausted and hence in the power struggle, in spite of their efforts, the successors of Iltutmish were not successful in saving their skin. Alauddin Masud too was replaced by Nasiruddin Mahmud (1246-1266)

New Phase of Power Struggle The startling features of the reign of Nasiruddin Mahmud were : (i) The powerful role of naib, (ii) Clipping of Sultan’s power, (iii) Near destruction of Chihalgani (Forty/Shami slaves.) Ulugh Khan (future Balban) was the key figure to get the throne for Nasiruddin Mahmud. And in return he wanted to make maximum political gain. However in the first few years of the Sultan’s reign he could not succeed to achieve what he desired. Perhaps he could not act tactfully and therefore many Turkish nobles turned their guns against him. At this juncture Imaduddin Raihan, an Indian noble also appeared on the political scene. Like Malik Yaqut his elevation also was resented. And finally Ulugh Khan, who was forced to relinquish his post of naib in the face of mounting opposition of Turkish and Indian nobles under the patronage of the Sultan, succeeded in convincing the Turkish nobles of the danger posed by the emerging Indian nobles led by Raihan. Even Nasiruddin Mahmud was bullied to restore the office of naib to Ulugh Khan once again. The Turkish nobles and the Sultan both erred and very soon they realized their folly. But then it was too late. No Turk amir cared to visualize when Raihan was beheaded that same sword was waiting for them also. It did not take much time for Ulugh Khan (future Balban) to finish them off. Some of them were physically done away while others were made political dead. Hence such a powerful group of Turkish nobles (chihalgani) was doomed for ever. And Nasiruddin Mahmud, who was tolerated for a decade or little more as a puppet, was poisoned by Ulugh Khan (Balban) in 1266. Ghiyasuddin Balban (1266-1286) Nasiruddin Mahmud died in 1266. Whether he died a natural death or was a victim of poison administered to him at the instance of Ulugh Khan (the future Balban), cannot be proved conclusively. But his death definitely cleared the way for Ulugh Khan to occupy the vacant throne. His succession was smooth as no one dared to raise his finger amongst the remaining members of the Chihalgani (Forty). They were not alone in their docility other constituents of the nobility also behaved in an equally submissive way. On the issue of succession never before such unity or silence was witnessed in the ruling circle since the establishment of the Sultanate of Delhi. But under the circumstances, loaded with coercion and ruthless repression this timid and spineless behaviour of the nobility was not at all surprising. The nobles had to function submissively at the command of the new Sultan i.e., Ghiyasuddin Balban. On becoming the Sultan, as reported by Barani, the noted historian of the Sultanate period, Balban took the following steps: (i) “High posts and big iqtas were conferred on his sons and nobles”.

(ii) “By following the rules of ancient monarchs, like the emperors of Iran he adorned his court”. The distribution of high posts and vast iqtas was not done at random. Balban was highly calculative in his choice. Only those were awarded whom he could rely upon. Monarchial Despotism Right from the beginning of his reign Balban opted for monarchial despositm. Instead of following the Quran, the ‘Holy Book’ of Islam he preferred to adopt the rules, regulations and norms of the Sassanid rulers of Persia. Even their courtlife was a model for him. The question arises why he did so. The answer is not difficult to find out. How he could make the Quran the guide for his governmental work when it does not say much on the problems connected with governance. The Quran, it must be understood, is not a political treatise and therefore its instructions were considered to be out of tune with the changing circumstances. The monarchial system was the order of the day and monarchy as such was not acceptable to Islam. Moreover if we examine too well known political injunctions of Islam : (i) Take decision through consultation and (ii) obey the authority. One thing clearly emerges. Consultation was the basic principle of the Islamic Polity. In other words whenever any issue arises the decision is to be arrived at through the consultation in the umma (muslim community), such decisions taken in this manner alone are to be implemented by the authority that may be. Authority is to be obeyed because it reflects the verdict of the community. In Islam, authority reflects collectivity and not the will of an autocrat. However, ‘consultation’ was not found to be feasible in the governance of an expanding Islamic empire. Hence in the lifetime of Ali, the fourth ‘pious’ Caliph, Muawiya laid the foundation of ‘dynastic monarchy’. And then onwards it was the march of monarchy throughout the Islamic world. In the absence of rules regarding governance the Muslim rulers were left with no other choice but to borrow extensively from the Byzantine and Sassanid imperial traditions. By the time Balban sat on the throne of Delhi the borrowing of Sassanid traditions among the Turks was a well-established fact. Even a ‘pious’ ruler like lltutmish without any hesitation adopted monarchial despotism. Barani informs us that Nuruddin Mubarak Ghaznavi vehemently castigated lltutmish for not following the shariat in the functioning of his administrative system and also in his life-style. The enforcement of sijda (prostration) before the Sultan, his costly attires and drinking habits were all deviations and were opposed to the ‘true path’. These things as observed were considered by the visiting scholar as ‘anti- God’. At times the Sultans pretended and tried to project themselves as true defender of Islam, but it was all farce miles away from their real designs. Balban knew that the circumstances demanded a non-religious approach towards the state affairs. Barani accuses Balban as he

9 paid no consideration to religion (Islam) at the time of inflicting death sentence and other penalties to the rebels and to those who violated (imperial) order. Whatever was deemed fit for the state, whether sanctioned by the shariat or not he enacted immediately.” Whatever attitude Balban adopted towards the shariat was a logical extention of the approach followed by the ‘Muslim’ rulers since the time of Mua’wiya-the founder of Ummayid dynasty. Still Balban behaved in a peculiar way also. For instance he claimed that he belonged to the family of Afrasiyab—the legendary figure of Turan. Again his newly born grandsons were named after the ancient rulers of Persia—Kaikhusrau and Kaiqubad. Balban’s Views of Kingship Kingship has no place in Islam but Balban did not hesitate to twist religiosity for political reasons. He claimed : 1 “Kingship is the vice-regency of God.”

2 “The Sultan is the Shadow of God.” 3 “And the heart of the Sultan is the repository of divine guidance and radiance.” He also regarded kingship next to prophethood. In other words in the mundane affairs the monarch, according to Balban, occupied the top-most position. Needless to say that these ideas had no place in the teachings of Quran or Muhammad. To trace their origin one has to go back to Sassanid Persia. The divine character of monarchy was an integral part of the thinking of Sassanid emperors. Commenting on Balban’s theory of kingship K.A. Nizami opines : “The actual implication of this concept was that the source of a king’s power lay, not with the nobles or the people, but with God only, and consequently his actions could not be the subject of public scrutiny. This was a subtle religious device to sanctify the exercise of his despotic authority.”2 Thus in protecting the interests of monarchial despotism religion was used in a most unreligious way. Barani’s ideas on monarchy get full expression in Fatwa-i Jahandari and whatever Balban utters in Barani’s Tarikh-i Firozshahi is nothing new. Still one thing is certain that these ideas were not alien to the ruling class. Balban did not stop here. He not only made court dazzling but saw to it that it functions according to strict code of conduct. He himself behaved in a most disciplined way and forced his nobles and other functionaries to pay due respect to the decorum of the imperial court. None was allowed to laugh loudly or to crack cheap jokes. Moreover, as soon as any noble or chief entered the court he had to kiss the feet of the Sultan (paibos) and to offer sijda

2 A Comprehensive History of India, Vol. V, Part I, Peoples’ Publishing House, Second Edition, P. 281.

(prostration). The open manifestations of these acts meant the recognition of the supreme stature and status of the Sultan, who was no more a figure-head or a model but a real despot. After physically getting rid of Iltutmish’s family Balban was keen to shatter the power of chihalgani once for all. He himself was one of them and obviously the most distinguished and fortunate one. Whatever was enacted by the chihalgani during the reign of Iltutmish’s successors Balban not only was a first hand witness but also a key operator, particularly in the reigns of Alauddin Masud and Nasiruddin Mahmud. This association made Balban more suspicious of the role of the remaining members of the Chihalgani. Barani informs us that many Shamsi nobles, suspected to be a potential danger to his throne, were done to death by mixing poison in the syrup or wine, this method was adopted by Balban, because naked killing of these nobles, according to Barani, “would have damaged his reputation and credibility.” In this way Balban completely sealed the fate of the chihalgani, and other nobles who were a suspect in his eyes. Those who somehow survived remained servile. As mute spectators they saw the emergence of a powerful despot, who gave them no option but to obey his orders strictly. However the eclipse of the old nobles created a vaccum in the nobility. New recruitment was bound to take place. Apart from the Khalji nobles we do get the scanty information regarding the Afghans in our contemporary sources. In other words racial base of the nobility was further expanded. But still it remained foreign or central Asian in character. Whatever earlier inroads were made by the nobles of Indian origin became a thing of the past. Of course, exceptions are there. This racial exclusiveness of the nobility proved detrimental to the very survival of Balban’s dynasty. Yet Balban succeeded in infusing through discipline in the nobility. The nobles had to act as desired or directed by the Sultan. Particularly till 1275 his grip over the nobility was absolutely tight but then he had to suffer a jolt when Tughril, the governor of Bengal, defied him and assumed independence. This was just unthinkable for Balban to witness the rebellion of a slave-officer but then it was a hard reality, which he had to face. Suppresstion of Tughril’s Rebellion Balban failed to guage the real strength of Tughril’s rebellion. He mistakenly thought that despach of the governor (muqtai) of Awadh, Amin Khan, would accomplish the desirable result. To his surprise Tughril inflicted a humiliating defeat on the army headed by Amin Khan. Helplessly he ran away from the battlefield and reached Awadh after sometime. But he never knew that his end was so near. Balban did not hesitate to pass an urgent order for his physical elimination by gibbeting him on the gate. Balban sent another military General for restoring the authority of the Delhi Sultanate over Bengal. Tughril confidently met the advancing army led by Bahadur, who in spite of his personal valour, could not avert defeat.

Balban’s prestige thus received one blow after another. Now he was left with no other option but to lead the military campaign against Tughril personally. Camouflaging his real plan he suddenly appeared in Awadh. Realising that the army which accompanied him from Delhi was not sufficient in number to achieve its target Balban ordered a general recruitment at Awadh. Soon he succeeded in raising an army of two lakhs. Such a massive conscription was done because by this time Balban had learnt enough from the two successive defeats of his generals that Tughril’ s military strength had to be taken seriously. Tughril also realised that direct confrontation with the advancing imperial army meant nothing but inviting total destruction of his military power. Perhaps he believed in a protracted war. Consequently, he left Lakhnauti which was’ subsequently occupied by Balban’s army. Unfortunately after some time the whereabouts of Tughril’s army became known to a search party. With a view to escaping arrest Tughril ran away on the back of his horse but then he was successfully chased and done to death. The occupation of Lakhnauti and death of Tughril did not satisfy Balban. All these years he was following policy of ruthless repression. In his scheme of things rebels had to be given an exemplary punishment. Accordingly the followers, supporters and relative of Tughril deserved same treatment. At Lakhnauti Balban ordered a row of gibbets to be created on both side of the market for more than two miles and all “friends, supporters and relative of Tughril were impaled on them.” This punishment was shocking to Barani but it was in line with the general policy adopted by Balban towards the rebels. To set things right he used his sword ruthlessly and consistently. With the result that by 1281-82 from Lahore to Lakhnauti his rule was well established. The sinking prestige of monarchy and political position acquired by the Chihalgani in the power structure could not be ignored by Balban. But equally important task before him was to restore order in the surrounding areas of Delhi. In these adjoining territories the Mewatis and the local chiefs were on the offensive. Even the capital i.e. Delhi was not safe from the inroads of the Mewatis. Besides other factors they took advantage of the jungles adjoining Delhi. With a view to depriving them of making use of these jungles for shelter or hiding purposes right in the first year of his reign he, according to Barani, saw to it that “all the jungles were totally cut down”. The clearance of the jungles was followed by an immediate military campaign against the Mewatis. In the open terrain it became extremely difficult for them to fight back successful. Subsequently their losses were heavy and soon the imperial army was able to achieve its target. The annihilation of the Mewatis was followed by some solid steps too. In their territory a fort was built and numerous thanas (posts) were established which were manned by the newly recruited Afghans. Thus having consolidated his position vis-a-vis the Mewatis Balban turned his attention to other rebellious regions. He gave first priority to the rebels of Doab.

The Doab Rebellion In the Doab region also Balban started with the order of clearance of the jungles. It is also to be noted that the rebellion in the Doab region was of a bigger magnitude. To reduce this region to submission was not left to one or two nobles. Barani informs us that the resourceful nobles with their enormous armies were deployed to wipe out the rebels and to destroy their villages. The local chiefs of the Doab could not withstand this combined onslaught of the armies of the nobles. Consequently their power was soon shattered and the rule of Delhi Sultanate was effectively established. Rebellions at other places The situation at other places little further from Delhi was also very precarious. One cannot fail to make mention of Kampil [situated in the district of Farrukhabad, Uttar Pradesh], Patiali [district Etah U.P.] Katihar [the region of Rohelkhand, U.P.] Such was the grave situation in the above-mentioned territories that Balban had to lead these campaigns against the rebels personally. We are told that Balban had to stay for five or six months in Kampil and Patiali. The stay of the Sultan in these regions for such a longer duration shows that the task of curbing the rebels was not an easy one. However the power of the rebels was completely shattered. With the result that the route to Awadh was cleared and movement of caravans and merchants on this trade route became smooth without the fear of the ‘robbers.’ It appears that one of result the Balban’s military campaign in Kampil and Patiali was the opening of trade routes passing through this region. The rebellion at Katihar was mainly of agrarian nature, and, therefore, it was considered to be more dangerous. Consequently Balban ordered full military preparation before launching an attack on the rebels of Katihar. Not only that the ‘Central army’ was thrown into action it was further strengthened by the company of ‘5000 archers’. Since the rebels at Katihar had a wider social base, this campaign proved to be bloodiest of all the previous military exercises. The destruction of human life and property was unprecedented. However, Balban succeeded in smashing the rebellion. With the result that the emerging urban centres like Badaun, Amroha and Sambhal became safe from the attacks of the ‘natives’ of Katihar. The next target was the Salt-range (the Jud hills) and here too the Sultan’s army succeeded in its mission. Why this attack was launched it is difficult to ascertain. But Barani remarks that Balban ‘got so many horses that their price went down in the market and a horse could be purchased for 30 to 40 tankas’, suggests that this campaign aimed at procuring horses for maintaining or enhancing the strength of his cavalry. Whatever the heavy cost the rebels paid in terms of life and property Balban succeeded in establishing his rules in these troubled areas. This was certainly a big boost to his emerging monarchial despotism. Besides strengthening its position in political terms these successful military operation cleared the way for accumulation of finances by the state. The firm hold in these disturbed areas meant the smooth flow of land tax from the rural areas to the imperial

13 treasury and fillip to trade and commerce. Therefore pacification of these regions not only provided the Delhi Sultanate political stability but also put it on a better financial footing. Measures against the Mongols After the death of Chengiz Khan (1163-1227) the Mongols did not have a single united empire. In fact according to the will of Changiz Khan his vast empire was sliced amongst his sons and grandson. His descendants who ruled over Turkestan and Transoxiana were called Chaghtai. And those of the Halaku’s descendants who ruled over Persia were called Il Khans. The Mongols under Chaghtai rulers adopted an aggressive policy towards the Delhi Sultanate and since they had sufficient military strength their inroads posed a real threat. To meet the Mongol menace Balban shunned the policy of expansion and devoted his energies to consolidate his internal position. While dealing with the internal problems simultaneously he had to chalk out a suitable plan to frustrate the designs of the Mongols. To begin with Balban deputed his eldest son Prince Muhammad to take charge of the northwest frontier. He made Multan his headquarter. In other words the first line of defence was entrusted to Prince Muhammad. This arrangement was followed by putting Sunam, and Samana under the command of Bughra Khan, who happens to be the second son of Balban. Malik Barbek was also kept ready in Delhi. However, all these commanders had to operate jointly if the situation demanded so. Perhaps each of them was supplied 17,000 to 18,000 horsemen. Besides taking these steps Balban ordered building of new forts and repair of old forts. He established thanas (military posts) also. All these steps were quite meaningful. But still the vast border could not escape occasional inroads of the Mongols. Sealing off the entire border was a gigantic task. The military and financial resources at the disposal of the Delhi Sultanate were too inadequate to meet the requirement of the situation. However thanks to Balban’s measures a large part of his empire remained safe. But in the process he had to sacrifice his eldest son Prince Muhammad, who died in the battlefield while facing the sudden attack of the Mongols in 1285. This was a terrible blow and soon in 1286 Balban died. And by 1290 his dynasty also came to a sudden eclipse when Qaiqubad was done to death. Lastly it is to be observed that in spite of the fact that Balban could not ensure the continuity of his dynasty for a longer period yet his contribution to the consolidation of the Delhi Sultanate was significant and provided a firm political base to the continuation of despotic monarchy under the Khaljis and the Tughluqs.

1.3 The Khalji Rule (1290-1320)

Balban’s dynasty, after his death in 1286, stayed for a short period. Those who wanted to retain the house of Balban in power were no match ‘to the more powerful group led by Jalaluddin Khalji. He outmaneuvered his rivals. However, Jalaluddin Khalji preferred to keep Kaimurs, son of Kaiqubad, ‘on the throne for a little over three month’. Nonetheless after consolidating his position further he ascended the throne of Delhi Sultanate under the title of Jalaluddin Firuz Shah Khalji. The Khaljis ruled over the Delhi Sultanate for the next thirty year (1290- 1320). Jalaluddin Khalji (1290-1296) At the time of his accession Jalaluddin Khalji was seventy years of age. In his days of youth he earned the reputation of a valiant warrior. He had successfully fought the Mongol invaders on many occasions, but then old age had sapped much of his strength. Moreover, he inherited many problems. The first task before Jalaluddin Khalji was to consolidate his newly established rule. Particularly he paid proper attention to overcome the opposition led by a section of old nobles. He was not vindictive and followed a conciliatory policy towards them with a view to winning them over to his side. He succeeded in this effort but in the process the young nobles of his stock i.e. the Khaljis were disillusioned and this ultimately led to a crisis well exploited by his nephew, Ali Gurshasp (later on he is known as Alauddin Khalji). He was also Jalaluddin’s son-in-law. Subsequently he was made the governor of Awadh. After some time Ali Gurshasp conceived the bold plan of making a raid into the distant territory of Devagiri. He had heard about the wealth of Devagiri, the capital of the Yadava kingdom (modern Maharashtra), when undertook a campaign to Bhilsa (Vidisha). He eagerly longed to obtain its wealth for furthering his future political design. In fact, it was a well- designed scheme and Ali Gurshasp was prepared to take any risk for its implementation. Early in the counter of 1295 Ali Gurshasp (Alauddin) secretly moved out of Kara and marching via Chanderi, Bhilsa and Elichpur arrived at Devagiri. He defeated its ruler Rama Chandra Deva (1271-1310). Ali Gurshasp was able to obtain immense treasures from him. Laden with this wealth he was sure to consolidate his political position and to clear the way for capturing the throne of Delhi. After some time he returned to Kara. He persuaded his unsuspecting uncle, Jalaluddin Khalji, to visit him at Kara. This journey proved fatal to the reigning Sultan who never knew that assassins were waiting for him. He was murdered in broad day light. Ali Gurshasp ascended the throne of Delhi in 1296. Nowonwards he is known as Alauddin Khalji. Allauddin Khalji (1296-1316) Alauddin Khalji was the most outstanding Sultan of the Khalji dynasty. He was a great warrior and a versatile administrator.

In the military sphere Alauddin Khalji not only succeeded in repulsing the invasions of the Mongols but added vast territories to his empire. With his accession a new chapter of conquests was opened in the history of the Sultanate. 1.3.1 Military Achievements of the Khaljis Capture of Multan (1296) : No sooner had Alauddin Khalji ascended the throne he sent his two generals Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan to capture Multan where the two sons of the late Sultan, Arkali Khan and Ruknuddin Ibrahim, had established themselves. Ultimately they had to submit. Alauddin’s army succeeded in taking over Multan in 1296. Arkali Khan and Ruknuddin Ibrahim were captured and were blinded. Thus, Alauddin’s authority was firmly established in Multan. Nowonwards Alauddin Khalji was keen to expand the boundaries of his empire. He was a thorough expansionist but for the time being his ambitious designs could not be translated into practice at once as he came to know about the invasion of the Mongols in 1297. Mongol Invasion (1297-98) : Kadar Khan, a Mongol commander, was sent by Daud Khan-the ruler of Transoxiana, with 1,00,000 Mongols to conquer Multan, Sindh and the Punjab. The Sultan despatched Ulugh Khan and Zafar Khan to deal with the invader. Kadar Khan was defeated on 5 February 1298 at Jaran-Manjur on the bank of the river Sutlej. The Mongols suffered heavy losses and were pushed out of the country. Invasion of Gujarat (1299) : As the Mongols were driven out Alauddin Khalji immediately planned to attack the rich and prosperous kingdom of Gujarat. Its land was fertile and it was a great centre of trade and manufacture. Perhaps more for economic reasons Alauddin wanted to annex it to his empire. Early in 1299, he deputed Ulugh Khan and Nusrat Khan for the conquest of Gujarat placing a large force at their command. When the Khalji army arrived in Gujarat, its ruler Rai Karan Vaghela was taken by complete surprise. He was unprepared for meeting the challenge and was easily defeated. The Khalji army also succeeded in capturing his treasures and also his chief queen Kamla Devi. Besides, Nusrat Khan’s incursion into Cambay resulted in the capture of Kafur. Kamla Devi and Kafur were sent to Delhi. Most of the towns in Gujarat were sacked and plundered by the Khalji soldiers. With rich spoils of war, the victorious army returned to Delhi. The Kingdom of Gujarat was annexed to the Delhi Sultanate and Alp Khan was appointed to govern it. According to the contemporary historian, Ziauddin Barani,3 these early successes of Alauddin made him very proud and arrogant. He began to entertain fantastic scheme. He declared that he wanted to lay foundation of a new religion and also to conquer the whole world. But on the advice of Malik Alaul Mulk, an important noble of the state, and also the

3 Ziauddin Barani composed his famous work Traikh-i - Firuzshahi in 1357. It is one of the most importan sources of history of this period.

16 kotwal of Delhi the Sultan gave up his schemes. He now decided to concentrate his attention on conquering the remaining independent kingdoms within Indian territory and fighting the Mongols who used to invade the country now and then. Invasion of Qutlugh Khwaja (1299) : Towards the close of the year (1299, Qutlugh Khwaja, son of Dawa of Transoxiana, entered the country with 20 tumans4 (2,00,000) soldiers. The aim of Qutlugh Khwaja was to conquer Delhi with a view to dislodging the Khalji rule. He crossed the river Indus and his forces arrived near Delhi. The people in the capital and its environs became very panicky. They flocked into the streets, markets and mosques of Delhi. Such was the terror due to this invasion that Alaul Mulk Kotwal, one of the most trusted nobles of Alauddin, advised him to postpone the battle and retreat to a safer place. But the Sultan, Alauddin Khalji, was made of a stern stuff. He boldly accepted the challenge. Alauddin Khalji assembled his forces to face the Mongols with a view to offering them a determined fight. With this object in view Alauddin moved with his army from Siri to Kili where the Mongols were encamped. At Kili both armies faced each other, but none took initiative. Alauddin did not want to strike first. However, Zafar Khan had different ideas. He could not resist the temptation of attacking the Mongols. But in the process he was ambushed and killed. This was a terrible blow for the Khalji army but then the Mongols fled. Thus the determination of the Sultan had saved his empire. Conquest of Ranthambhor (1299-1300): For the time being the Mongol danger was over, which prompted Alauddin Khalji to embark upon the conquest of Rajputana. The emperor sent his two generals Ulugh Khan, governor of Bayana, and Nusrat Khan, governor of Awadh, to invade Ranthambhor. At that time Ranthambhor was ruled by the Chauhan Raja Hamir Deva, a direct descendant of the renowned Prithvi Raj. The Khalji generals converged on the kingdom, but Raja Hamir Deva was not to be cowed down. He spurned the offer of surrendering some royal refugees who had taken shelter with him and prepared to stand the siege. While the siege was on, Nusrat Khan was killed by a missile (sang-i-maghrabi) from the fort. The death of Nusrat Khan deprived the Khalji army of one of its most capable military leaders, and it was bound to have a demoralizing effect on the invading army. Alauddin Khalji, on receiving news of the sudden demise of Nusrat Khan, was convinced that without his presence the victory was not possible. Therefore, he decided to march from Delhi to Ranthambhor in person. During his absence from Delhi, his nephews revolted at Kara and Haji Maula rose in insurrection at Delhi. But Alauddin Khalji remained undisturbed and pressed on the siege of Ranthambhor with still greater vigour. At last Ranthambhor was captured in July 1301. Ulugh Khan was appointed as its governor, but he died after some time.

4 One tuman = 10,000 (ten thousand).

Conquest of Chitor (1303) : Success at Ranthambhor served as an additional spur to the territorial ambitions of Alauddin Khalji to undertake further conquests in Rajputana. In January 1303, the Sultan marched at the head of a large army for the conquest of Chitor. Amir Khusrau, historian and poet, who accompanied the Sultan in this expedition gives a detailed’account of the Chitor campaign. The fort was built on a rock and was deemed impregnable. Besides, the Rajputs were valiant warriors and were renowned for their chivalry throughout India. Chitor’s Rana Ratan Singh put up a heroic resistance for full eight months. In the end three women performed jauhar (Jivahar-self-immolation) and the brave Rajputs dashed out of the fort to fight to the bitter end. However, Prof. Banarasi Prasad Saxena is of the opinion that Ratan Singh surrendered and his life was spared. But Ratan Singh’s chiefs (maqaddams) and soldiers were not shown any mercy and three thousand of them were put to sword. After appointing his son, Khizr Khan, as the governor of Chitor, the Sultan returned to Delhi on hearing the news of the Mongol invasion led by Targhi.5 Invasion of Targhi (1303) On coming to know about the involvement of Alauddin in Rajputana the Mongols perhaps thought of attacking Delhi in his absence. Under Targhi an army of 30,000 to 40,000 horsemen was despatched. But to their surprise Alauddin was first to reach Delhi. On hearing about the plans of Mongols the situation in the capital again assumed a critical turn. Khalji army had not yet recouped from the losses it had suffered at Chitor. Besides, this time the Mongols were determined on capturing Delhi itself. They had marched straight to Delhi without disturbing the country through which they passed. But nothing could frighten Alauddin Khalji. He arrayed his forces in the plains of Siri and strengthened its defenses by digging trenches and constructing palisades, fence of strong pointed wooden stakes). The Mongols attacked the environs of the capital and even looted the royal granaries, but they could not pierce the defences set up by the Sultan. The patience of Targhi, who had come prepared only for a quick and open action, was exhausted in two month’s time, and he decided to order a retreat with a clear intention of reaching his country by forced marches. The invasion of Targhi opened the eyes of Alauddin as pointed out by Barani. He had learnt a lesson from this menacing Mongol invasion, and he now took definite measures to combat the Mongols effectively. Alauddin’s Security Measures (i) Alauddin Khalji shifted his head-quarters to the newly built city fort of Siri. (ii) Old forts were repaired, new forts were constructed. (iii) Experienced officers and well-equipped soldiers were appointed to garrison these forts.

5 These royal refugees were those soldiers who had rebelled at Jalor after the conquest of Gujarat in 1299, and had been provided shelter by Raja Hamir Deva of Ranthambhor.

(iv) The army too was reorganised and new enlistment were made. The strength of the standing army was raised to 4,75,000. (v) The soldiers were kept satisfied by fixing the prices of commodities in the market. Government granaries were kept well-stocked with foodstuffs throughout the year so that in times of war there could neither be fear of scarcity of provision nor of any rise in prices. Invasions of Ali Beg, Tartag, and Targhi (1305-06) : Targhi could not reconcile with his retreat. He therefore, marched into India once again in 1305. This time two other Mongol generals, Ali Beg and Tartaq, accompanied him. But the supreme commander of this campaign was Ali Beg. This invasion was in no way less formidable than that of 1299 and 1303. It seems that Targhi retreated after some time but Ali Beg and Tartaq, however, continued to advance. They bypassed Delhi and entered the Doab inflicting numerous cruelties. On hearing about the advances of the Mongols, Alauddin Khalji immediately deputed Malik Nayak. He was a Hindu officer of Alauddin Khalji and enjoyed his confidence. It is also to be noted that the governorship of Samana and Sunam was entrusted to Malik Nayak. With thirty thousand horsemen Malik Nayak swiftly moved into action and inflicted a crushing defeat on the Mongols near Amroha on 20 December, 1305. Invasions of Taibu Iqbal and Kabk (1306-07) : The following year (1306), the Mongols appeared again but now Alauddin was well prepared to meet their challenge. This time the Mongols were under the leadership of three generals: “One was Tai Bu, the other was Iqbal and the third was Kabk.” Each of them had a separate contingent under him. The Mongols attacked Sindh and the Punjab simultaneously and carried fire and sword wherever they went. Alauddin Khalji appointed Malik Izzuddin Kafur Sultani to deal with the invaders one by one. The Khalji commander routed the army of Kabk, who was taken into custody along with his numerous soldiers. Others fled into the desert of Sindh where the (Mongols) “with their fingers in their mouths” begged for water. Many of them were killed, many others were made prisoners and the rest were chased out of the country. The capture of Kabk and the complete rout of his army created panic in the camps of Iqbal and Kabk, who thought it wise to save their skin and swiftly returned to their country. However, it did not prove an easy task for them. Many of their soldiers were either killed or captured by the Khalji army. Some had the consolation of saving their life, but Kabk lost it shortly after he reached Delhi. With Kabk’s expedition the last spark of Mongol aggression died out. They dared not invade India again. The defeats of the Mongols encouraged Alauddin to take further steps. He initiated aggressive policy with a view to crushing the power of the Mongols further Ghazi Tughlaq, who had been appointed to guard the north-western frontier, could march every year into the Mongol territories. These repeated inroads of his struck terror in the heart of the Mongols. Thus the tables had been completely turned and for this the credit goes to Alauddin’s bold imaginative and realistic appreciation of the situation and the timely remedial measures taken by him. Consequently, the Mongol menace, which had made his predecessors tremble on the

19 throne, was put to an end. Alauddin’s bold measures (which will be discussed in length in the next lesson), including the maintenance of a formidable standing army, and above all, his firm resolve to arrest the Mongol encroachments relieved the Delhi Sultanate of a calamity that had been constantly haunting the minds both of the rulers and the peoples of India for many decades. Conquests of Malwa (1305) : Alauddin Khalji was truly a great conqueror. The recurring Mongol invasions did not deter him from launching a new scheme of conquests. Capitulation of Ranthambhor and Chitor had opened the eyes of the Rajput princes to the irresistibility of the Turkish arms. Many of them readily submitted to Alauddin, but others who did not submit before him were taken to task. One such defiant Rajput ruler was Rai Mahlak Deva of Malwa, who possessed 30,000 or 40,000 cavalry and a still larger infantry. Annoyed at his recalcitrance, the Sultan sent Malik Ainul Mulk Multani with a large force (10,000 horsemen) to conquer Malwa in 1305. Ainul Mulk entered Malwa carrying fire and sword. When his commander-in-chief, Koka Pradhan, was defeated, Mahlak Deva flew from Dhar to Mandu. Even Mandu was besieged. Mahlak Deva was killed and the kingdom was incorporated in the Sultanate. Ainul Mulk was appointed Malwa’s governor and he administered the country well. He was also able to capture Ujjain, Dhar and Chanderi. Conquest of Siwana and Jalor (1309) : In 1308, Malik Kafur was sent on an expedition to the south, while Sultan himself left with a large army to attack Siwana in Rajputana. Its ruler Sital Deva defended the fort stoutly but was defeated and killed in September 1309. His kingdom was placed under Malik Kamaluddin Gurg. In the same year the Chauhan Raja of Jalor, Kanher Deva who too had refused to submit to Alauddin was attacked. The Rajputs met the royalists in a number of engagements, but ultimately they were defeated. And Kanher Deva was killed in a close combat. Maldeva, a brother of Kanher, survived the massacre of Jalor. He secured the goods will of the Sultan and was appointed to govern Jalor. With the capitulation of almost all the leading states of Rajputana like Ranthambhor, Chitor, Siwana and Jalor the remaining states -like Bundi, Mandor, Tonk and Marwar were made to surrender to the Delhi Sultanate. Thus by the end of the first decade of the 14th century the whole of Rajputana lay at the feet of the Sultan of Delhi. Causes of the Failure of Rajput Rulers : Why the Rajput rulers suffered defeat against Alauddin? The reasons for their defeat are numerous and may be discussed as follows : Firstly, the Rajputs failed to build a strong centralized political structure. In the absence of a centralized administrative set up every unit was working without a definite aim with the result that administrative cohesiveness was completely lacking. On the other hand the Turks established a centralized machinery which was further perfected by rules like Balban and Alauddin.

Another reason of Rajput defeat was their excessive reliance on the forts. They were usually constructed on the tops of some hillocks as a measure of defence. But once the citadel was subjected to a siege, it was cut off from the plains, and provisions could not reach the fort the plains below. Sanitary conditions inside the forts were not satisfactory, more so during a siege, when these became over-crowded and epidemics often took a heavy toll of lives. Moreover, the Rajputs were steeped in their age long traditions of warfare. They had little contact with the Central Asian countries and were unacquainted with the change the Mongols had introduced in the art of war. The army of the Delhi Sultanate had learnt much from Mongol tactics of warfare, as it was continually poised against the latter. Besides, it possessed engines of war like Iradas (stone throwing machine) and also gargajes. It knew the art of constructing pashebs (an earthen mound built so high that it reaches the top a besieged fort for escalating the fort walls.) The Rajputs fought with elephants in open engagements. They failed to learn ambushes, camouflaging and feigning retreats, in which the Turks were adept. Lastly, the resources of the Rajput Rajas were limited. Their country was hilly and barren, both crops and water were scarce. How could the Rajput Rajas hope to win against the Sultans of Delhi? The Sultans of Delhi possessed the Punjab and Awadh-like Bengal and Gujarat these were the most fertile regions of the country, and could bank upon an unlimited supply of provisions and reinforcements.

Alauddin Khalji and the Deccan By 1307 the tide of Mongol aggression had been fully checked and almost the whole of Northern India had been conquered. These were great military achievements but Alauddin was still keen to expand his empire further. In 1295 Alauddin marched beyond Vindhayas and succeeded in defeating the ruler of Devagiri. His Short lived stay in the Deccan helped him to make the assessment of the situation prevailing in this new region, Alauddin was convinced that before the well-trained army of Delhi the Deccan rulers could not stand. The Deccan was ripe for invasion. Therefore after becoming the Sultan of Delhi Alauddin could not ignore the conquest of the Deccan. There were four prominent kingdoms in the Deccan at this time: 1) The Maratha kingdom of Devagiri, ruled by the Yadavas, lay to the south of the Vindhyas. 2) To its south-east was situated the kingdom of Telingana which was ruled by the Kakatiyas from their capital at Warangal. 3) To the south of Devagiri and South-west of Telingana was the kingdom of Dwarsamudra ruled by the Hoyasalas. 4) To the extreme south was situated the kingdom of the Pandyas known to Persian his torians as the country of Maa’bar.

All these kingdoms were known for their wealth. For Alauddin Khalji the Deccan provided the best prospects of obtaining both wealth and glory. Alauddin Khalji needed wealth to maintain his standing army and at the same time he was a thorough expansionist. Hence he could not resist the temptation of embarking upon a plan of conquest of the Deccan as soon as he found himself reassured that the security of his northern dominion was no longer exposed to any threat, internal or external. Expeditions of Devagiri (1308) : It may be recalled that even when Alauddin Khalji was a prince, “he had invaded Devagiri, and forced its ruler Rama Chandra to submit to him. For many years, Rama Chandra continued sending the yearly tribute but then taking advantage of the long distance between Delhi and Devagiri, he stopped it. Alauddin could hardly tolerate this, but immediately he was not in a position to retaliate. However, in 1308 he deputed Malik Kafur to march against Devagiri in order to realise the areas of tribute. Malik Kafur had been captured in the sack of Gujarat in 1299 and since then, had risen from one position of trust and responsibility to another position of greater responsibility. With 30,000 horses, Malik Kafur started for the Deccan. On the way, he was joined by the forces of Ainul Mulk Multani, governor of Malwa, and Alp Khan, governor of Gujarat. Plundering and ravaging the country-side, Malik Kafur arrived at Devagiri, Rama Chandra was hardly prepared for an invasion. However, he hurriedly collected his army but the battle that followed resulted in his defeat. He sued for peace and presented a large amount of treasure and a number of elephant to Kafur. When Malik Kafur returned to Delhi Rama Chandra accompanied him. The sultan received the Yadava ruler honorably and gave him the title of Rai Rayan. It was a great diplomatic move of Alauddin. Thus Rama Chandra was befriended and he later on helped Malik Kafur in the subjugation of the southern states. Campaign of Warangal (1309-10) : The success at Devagiri encouraged Alauddin to send Malik Kafur against the kingdom of Warangal. Alauddin instructed Malik Kafur to force Pratap Rudra Deva, the ruler of Warangal, to submit. The latter was permitted to retain his kingdom provided he gave up his treasures and accepted the suzerainty of Alauddin Khalji. In October, 1309 Malik Kafur, the supreme commander of the Khalji army in the Deccan, invaded Warangal. As Malik Kafur was already acquainted with the road the Deccan, he marched via Devagiri. Rama Chandra, the ruler of Devagiri, provided every facility to the Khalji army by establishing markets for their soldiers. He even reinforced the Delhi army with some of his Maratha troops. Helped by the guides of Rama Chandra, Malik Kafur reached Warangal without wasting any time. On his arrival at Warangal Malik Kafur laid siege to the fort. Partap Rudra Deva was taken unaware, but stood the siege as long as he could. When he found his task hopeless, he sued for peace. Malik Kafur, in accordance with the instruction of the Sultan, demanded from the Raja most of his treasures as well as promise of a yearly tribute. When these conditions were accepted by Pratap Rudra Deva the siege of the fort was raised by Malik Kafur. With the captured wealth, which perhaps included the famous diamond, koh-i-noor, he started back for Delhi, where Sultan Alauddin Khalji was overjoyed to receive him.

Expeditions of Dwarsamudra and Ma’abar (1310-11) : On his return from Warangal, Malik Kafur told Sultan Alauddin Khalji that he had learnt at Warangal that the kingdom of Ma’ abar possessed large number of elephants and immense wealth. He therefore, expressed a desire to lead an expedition into that far-off kingdom of the Southern India. Alauddin Khalji was no less keen to get us as much wealth from the Deccan as possible. He ordered Malik Kafur to lead an expedition into farther south which was reported to be a distance of about one year’s journey from Delhi. Malik Kafur started on his expedition in November, 1310. At Devagiri, Rama Chandra once again rendered all possible help to the Khalji army on its south-ward march. After crossing many difficult rivers and high hills, Malik Kafur reached the borders of Dwarsamudra. Luckily for him, the Hoyasala ruler, Vir Ballala III, at this time had gone farther south with his army on an expedition. On hearing of Malik Kafur’s arrival in his kingdom, he returned in haste. But he was so frightened at the turn of event that he gave up resistance after a few minor skirmishes. He made his submission. Vir Ballala III gave a good amount of his treasure to Malik Kafur and promised to send a yearly tribute. Malik Kafur asked Vir Ballala III to lead on the way towards Ma’abar. The Hoyasala, ruler had no option but to agree. From Dwarsamudra he Khalji army started in March 1311 towards Ma’abar. After five laborious marches, it reached the frontier of Ma’abar. Inci- dentally a war of succession was raging in Ma’ abar. Two Pandya princes were contesting for their ancestral throne. Sundar Pandya invited Malik Kafur to help him in defeating his brother, Vir Pandya. This gave Malik Kafur a welcome opportunity to fish in the troubled waters of Ma’ abar’s politics. He went from place to place in pursuit of Vir Pandya, destroying many ancient temples and collecting a large booty in gold weighing approximately 96,000 man (maunds) jewels. 20,000 horses and 612 elephants Malik Kafur arrived back in Delhi in October 1311. The Sultan had grand darbar to honour this valiant general and profusely rewarded his officers and soldiers. However, it is pointed out than in spite of obtaining enormous wealth from Ma’abar Malik Kafur failed to subdue it completely. Causes of Malik Kafur’s Success in the Deccan : The various invasions of Malik Kafur gave a big blow to the rulers of the Deccan peninsula. However, the causes of his success in the Deccan are not far to seek. Like the Rajput states of the north, the southern kingdoms were constantly fighting against one another. When Alauddin had marched into Devagiri in 1296, Rama Chandra’s son Sankara Deva, had gone towards the Hoyasala country with his forces. When Kafur marched against the Hoyasala country, its king Vir Ballala III was absent in farther south trying to snatch a portion of the Pandya country, and the two Pandya brothers were constantly fighting with each other. Not only that, in place of uniting and helping one another in face of a common foreign foe, they used to assist the invaders against their neigh- bors.Thus Rama Chandra helped Malik Kafur in the conquest of Telingana and Dwarsamudra and Vir Ballala escorted the imperial army farther south to Ma’ abar. Sundar Pandya even sought Malik Kafur’s help against his own brother. What better conditions he could obtain for.the Turkish arms in the South? The defeat of the southern princes was not due wholly to their disunity. The army of Alauddin on account of his various reforms was efficient, well-equipped and well-organized.

In discipline, strategy and tactics, the Khalji army was far superior to those of the southern armies under various rulers of the South. The intelligence services of the south Indian rulers seem to have been out of gear, and this is proved by the fact that to each state, the invasion of Malik Kafur came as a surprise. After achieving stupendous military successes Alauddin Khalji was not destined to enjoy the fruits of his victory for more than a decade. He expired in the night of 4 January 1316. Qutubuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-20) : After some difficulty Alauddin’s son Qutbuddin succeeded him under the title of Mubarak Shah Khalji. Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji was hardly a match to his father, Alauddin. Many of Alauddin’s administrative measures fell into disuse, but somehow Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji was able to retain the territories which he inherited from his father. When in 1316 Gujarat revolted, Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah Khalji deputed Ainul-Mulk Multani to deal with the rebels. Ainul Mulk marched to Gujarat. He quelled the rebellion and brought the countryside under control. In 1318 Harpal Deva, son-in-law of Rama Chandra of Devagiri, unfurled the standard of revolt. Qutbuddin Mubarak Shah marched to Devagiri in person. He defeated and killed Harpal Deva. Leaving his favorite Khusrau Khan in the Deccan, he himself returned to Delhi. After a short stay in the Deccan, Khusrau Khan returned to Delhi. His ambitions soared high and the intrigued against the Sultan. Ultimately Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji was killed in 1320. Thus the rule of the Khalji dynasty came to an end. Conclusion : Of all the monarchs of the Khalji dynasty Alauddin was the most able ruler. During his reign of twenty years he had conquered almost the whole of India, both north and the south. His empire extended from the river Indus in the west to the borders of Bengal in the east. Gujarat and Rajputana were also under his control. In the Deccan, all the leading rulers were his vassals. Such an extensive empire was neither held by his predecessors nor even by his successors during the Sultanate period. And what is more remarkable is that Alauddin Khalji had initiated the process of expansion at a time when the Mongols were constantly invading the territories of the Delhi Sultanate. Indeed the conquests of Alauddin Khalji are unique in the annals of Medieval Indian history. 1.3.2 Reforms of Alauddin Khalji In the preceding section we had discussed the brilliant military achievements of Alauddin Khalji, the most outstanding military leader of the Sultanat period, who not only built up an extensive empire but also successfully repelled the Mongol attacks. In the field of administration too his accomplishments were of the high order. From the inception of the Turkish rule in India upto the time of Jalaluddin Khalji, most of the Sultans of Delhi were mainly preoccupied with conquests only, or to defend whatever they had acquired from their predecessors. Alauddin Khalji not only carried the expansionist policy of the earlier Sultans to its logical culmination, but at the same time initiated concrete steps to gear up

24 administrative machinery, to reoganize army and to evolve a new economic policy. It was left to Alauddin Khalji to overhaul the administrative machinery and introduce steps of far- reaching consequence in the land revenue system. Equally important were his market regulations.

Alauddin’s Approach towards Administration Alauddin Khalji’s approach towards the business of the state was not guided by religious law. In the formulation of his policies he took into account the mundane considerations. He kept the sufis and the ulama at a distance, and never allowed them to meddle in politics. His attitude may be best summed up in his own words: “I know not whether my laws are sanctioned by our faith (i.e. Islam) or not, but whatever I conceive to be for the good of the state, that I decree.” In this way he struck a new note in the conception of medieval kingship. Under him the temporal power eclipsed the ecclesiastical. He emphatically warned the orthodox Muslim Ulama (religious scholars) that the business of the Sultan was to administer the state, and in this sphere he was absolutely free to act according to his own judgement irrespective of their opinion or advice. Only in matters related with the personal laws of the Muslim community the position of the Qazis and Muftis was more or less left untouched. However, this was not his theoretical position, he meant what he said. Alauddin Khalji possessed the required iron will to enforce his command. He made the clergy to submit to his wishes and refused to tolerate any interference from the side of religious leaders in matters of administration. Suppression of the Nobility The nobility posed more often a problem to the Sultans of Delhi. The nobles mainly consisted of Turks, Pathans, few of them were Indian. During the early Turkish period many of them started their careers as slaves and achieved great eminence and some even had ascended the throne because of their personal merit. (Can you cite some examples?) Theoretically there was no limit to the acquisition of the highest position by a nobleman or a slave. Consequently throughout the Turkish period of medieval Indian history a struggle for the possession of actual power was a recurring phenomenon. Under strong Sultans the nobles usually served loyally. However at an opportunate moment they did not hesitate to raise the banner of revolt, but under the weak kings they became a real threat to the very existence of the Sultanat of Delhi. Alauddin Khalji was aware of the dangers of powerful nobility. The various revolts of nobles like Ikat Khan, Umar Khan and Mangu Khan and the episode of Haji Maula at Delhi, had alarmed the Sultan. He thought over this problem, and finally came to the conclusion according to Barani, that there were four chief reasons behind these revolts : • the ignorance of the Sultan regarding the acts of the Subjects. • the drinking parties of the nobles. • sense of unity amongst the nobles. • wealth of the people.

Therefore, after his return from Ranthambhor in 1301, Alauddin Khalji issued certain regulations which struck at the power of the nobles. The nobles were ordered to refrain from visiting one another or holding drink-parties. They were prohibited from contracting marriages without the permission of the Sultan. On the death of a noble, his property lapsed to the crown. All these regulations were rigidly enforced. Noncompliance was sternly punished. An efficient system of intelligence and espionage was established. All the activities of the nobles were kept under close and strict surveillances, this scared the nobles. They began to behave most cautiously and carefully. According the contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani because of the fear of the spies, the Amirs and Maliks dared not speak aloud with each other in the their private lodges, and expressed themselves only through gestures. Further the nobles were asked to handover their jagirs. Whether all of them or some of them were deprived of their jagirs is a matter of dispute among the scholars but certainly they had to undergo a tough time so long Alauddin Khalji lived. All these measures affected the power, pocket and position of the nobility to a large extent. The suppression of the clergy and the nobility facilitated the Sultan’s work of administration in which he occupied the key position. However Prof. Satish Chandra is of the view that by suppressing the nobility Alauddin Khalji destroyed the very basis of support to his dynasty. With a view tip asserting his authority he inflicted severe punishments as deterrent to crimes. Police administration was streamlined. Fiscal and Revenue Reforms Alauddin Khalji was the first sovereign of the Delhi Sultanat who took a keen interest in fiscal and revenue administration. His predecessors, from Qutbuddin Aibek to Jalalauddin Khalji, did not possess the initiative to devote their attention to these complicated problems of administration. The first major step which Alaudin Khalji took was connected with land question, which occupied a pivotal position in the medieval economy. It was impossible to run the stupendous state machinery without properly tackling this vital economic question. Generally it is believed that Alauddin Khalji began by reclaiming as much land as possible. He ordered that all estates held as milk (proprietary) inam (reward or remuneration) and waqf (endowment) were to be turned into the khalisa or crown lands and their management was taken over by the government. Contrary to this view Prof. Banarsi Prasad Saksena opines: “No one was plundered on account of his wealth. At his accession Alauddin had not only confirmed but increased charitable endowments and state grants of all types. Now he issued an order cancelling them.” Wherever there was a village held by state-grant (milk), state-gift (inam) or charitable endowment (waqf), it was by a stroke of the pen to be brought back (bazarand) into the Khalisa” Nothing was taken into the Khalisa, which did not originally belong to it.”

It is also to be understood that Alauddin Khalji strictly supervised the working of the representatives i.e. khuts, muquddams and chaudharis. They were no more allowed to act according to their whims in the rural areas under their jurisdiction. Contrary to earlier practice of not paying any tax ‘from their own lands’ and their refusal to ‘come to the revenue office’ the representatives were not onward forced to behave obediently. And no difference was permitted in the payment of taxes. In this regard they were treated as ordinary peasants. They were also prevented from shifting their economic burden to the common peasanty. By another ordinance Alauddin Khalji fixed the governments’s share of the produce of the land and laid down the method of assessment. He was the first Sultan of medieval India who fixed the revenue on the basis the actual measurement of land. The unit of measurement was the biswah which is known and used even to this day. Under the system all cultivable land was brought under assessment at the uniform rate of fifty per cent. The demand of 50% on the gross produce was undoubtedly a very harsh imposition. But it was done to meet the financial requirements of a strong and expanding state structure including its enlarged military apparatus.

Besides the land tax, Alauddin Khalji also levied a house-tax (ghari) and a grazing-taxs (chari). All milk-yielding animals like cows, buffaloes and goats that went for grazing were to be taxed. Jizya (‘Properly “Jiziya” poll tax levied on non-Muslims or “Zimmis”) was also a source of income. However, it was not taken from those who paid Kharaj or land tax. Women, children and the insance were exempted from it. Another tax was Khums. This word means ‘one-fifth’ and was the share of the state in the loot of war. Alauddin however, collected from his soldiers 4/5 th of the loot seized in a military campaign. Another tax was zakat which was levied in the shape of import duties. All these taxes combined, left the people very little money over and above that was necessary for bare livelihood. But the fixation or revence on the basis of measurement as well as the new regulations pertaining to the jagirs were bold measures which strengthened the position of Sultan in tackling the problems of administration more effectively. Revenue Officials The credit of the success with which the orders of the Sultan pertaining to revenue matters were enforced and the revenue realized goes to the naib wazir, i.e. deputy prime minister, Sharaf Qaini. He was successful in introducing the system of measurement in the regions around Delhi, the Doab, Rohilkhand, the Punjab with exception of Multan and parts of Malwa and Rajputana. Obviously assessment on the basis of measurement could not be effected throughout the empire. In Awadh or Bihar and Gujarat the new revenue regulations regarding measurement and produce per biswa were not introduced. Nevertheless, all that had been accomplished was a great achievement. A large number of officials were appointed to carry on the revenue administration. There were : accountants (mutasarrifs) demanders of tributes (muhassils), clerks (nawisandas) etc. The patwaris kept land-records of the village. : amils (revenue collectors) collected the revenue and karkuns helped the amil in his duties. But as the revenue system now introduced

27 by Alauddin was new, and the machinery for assessment and collection still underdeveloped, large arrears of revenue were bound to remain unrealized. Moreover the lower grade revenue staff, whose number had very much increased with the increase in the area of the khalisa (crown lands), were corrupt and often resorted to extortion and coercion. Alauddin was determined to set them right. Sharaf Qaini, the naib wazir, took steps to enquire into the arrears which stood in the name of amis or revenue collectors, and to punish them if the arrears were not paid by them in full. To meet the other evils he fixed salaries for the revenue staff so that they may not resort to corruption and extort money from the poor peasants. Sharaf Qaini, the naib wazir, freely punished the amils and karkun for neglect of duty. Corrupt officials were severely dealth with. Falsification of accounts or resort to bribery, which were common practices, were severely checked. The punishments seem to have been severe, for thousands of clerks and revenue collectors were removed from service or had to suffer imprisonment. Service in the revenue department thereby seems to have got a bad name, and Barani says that nobody would give his daughter in marriage to a revenue official. In many ways the tone of administration was improved and corruption was arrested. Barani thus remarks : “It was impossible for any one to obtain even a tanka dishonestly or take anything in bribe from the Hindus or the Muslmans”. Market Regulations Alauddin khalji did not confine his activities to the land revenue sphere only. Being realist he devoted himself to frame the market regulations with the purpose of regularizing the prices of various commodities. Military considerations forced him to take bold steps in this direction. Alauddin had to repel a number of Mongol invasions as well as to conquer many independent kingdoms. For this he needed a large army. It is said that the standing army totalled about five lakhs. Through a number of reforms like direct recruitment, branding of horses, and periodical inspections and review, the Sultan had made his army very efficient. But this huge army had to be kept satisfied if the Sultan desired success in his schemes of conquest and of defence. He could not pay as high a salary to his soldiers as the situation demanded. In any case it could not be tagged to the price rise. Had he done it, that would have drained his treasury. Therefore he offered a rational solution to make the soldiery contented with the salary to be paid by the central treasury.

Aluddin Khalji fixed a soldier’s salary at 234 tankas a year. This salary was not much, but the soldiers had to be kept contented. To realise this end, the Sultan hit upon the plan of fixing prices of almost all the essential commodities in the market of Delhi so that every soldier could live well within his fixed salary. Incidentally, the people of Delhi also gained by this measure though it was primarily intended for the benefit of the soldier. Price Fixation : As you know the prime necessity of man is food. People are happy if food can be had without costing them much. Alauddin Khalji who had to keep a large army contented, felt it necessary that the price of foodgrains must be regulated and kept at a reasonable level.

Alauddin Khalji began by regulating the price of foodgrains and fixed it at a reasonable level. However, it should be kept in mind that man (maund) of Alauddin Khalji’s period would be, according to Irfan Habib, equivalent to ‘12.235 present-day sirs’. Coming to Alai tanka, we are told by Prof. Banarsi Prasad Saksena, it was “equal in weight but higher in silver content than the rupee of the British Indian empire.” Jital was a small copper coin. The contemporary historians of the Sultanat period point one very important fact the prices of essential commodities in Delhi remained fixed whether it was a period or of plenty or of scarcity. “So long as Alauddin lived, monsoon no monsoon, there was not the slightest rise in these prices. The regulation of prices in the grain market was a wonder of the age.” -Barani Prices 1. Barely 4 Jitals 1 man 2. Gram 4 Jitals 1 man 3. Rice 5 Jitals 1 man 4. Pulse 5 Jitals 1 man 5. Wheat 7.5 Jitals 1 man According to Prof. Satish Chandra “a citizen of Delhi could buy for a tanka (almost equivalent to a silver rupees) 96 kilos of wheat, 144 Kilos of rice, and 180 kilos of barley”. Supply of Foodgrains Assured : after the regulations of price control were brought into operation, grain was sold in the market at the fixed rates only. In the grain market, there were two types of merchants, viz., those who had permanent shops in Delhi, and the travelling merchants who brought grain into the city and sold it to the shopkeepers as well as to the people. The enforcement of the market regulations and the fixing of the prices of grains at low rates discouraged the travelling merchants from coming to the city. But Malik Qubul, the Superintendent of the Grain Market, forced the leaders of the travelling merchants to take up residence in Delhi and compelled them to bring grain regularly to the market. To obviate the difficulties of these travelling merchants in obtaining grain at a reasonable price- Alauddin issued orders to the officials and collectors in the Doab to obtain as much grain as possible from the cultivators as soon as the crop was ready for harvest at a fixed rate, leaving to them (i.e. the peasants) only that much which was essential for their bare needs. Consequently, all available grain flowed into the market which remained well-stocked. The system no doubt did impose some hardships on the merchants and traders. But keeping in view the compulsion of the market system as deviced by Alauddin it was unavoidable. In times of drought there was danger of this supply being cut off or reduced. As a guard against the uncertainty of nature, the Sultan established government stores. There were godowns where grain was stored in reserve to be released in times of emergency. When the country suffered from a drought grain was rationed and it could not be sold freely. In abnormal times each household was given half a man (i.e. 6.175 seers) of grain per day which was sufficient for a normal family.

At least in Delhi people lived a life of contentment, undisturbed by any fear of scarcity. The system of rationing was a novel idea of Alauddin Khalji and does credit to his administrative imagination and skill. Cloth-Trade Regulated : next to food, the other important item brought under price control was cloth. Barani gives a long list of different varieties of silk and cotton fabrics, the prices of which were fixed by Alauddin Khalji. From the list appears that in medieval times Delhi Sultanat, cloth was not so cheap as grain. Price of silk was even higher. The control of prices of cloth confronted the government with almost the same problem which it had to face when it controlled the prices of the food grains. The merchants, who came from far-off places like Multan and Devagiri were reluctant to sell their goods in Delhi, since they could not make much profit. To induce the cloth merchants not to abondon transaction business in the capital, Alauddin advanced to them large sums of money and provided them even with residential accommodation. There was yet another problem for the Sultan to tackle. People used to buy costly merchandise, especially silk cloth, at Delhi and sell it at a higher price outside the city. To put a stop to this type of black-marketing, the Sultan ordered that permits should be issued only to bonafide purchasers like high class nobles. All the purchasers of such like merchandise were required to give a written receipt for the articles thus bought by them. In this way any possibility of profiteering was eliminated. Rules were also framed to regulate the sale of horses, cattle and slaves, their prices were also fixed. Broker or dalals who tried to make undue profits were severely punished. In short, prices for almost all the essential commodities needed by the inhabitants of Delhi whether civilian or military were fixed. What is more interesting is that the government even fixed prices of such articles of daily use as shoes, combs, needles, etc. Market Officials : Such an elaborate system of market control under which prices of a large number of articles of common use were fixed, the merchants registered, and profiting and speculation strictly forbidden, could not be worked without a large and efficient staff. Two trustworthy nobles Malik Qubul and Malik Yaqub, were appointed in charge of the Grain and Cloth Markets respectively. They were designated as shuhnas (superintendents of controllers). Besides them a number of barids (intelligence officers) and munhis (spies) were appointed. Individually and separately they used to send reports about happening in the markets to the Sultan, who used to compare these reports. And if there was any discrepany in the reports and inquiry was ordered and the culprits punished. Even as high an officer as Malik Qubul was once punished for suggesting the rising of the price of wheat in a time of scarcity. Naturally, all the officials were terribly afraid of the Sultans wrath and most of them tried to work honestly. With a view to keeping the shopkeepers on the right track Alauddin used to send small boys to the market with a few copper coins and when they returned with their articles, he got these weighed. If any shopkeeper was found to have weighed less he was severely punished. Such was the fear of the Sultan’s reprisals that sometimes the shopkeepers gave to their customers even more than the actual weight. Whipping and other punishments were very commonly used for the enforcement of these market regulations. Review of price control Policy Some scholars of medieval Indian history (like Dr. P. Saran) criticize Alauddin Khalji’s price-control policy on account of its adverse effects on the traders and merchants. While not

30 denying the fact that the traders and merchants were subjected to strict regulations and at time were harshly treated too. It will be wrong to think that they were denied any incentive to carry on their business. At no time Alauddin thought of getting rid of the merchants and traders. Rather huge amount of money was advanced to them to make purchases. However, Alauddin Khalji was not prepared to allow them a free hand to indulge in hoarding or to a mass profits at the cost of his price scheme. Moderate profits and incentives were not denied to them but they had to operate within limits laid down by Alauddin. Unlike the price system of the modern age, his government’s scheme was a success. In regard to the peasants, the tyranny of the intermediaries was curbed and better law and order conditions prevailed for them. But their economic condition could not improve as land revenue was raised to 50%. It must, however be remembered that the welfare of the people was not the motive of Alauddin-Khalji’s economic policy. To him the prime necessity was the maintenance of large army, which was raised to repel Mongol invasions, to suppress nobility and the defiant chiefs of India and to capture new territories. Alauddin succeed in accomplishing these objectives. It can also not to be denied that the benefits of market regulations certainly provided-welcome relief to the bulk of the people of Delhi whether civilian or military. It is also to be kept in mind as remarked by Irfan Habib : “...... the entire basis of the new taxation was the consumption of a large part of the agricultural surplus in the towns. In turn, as Barani logically explains, the new system of taxation enabled ‘Alauddin Khalji to lower prices in Delhi and presumably, in the neighbouring cities.” Conclusion The reign of Alauddin Khalji rightly occupies an important place in the history of medieval India. Alauddin was indeed an administrator of a very high calibre and many of the rulers who succeeded him have benefited from his wisdom and experiments. The Afghan ruler Sher Shah Suri adopted Alauddin system of measurement of land for assessment. This great Afghan ruler also resorted to the principle of direct recruitment of soldiers who at other time were enrolled by provincial governors and sent for imperial service when required. Branding of horses and cash payment to the soldiers (and not giving land in lieu of pay) were two other reforms of Alauddin which were also adopted by Sher Shah. Even otherwise, the reforms of Alauddin were unique. Price control, rationing, establishment of government grains-stores, the system of permits etc., were indeed novel and original innovations in medieval India. Alauddin’s marked regulations ended with his death. His son and successor Qutbuddin Mubarak Khalji did not possess his father’s ability nor did he have the inclination to enforce these regulation with same strictness. Moreover, the Mongol storm had by them subsided and perhaps he thought there was no longer any need for continuing these strict administrative measures.

1.4 The Tughluq Dynasty

Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq (1320-24) The founder of the dynasty was Ghazi Malik who assumed the title of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq Shah in 1320. The death of Alauddin Khalji had plunged the Delhi Sultanat into confusion. Ghazi Malik who has previously held the office of the Warden of Marches6 skilfully exploited the chaotic political situation and succeeded to be the new ruler of the Delhi Sultanate. The origin of Ghazi Malik is a subject of controversy among the historians. Amir Khusrau, a literary genius and a historian of the contemporary medieval period, in his work Tughluq Nama mentions that Ghazi Malik joined the imperial guard in the reign of Jalaluddin Khalji. The next ruler of the Khalji dynasty, Alauddin Khalji recognized the merits of Ghazi Malik and he was elevated to the key post of the Warden of Marches. When Khusrau Khan captured the throne after killing Mubarak Shah Khalji (1316-20), Fakhruddin Jauna Khan (later Mohammad bin Tughluq) was appointed by the new Sultan to the post of amir-i-akhur (master of the stables) but Jauna Khan secretly planned to overthrow Khusrau Khan and communicated all that was happening at Delhi to his father Ghazi Malik, who was stationed on the western frontier at Dipalpur. Ghazi Malik secretly advised his son to avoid confrontation with Khusrau Khan. After a short time, along with some of his companions, he succeeded in running way from the capital and joined his father. Soon after the father and son were together. Ghazi Malik began to make preparations to overthrow Khusarau Khan. He invited all the leading nobles to come to his assistance. Many of them responded to his appeal and joined him with their forces. There were, however, among them some nobles who adopted an attitude of neutrality on the ground that they must pay homage to any person who happened to be in possession of the throne of Delhi. Ain-ul-Mulk Multani was the most prominent among such nobles. Another was Malik Lakhi of Samana. Ghazi Malik, however, proceeded towards Delhi. After a hardfought battle he gained victory over Khusrau Khan, who was captured and put to death. Khusrau Khan behaved like a brave warrior in the presence of his captor, the victorious Ghazi Malik, asking him to be treated as his royal position deserved. His manly behaviour shows clearly that Khusrau Khan was not a coward. He died with grace. The Administrative Measures of Ghiyasuddin Tughluq Ghazi Malik ascended the throne by the common consent and approval of the nobles, who had helped him to victory against Khusrau Khan. But he had a crop of problems to face. During the later part of Alauddin’s reign and that of his successors the prestige of Delhi sultanate suffered a lot. This encouraged the various Rajas and chieftains who had begun to assert their independence. The second problem faced by the new sultan was that of restoring the financial stability of the empire. Though much was done in the reign of Alauddin Khalji

6 Warden of Marches : officir responsible for guarding the North-Western region of the Delhi Sultanate.

32 to contain the Mongols there was some possibility of their invasion as the political situation was deteriorating. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq restored security and stability in the empire by reconciling even those noble warriors who had supported the cause of Khusrau Khan. But those who persisted in their hostility were severely dealt with. Their lands were confiscated and they were deprived of their posts. The Sultan did not spare even those to whom Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya has distributed five lakh of tankas which he had received from Khusrau Khan. He asked Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia to return the money, and on his refusing to comply. Ghazi Malik ran into a rage. The strained relations thus developed between the two men continued for long and have given rise to much speculations as regards the hand of Shaikh Nizamuddin Aulia hastening the end of the Sultan. When the Sultan was unable to compel him to disgorge the money he had received he forced all other who had been similarly benefitted to surrender their shares to the State treasury.

Because of the chaotic conditions, which developed during the last days of Mubarak Khalji, the revenue system of the Delhi Sultanate was seriously affectd. Without adopting a realistic approach it was difficult to gear up the revenue system. In the absence of adequate realization of the land revenue, which was the key sources of income to maintain the state structure, nothing concrete could be achieved. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq followed the policy of encouraging agriculture and ‘protecting’ the cultivators. He ordered that the land revenue should not be enhanced beyond one-tenth and one-eleventh in a year. His instructions were that the enhancement should be gradual and should be spread over a number of years. Further, Ghiyasuddin abandoned the Alai system of assessment by measurement and yield per biswa and resorted to the old method of batai (sharing). Regarding the share of the state in the produce there is a lot of confusion among the historians. However Prof. Banarsi Prasad Saksena opines : “In all probability he reduced its incidence to some figure lower than that fixed by Alauddin and it may safely be presumed that this rule must have been the traditional one-fifth of the produce.” Ghiyasuddin Tughluq paid special attention to the problems of cultivation and cultivator. The officers were instructed to see the increase in cultivation ‘from year to year.’ At the same time he warned them not to increase tax or to harass the peasantry. Nonetheless Ghiyasuddin Tughluq once again gave due status to the village headman, and he ordered the restoration of their perquisites, he exempted their cultivation and pasturage from assessment. Still he was careful to see that they did not become too affluent, thus to cause rebellion. He also caused lands lying uncultivated to be brought under the plough in order to increase the state income. To encourage and promote agriculture Ghiyasuddin Tughluq is said to have constructed canals for irrigation and planted a number of gardens-an example which was followed with much greater energy and vigour by his nephew, Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq. To promote the country’s economy, Ghiyasuddin Tughluq improved old roads, constructed new ones and organised an efficient postal (dak) system. Dak was carried either by foot runners or on horses. These carriers easily covered a hundred miles in 12 hours. It

33 may also be mentioned that in order to improve the general administration, Ghiyasuddin Tughluq tried to make criminal law milder and improved the working of the judiciary. Among other administrative measures mention may be made of his efforts to suppress brigandage and lawlessness which stalked the land consequent upon the political chaos during the reign of Allaudin’s successors. Public works such as construction of forts and frontier outposts, were undertaken to help maintain internal peace and defence of the frontiers. The Sultan also forbade the manufacture and sale of liquor. Defence of the north-western frontiers : the problem of defence of the north-western frontier became urgent on account of the invasion of Delhi by the Mongol hordes. But the veteran sultan had no difficulty in defeating them and they had to sacrifice two of their great leaders who were made captives. It was at this time that the sultan built his massive fort of Tughluqabad ruled only for four years and during this brief span what he accomplished by way of securing peace and stability and promoting the economic conditions, speaks much for his vigour, practical sense and administrative ability, he met his death in a tragic manner as is well known. His son, Jauna Khan (also known as Ulugh Khan) had caused a wooden pavilion to be erected for the Sultan’s reception when he returned after settling the affairs of Bengal. As the Sultan and his younger son were dining, the pavilions collapsed and both the father and the son were killed under the debris. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq was a realist, who neither desired nor perhaps had the faculty of formulating ingenious schemes and unprecedented projects. Nevertheless, he showed great vigour and keenness in recovering the lost territories of the Decane and also in suppressing the rebellious governors of the provinces like those of Bengal and Warrangal. He himself undertook an expedition in 1324 against the governor of Bengal who had declared himself independent and compelled him to offer his submission. Against Warrangal he sent his son Jauna Khan, who proceeded via Devagiri on the mission in 1321, It is stated by contemporary writers including Ibn battuta that while at Warrangal, Jauna Khan attempted rebellion against his father. But finding that his cause was not supported by the majority of the army and also that the matter has been reported to the Sultan, he immediately returned to the capital in order to pacify and conciliate his father. The sultan did not take serious notice of his son’s disloyalty and sent him back again to Warrangal to complete the conquest of that kingdom in 1323. On his way, Jauna Khan captured Vidharba and marching forward laid siege to the fort of Warrangal. The garrison put up a strong resistance but could not hold out long enough and had to give way eventually. The fort was captured and the Kakatiya ruler, Partap rudra Deva with his family as well as all the treasures of the palace is said to have fallen into the hands of the victor. Telingana was annexed and for the first time brought under direct central rule. It was divided into ‘several administrative units’.

However, Jauna Khan “retained the old Hindu officers at their posts and accorded generous treatment to some of the former ministers.” The Tughluqs thus pursued an annexationist policy in Deccan. Ghiyasuddin’s policy was directed towards reducing to submission those states which had renounced their allegiance to Delhi during the reign of his predecessor. But he did not rest contented merely by the

34 reconquest of these territories. He wanted to annex them as well as to bring them under the direct rule of Delhi. Khalijis on the other hand earlier pursued a quite different policy. Alauddin wanted to annex and rule directly the territories of northern India. But he rightly realised that it was impossible in those days to establish his direct rule in the remote and also extensive region of the Deccan. He only desired to compel the rulers of Southern India to acknowledge his supremacy and to send him annual tributes. Muhammad bin Tughlaq (1324-1351) After the sudden death of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughluq Juana Khan ascended the throne with Muhammad bin Tughluq is known for his unique personality all in the entire period of Indian History. Indeed it would be difficult to find a man like him among the other rulers of any period. He had a stupendous memory, a keen intellect and in-stable thirst for knowledge. For his range and depth of learning, Muhammad bin Tughluq was looked upon even by his contemporaries who were not at all sympathetic to him, as an intellectual gian. He was a profound scholar of Mathematics, Astronomy, History, Geography and the Science of Medicines. In the knowledge of the Islamic Law and its various branches, he was unparalleled amongst his contemporaries. He was also a poet and a writer as well as a superb orator. Although he was very particular about the performance of his daily religious duties, but so far as his state policy was concerned he did not like to bind himself by the narrow injunctions and teachings of the conservative preachers of Islam. He was accentuated by a strong urge of social reform and wanted to stop sati and other evil customs and practices of Hindus and the Muslims. In his administrative policy Muhammad Tughluq did what he thought best without ever caring for the religious leaders of Islam. He treated his subjects equally irrespective of their creed or faith. In making the appointments he took into consideration merit of the person and not his caste or creed. He appointed a Hindu as the governor of the province of Sindh. His behaviour as a free thinker and a philosopher naturally antagonised and offended the conservative Muslim divines. Ziauddin Barani is also critical of his liberal attitude. But Muhammad Tughluq greatness as an intellectual and as a liberal-minded person could not help him to check the emergence of the forces pf decline.

Muhammad bin Tughluq failed because in the first place he could not patch up with the orthodox ulama (religious scholars) and the professional sufis. Rather he treated them harshly which placed them in the hostile camp. Secondly, while making use of his powerful intellect and imagination he devised certain new and original schemes to be enforced in the empire, but he failed to realise that the common people were not capable of properly appreciating the value of those schemes. Thirdly, in spite of his efforts he failed to collect around him a team of bureaucrats who could consistently stand by his side. Higher or lower ranks of bureaucracy failed him again and again. Lastly, he was so impatient with tardiness of the officials who failed to comprehend his extraordinary measures and to cooperate with him in implementing them, he would often run into rage and ruthlessly, punish them.

Thus while Muhummad bin Tugluq possessed most extraordinary intellectual powers and an original mind and a burning desire to introduce new measures in the administration, he lacked realism and vision of a realist and statesman. Therefore, Muhammad bin Tughluq failed to gauge the capacities of the persons around him and his schemes and projects went over their head. The First Phase of Muhammad bin Tughluq’s Reign (1324-42) During 1324 and 1342 Muhammad bin Tughluq started vigorously. And from the very start he tried to improve upon the revenue system of his father. He caused the entire cultivable land to be properly surveyed and its produce to be estimated. For this purpose, he established a large and elaborate department known as diwan-i-kohi and with its help, he fixed the revenue of each province and made its governor responsible for its collection. But at this time he had to divert his attention from administrative activities. His nephew Gurshasp became a rebel and raised on army. If Ibn Battuta is to be believed Muhammad bin Tughluq not only captured and killed Gurshasp but had him flayed alive and ordered his flesh to be cooked and then distributed amongst his relatives. This, however, seems to be a bazar gossip. It is difficult to believe it. Muhammad bin Tughluq then fell upon the Raja of Kampil who had given shelter to Gurshasp. The Raja fought bravely and died like a warrior. The projects of Muhammad bin Tuglaq Transfer of the Capital or Establishment of Second Capital : In 1327, Muhammad bin Tughluq worked out a scheme of “transferring” the capital from Delhi to Devagiri in the Decan, 800 miles away. It may be noted that the fury and frequency of the Mongol raids which were such a conspicuously recurring feature of the Khalji period, had abated to such an extent that in the time of Ghiyasuddin, as there was only one abortive raid that met with a complete rout at the hands of the Ghazi Malik. The situation in Central Asia was no more favourable for the Mongols to carry out their raids into India. Beside those few who had cast longing eyes on the Indian plains had realised the strength and powers of the Delhi Sultans. It was this consciousness of freedom from risk from the north-west frontier which encouraged Muhammad bin Tughluq to hazard the bold project of a second capital in the making Deccan by which he sought to fulfil certain definite objects. Muhammad bin Tughluq had been in the Deccan a number of times and had realised that a strong and well-ordered administration of the southern provinces of the empire was only possible from a centre within the region itself and Devagiri as he saw, occupied in every respect a suitable location for such purpose. Enclosed within the esteem output of the Sahiyadri range, perched upon a formidable and invicible rock, that old capital of the Yadavas commanded the surrounding regions as no other place in the south could or did. Furthermore, that city could also serve as the most suitable centre for the spread of Muslim religion, culture and learning in the Deccan Peninsula. Ibn Battuta who came to India in 1335 (6 years after the so-called transfer) and wrote from hearsay asserts that the capital was transferred twice. This does not seem to be correct. There was no occasion for such a step because when the entire government with all its functionaries were transferred. It was but natural that the bulk of the population consisting of merchants and traders would have also been obliged to follow

36 the government staff as they must have largely depended on them for their daily business and maintenance.

It is also clear that Sultan Muhammad bin Tughluq did not order the transfer of the entire population as a punitive measure because he made all possible arrangements for the comfort of the people during their long journey from Delhi to Daulatabadi i.e. Devagiri. It is not true that Delhi was completely deserted of population and left desolate as we know that when Ibn Battutasited it in 1335 the city was quite populous and there were ample signs of its prosperity. The real truth seems to be that only a substantial part of the government staff as was necessary for the intended plan in the south, was transferred with the result that there were two capitals of the empire at least for some time. There was nothing extraordinary or whimsical about it. In those days of slow means of communication, political and administrative necessities quite often obliged monarchs to:create more than one administrative centre. The purpose which was sought to be achieved by creating a second capital was misunderstood by many of his contemporaries. Thus there was nothing wrong or unusual in the empire having two capitals one for the north and the other for the south. Unfortunately this scheme of his misfired. Geographic climate, political and other considerations ultimately forced him to converge once again upon Delhi which are long acquired its old status. Token Currency 1330-32 : Another scheme which Muhammad bin Tughluq launched was token currency, which has provoked a great deal of speculation and controversy among modern scholars as to the causes which persuaded him to undertake such an extraordinary and novel measure. It has been suggested that on account of the famine in the Doab which had occurred almost immediately after his accession to the throne, as also on account of the enormous expenditure incurred on the transfer of the capital coupled with the fact that the Sultan was over-generous in distributing gifts to foreign envoys and visitors, had left the treasury depleted. However, this view can not stand a close examination of the facts. If the treasury had been depleted, Muhammad bin Tughluq would not have found it possible to give away gold and silver coins in exchange of the token coins which were brought in millions to the imperial treasury when the project was withdrawn on account of its failure. Indeed Muhammad bin Tughluq wanted only to set at rest all the wild speculations of the people who were thoroughly unable to understand and appreciate such a novel measure but also to prove his integrity and good intentions, because the people had begun to suspect that the Sultan by that device wanted to cheat them of their wealth. In the opinion of some scholars the token currency was introduced because of the shortage of silver as this phase in history is noted for the shortage of silver in camparision to gold. It has also been opined that the main reason which led the Sultan to try this measure was that he wanted to multiply the currency of the country for the sake of the promotion of trade and commerce and not to replenish an empty treasury. The measure of introducing the token currency may be summerised in the following way that this experiment was by no means all together new or strange. It had been tried earlier in China as well as in Persia. In China, the Mongol Emperor, Qublai Khan (1260-94) had introduced paper currency. It had also been tried in Persia by about 1293. Muhammad bin Tughluq was fully aware of the

37 success of the paper currency in China also which naturally encouraged him to give a trial to it in his empire in the hope that it would contribute towards the betterment of the economic life of the country. But his fault was that he did not take necessary precaution to prevent misuse of the currency by the people, Hence, the project failed. The measure of introducing the token currency may be summerised in the following way that the token currency was intended to replace silver coins of different denominations. The token coins were made both of copper and brass. Muhammad bin Tughluq, however, depended rather too much on the honesty and cooperation of the people around him. He did not use government machinery to enforce measure rigidly. He failed to prevent the manufacture of counterfeit coins by private individuals and their circulation in the market. This meant disaster to this novel scheme. Reform of Coinage : Muhammad bin Tughluq was a man of artistic tastes. He could not tolerate the degenerate type of coins which had been issued from the royal mints during the chaotic reigns of the later Khaljis. Ghiyasuddin Tughluq had too little time and too many problems on hand to be able to pay any attention to the improvement of the currency, even if he had any inclination for it. But Muhammad bin Tughluq from the very outset, made great improvements in the coinage system. All his coins were properly milled and as he was a callgraphist himself, the legends of the coins were written in beautiful letters, Besides this he introduced further subdivisions of the coins in order to facilitate small business transactions. He also improved the purity of the material from which the coins were made. For all these measures, the renowned British numismatist. Edward Thomas was perfectly justified in giving to the Sultan the well deserved title of “the Prince of Moneyers.” Project of Conquering Foreign Lands Muhammad bin Tughluq had lately become the master of practically the whole country. He could, therefore, very well think of conquering neighouring countries and expand his empire. There was nothing unusual or fantastic about this ambition in the circumstances which made him feel strong enough to add to his empire by the conquest of other lands. Conquest of Khurasan : Muhammad bin Tugnluq had come to known that owing to certain personal differences there was an acute quarrel going on between the king of Khurasan and his Wazir. He had also been posted with the information about the critical conditions of Khurasan. The Chaghtai ruler Tarmashirin of Central Asia as well as the ruler of Egypt, were making preparations to invade Khurasan. Taking advantage of this situation Muhammad bin Tughluq also thought of carrying an expedition into Khurrasan. For this purpose he raised a special army which, according to Ziauddin Barani, consisted of nearly four lakhs of soldiers. But as Muhammad bin Tughluq was then much involved in the affairs of his country, he had to wait for a suitable opportunity before he could launch his attack on Khurasan. The whole army was fed and maintained for a whole year without doing anything. This meant a terrible strain on the state treasury. On the other hand, the ruler of Egypt made a treaty with the ruler of Persia. But Tarmashirin moved out with his army and waited on the border of Khursan for

38 about a year. But when he saw that the others were not coming he felt so disappointed that he broke the camp and returned to his country. Muhammad bin Tughluq releasing the difficulties of the projected plan and disbanded the army that he had recruited for the purpose.

Qarachil Campaign : The second project of the same type in which he is accused by some modern historians of attempting to conquer China was actually by way of a reprisal or a punitive campaign against the Raja of Qarachil, because the latter had descended from the hilly kingdom into the plains and occupied some regions belonging to the Delhi Sultanat. Muhammad bin Tughlug therefore sent an expedition against the Raja of Qarachil but here he made a grave miscalculation as he did not take proper precautions for a campaign in the hilly regions. The result was that much of his army was lost or destroyed because it lost its way in the hills. The Raja of Qarachil was, however, so much frightened of the might of the Sultan that he readily signed a treaty with Muhammad bin Tughluq. Expedition against Nagarkot : In 1337, the Sultan made an attack on the fort of Nagarkot in the district of Kangra. Sultan was completely successful and the Raja of Nagarkot was ‘compelled to accept the suzerainty of Sultan.” Diplomatic Relations with Foreign Countries : Muhammad bin Tughluq exchanged embassies and established friendly relations with some neighbouring countries. The ruler of China sent an envoy to Muhammad bin Tughluq in 1341 requesting him to repair all those Budhist temples which had been demolished by the Sultan’s army in the hill of Qarachil during its campaign. The Sultan deputed Ibn Battuta, the Moorish African traveller, as his envoy to the Mongol Emperor of China in 1342. Reception of the Envoy of Caliph : Muhammud bin Tughluq regarded himself as the shadow of God. The inscriptions of some of his coin also indicate that the Sultan entertained this idea about himself. For the same reason he gave up the practice of inscribing the names of the Caliphs on his coins. The result of all his new projects combined with his freedom of thought and action was that the Sultan became extremely unpopular with the Muslim elite. But when he realised this, he made rather an awkward attempt to remedy the situation by making a display of his great faith in the Caliphs. He, however, found there was no Caliph at that time who could be universally recognised by the Islamic world. There was a Caliph in Egypt but his claim was not recognised by many. Nevertheless Muhammad bin Tughluq entreated this Caliph to confirm his legitimate claim to the throne by means of a proclamation. He also got the Caliph name inscribed on his coins and issued a number of decrees in the name of the Caliph. In 1340 the Sultan invited a representative of this helpless and norminal Caliph of Egypt. This representative named Haji Said Satsari was received by the Sultan with extraordinary honours and the Sultan himself served him like a slave.

Some other events of the reign of Muhammad bin Tugluq In 1335 the governor of Madura in the Far South declared himself independent and the Sultan moved down personally to suppress the revolt. But misfortune everywhere dogged his steps. Cholera broke out & in his camp and took a heavy toll of life. Consequently, the Sultan

39 was compelled to return, leaving the governor of Madura to establish an independent kingdom in the Far Sourth. At this time Muhammad bin Tughluq was detained at Daulatabad (Devagiri) due to serious illness and when the news reached Delhi, it naturally created a great stir there. As if this was not bad enough, when the Sultan returned to Delhi he found the country in the grip of a severe famine. We are told that to relieve the city and its surroundings from this prolonged calamity the Sultan distributed cooked food to the people for six months and encouraged the farmers to cultivate their lands by giving them loans and every other kind of assistance, including digging wells for irrigation and providing them with seeds. Further, when he found that procurement of foodgrains in and around the capital had become impossible, he took the bold step of building up a new city near Kanauj where foodgrains were available in plenty- he is said to have given it the name Swaragdvari (Swargdwar : Gate of Paradise), and asked the people of Delhi to go and settle there. During this crisis, Ain-ul- Mulk, the governor of Awadh, helped the Sultan and the people very liberally because Awadh was free from famine. The Sultan with the people of Delhi passed six months in the temporary, abode of Swaragdvari. When Muhammad bin Tughluq was busy in experimenting with his novel projects his empire was gradually, beginning to crumble. The revolt of the governor of Madura in 1335, had given him a fair taste of the way the wind was blowing. At the same time, in other regions more successful revolts had taken place. As early as 1336, the whole country south of the river Krishna had become independent where the empire of Vijyanagar was founded by the Sangama brothers. Ten years later in the area between the Nabada and the Krishna another kingdom which came to be known later as the Bahamani Kingdom came into existence. This was the result of a successful revolt on the part of certain Muslim chiefs and nobles who had become thoroughly disgusted with the ‘oppression’ of the sultan. Even the loyal Ain ul Mulk, the governor of Awadh, who had served and helped the Sultan so much during the famine, grew suspicious of the Sultan’s intention and revolted. The Sultan, however, succeeded in crushing this uprising. All the rebels and their supporters were severely dealt with, many being put to sword. However, his efforts proved futile in the long run and the Sultanat long lost practically the whole of the south in Muhammad bin Tughluq’s life time. Conclusion From all that we know of Muhammad bin Tughluq, there can be no denying the fact that he was a man of most extraordinary qualities. His vast learning had greatly liberalised his outlook which was amply reflected in many of his political activities. In his sober moments, he tried to conform to the ideals but his overweening ambition and his inability to comprehend the limitations of the situation marred his otherwise distinguished political career. His several ingenious schemes and projects and his fertile imagination would have undoubetdly yielded better results, only if he had gone a little slow not carried his projects too far. His great intellect and speculative imagination in a way were responsible for his misfortunes.

It will be interesting to note that Alauddin Khalji was, in many respects, the very opposite of Muhammad bin Tughluq, because the former was unlettered and in many ways a man of average intellectual or cultural calibre. But Alauddin Khalji was successful in the fulfilment of his ambition because he possessed not only imagination but also realism. Muhammad bin Tughluq had plenty of imagination on but he at times ignored the realities of the situation. His planning was excellent, but he executed his plans in a faulty manner. Moreover he abandoned these in a haste which was fatal to the interest of his vast empire.

1.5 Central Administration : Iqta System

Introduction The iqta was a territorial assignment and its holder was designated muqti. A saljuqiar statesman of the eleventh century, Nizamu Mulk Tusi, gives us a classical view of the iqta as it developed just before the Ghorian conquests of northern India: Muqtis who hold iqta should know that they have no claim on the subject/ peasants (ri’aya) other than that collecting from them in a proper manner the due tax mal (land tax)....if any muqti does any thing other than this they [the king ] should take away his power and resume his iqta’.... They [the muqti should in truth realize that the country and the peasantry (ra’iyat), all belong to the Sultan, with the muqtis simply placed on their head. Nizamu’7 Mulk Tusi here emphasizes the fact that muqti’s right is to collect and appropriate taxes especially land revenue, and there were certain obligations on the part of the muqtis to the sultan. The revenues he collected from the iqta were meant to provide him resources for fulfilling his obligations. The muqti was thus tax collector, army paymaster, and also commander rolled in to one. The area that the sultan did not give in iqta1 was called khalisa; here the sultan’s officials (amils) collected the land revenue directly for the royal treasury.

Introduction of Iqta System in India (13th century) When the Ghorians conquered India, the conquests were initially divided up among commanders who maintained themselves and their troops by plunder and collection of tribute. It shows that Ghorian conquerors were familiar with the practice of iqta‘ assignments. The areas conquered by these commanders were later on designated as their iqtas, and their holders were called the muqtis; they were also called walis and their territorial assignments were called wilayats. After the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, conditions largely remained the same. The Sultanate in its earlier phase has had yet to stabilize its monetary system. The only means of distributing salary to the officers was the assignment of land revenue. Land grants

7 Irfan Habib Economic History of the Delhi Sultanete : An Essay in Interpretation Indian Historical Review, vol. IV, No. 3, 1978-295

41 to collect revenue therefore became the order of the day. The other important reason for introducing iqta in India was to enable the sultans to demand a vast share of the surplus produce of the society. In iqta their assignees (Designated muqtis or wali) collected the kharaj and other taxes and maintained themselves and their troopers out of this sending the surplus to the centre. The sultans assigned iqtas to their nobles for their maintenance instead of cash salaries. Iqta system under Iltumish (1210-1236) With the accession of Iltutmish in 1210, the iqta system seems to have become the main stary of administrative organization of the Delhi Sultanate. During the 26 years of this reign (1210-36) the entire Sultanate from Multan to Lakhnauti was divided into big and small tracts of land called iqtas and were placed under the charge of officers designated as muqtai. Thus there were two categoies of iqtas, the iqta of provincial level and small iqtas in the form of certain villages. Iqtas at the provincial level were given to important nobles. They carried both revenue and administrative responsibilities. Small iqtas in the form of certain villages were given to ordinary soldiers directly employed by the Sultan in lieu of their salaries, In such iqtas the holders were not entrusted any administrative or financial responsibilities. These small iqta-holders were generally called the iqtadars Barani mentions two thousand such iqtadars during the reign of Iltutnish. Thus during the thirteenth century, the Sultans assigned different regions, large as well as small, to different nobles, who were required to perform administrative, fiscal and military functions. The sultan saught to enlarge their own Khalisa. He is said to have appointed a slove of his as the Shahna of the Khalisa of Tabarhind (Bhatinda). Apparently Delhi and its surrounding distincts also were included in the Khalisa lead. Iqta system under Balban During the larger part of the thirteenth century the muqt is semm to have depended on tribute extorted from local potentates or plunder (in the form of cattle and slaves) from the mawasat or unsubjugated areas. Balban’s expedition in the Doab and Katehr was essentially raids of the kind organized on a very large scale. He instituted an inquiry into the terms and tenure of the iqtas given to the Turkish soldiers in Doab which were given during Iltutmish’s time. It was discovered that many of the original grantees were dead by this time; those who survived were too old and infirm to render any military service. They retained their hold on the iqta‘ and claimed heredity rights over them. Balban held the other view. These iqta’s he said, were given in lieu of military service. When the grantees discountinued to perform their part of obligations, the contract on the basis of which they held these iqta’ became null and void. The occupants of the iqta’ however argued that these lands were given to their ancestors by way of reward by the stale in the past and carried no obligation for the future. Balban refused to be guided by this logic. Though he made certain concessions in favour of these iqtadars at the intercession of Fnkhniddin, the kotwal of Delhi. The principle of hereditary iqta was definitely rejected by him and khwaja was appointed to watch and control the activities of the iqtadars.

Iqta system under the Khaljis and Early Tughluqs The iqta underwent certain changes under these rulers. Prior to the last decade of the thirteenth century, the muqtis enjoyed all executive powers in the civil, military and financial’ administration. But afterwards they no longer remained in the absolute control of the iqta administration. In fiscal matters they were brought under the increasing control of the central government. They had to submit the account of revenue collection and expenditure. They could take only an agreed amount for themselves and their troops, and send the balance to, the sultan’s treasur. The mode of payment of soldiers underwent a change at the hands of Alauddin Khalji. He abolished the small iqtas by which soliders of the sultan’s army used to be paid and subsituted cash salaries. But as noted by Moreland, he left the large iqtas assigned to the commanders unaffected. Alauddin annexed the areas near capital in the Khalisa land. It now covered the whole of the middle Doab and parts of modern Rohilkhand. A fundamental alteration in the position of the iqta-holders took place during the period of the early Tughluqs. Ghiyasuddine Tughluq drew a line between the allotment of the revenues within an iqta for the personal income of the muqti and that for the payment of troops placed under his charge. The following pictures emerge from the instructions issued by him to the muqtis and walls as reparted by Barani. (i) A particular iqta was estimated officially to yield a minimum income, which was assumed to be appropriated in two portions: (a) the pay of the troops placed under the muqti and (b) The personal salary or income of the muqi. (ii) Apparently, if more revenue was collected from the iqta than the minimum allowed for it was normally to be sent to the royal exchequer.

(iii) The muqti could, however appropriate out of this excess upto 4 to 10 percent of the total amount of annual revenue at which his iqta was ‘valued’. This would be allowable, but not more than this. (iv) The muqti was not to appropriate any amount of the iqta income allotted to the troops. The next step was to separate the revenue and fiscal charge from the military charge altogether. This significant change seems to have come after the succession of Muhammad Tughluq. These fiscal responsibilities were now withdrawn from the muqti or wali and put under different officers. According to Ibn Battuta the iqta of Amroha was under two officers, one designated as amir, presumably the incharge of the army and the civil administration and the other was Revenue collector. The farming out of iqta on estimated fixed amount annually also began under Muhammad bin Tughluq and could only have been possible if the two charges were separated. He gave the iqta of Kara to Nizam Mian Bhangari in lieu of a few lakh tankas. Shihab Sultani was another person who had the iqta of Bidar and the adjoining areas from Muhammad bin Tughluq in muqti for one crore of tankas to be paid in the three years.

The contract of the centre over the iqta appears to have receded under Firozshah Tughluq. He was compelled to grant concessions to his nobles, allowing for inheritance as well as non-transfer of assignments. He restored the system of payment of soldiers by land assignments now called Wajh. It is possible that when applied to muqti’s troops it encouraged sub-assignment by the muqitis and made central intervention in the administration of iqta to protect the interest of the troops very difficult. Thus the double government (central intervention and muqtis administration) in the iqta which is noticed under Muhammad bin Tughluq no longer appears under Firozshah Tughluq. Some traits of the Iqta system as it developed under the Delhi Sultans 1. The geographical distribution of iqta during the period under study seems to be of peculiar nature. We find that the smaller iqta were generally concentrated in region around Delhi and bigger ones tended to spread towards the peripheral areas. Since number of small iqta were concentrated around Delhi and very few extending over the larger zones, they were unevenly spread throughtout the Sultanate. 2. Some idea of the manner in which the muqtis were selected during the thirteenth century could be found in the biographical sketches of the twenty five important muqt is mentioned by Minhaj of the reign Iltutmish. These sketches reveal that almost all the muqtis started their career as royal slaves. Before assignment of iqtas they were first put to different kind of jobs at the court. They were appointed to the responsible position of muqtis only after the Sultan had fully satisfied himself about their abilities and efficiency. This has been more or less normal practice throughout the Sultanate. 3. Here it will not be out of place to mention that most of the discussions about the distinction between the terms iqtadar, muqtis and wall, are speculative in nature because the contemporary evidence is not only meagre but conflicting on these points. For our general under standing the holders of small iqtq called iqtadars while those holding big ones were generally known as muqtis or walis. Their accounts were settled at the department of Wazarat. By the lime of the Lodis the muqtfis seems to have been officially called wajahdars. But the land assignments were still called iqta. The terms muqti, hakim and amir were also used by people for the assignees. 4. The Wajahdar, muqti or hakim had no right over the landgrants. Sultan Sikandar Lodi specifically mentioned in the farmans out it very clearly. If any noble was reported to have disobeyed the royal forman by oppressing anyone who held wajah- i-maash, he was severally punished and he was dismissed by Sikandar Lodi from the state service. Similarly, no noble could occupy any land which was not specifically mentioned in the farman of assignment. 5. The tenure of the office of muqtis, according to Nizamul Mulk Tusi was three years. He emphasises that the muqtis should be transferred after every two or three years, lest they might grow too powerful! Apparently this practice was followed with

slight modification by the early sultans of Delhi. A closer study of the appointments and transfers in some of the important iqtas, like Awadh, Badayun, Baran and Lahore indicates that during this time, the average tenure of the office of muqtas was between four to five years. In the case of a distant iqta Lakhnauti, the policy was still more rigorous. In such cases the average tenure comes to only three years. On perusal of some of the important iqta like Awadh, Badayun, Baran, Lahore and Multan, it comes to light that the frequency of transfer in the iqta located closer to Delhi was much less than what it would be in aplace like Lakhnauti. After Iltutmish had annexed Bengal in A.D. 1225 the policy with regards to the transfer of the muqtis appears to have undergone a change in so far as the muqtis of the newly annexed province of Bengal were concerned. They were transferred quite frequently. Both the Lodis and the Sur kings exercised their royal prerogative and authority by transferring or dismissing the nobles from their iqta whenever they desired. But is also noteworthy that muqtis of a Afghan period were not subject to frequent transfers like the Mughal nobles under Akbar and his successors. The muqtis or wajahdars were not transferred from their iqta unless they lost the royal confidence. A detailed study of the evidence relating of iqta assignments made by the sultans of Delhi during the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries indicates that the muqtis performed the following main functions : (i) to wage wars against the local chiefs and foreign invaders, (ii) to appoint their own deputies over important towns and out posts, (iii) to assign lands and make free grant of land to their favourites and men of learning and (iv) to maintain a considerable number of soldiers out of the revenues assigned to them. The muqti or wajahdar took keen interest in the progress of agriculture in his iqta. The peasants were encouraged to bring new land under cultivation and also got loans from him whenever necessary. If he was posted somewhere outside his iqta his representative administered it on his behalf. He exercised full military and executive powers inside the iqta quite independent of the hakim of the sarkar or the province. For example, Sultan Bahlul Lodi appointed Masnad-i-ali Umar Khan Sarwani as the hakim of the Lahore sarkar while he was given iqta in the sarkar of Sirhind. Iqta system under Shershah The traditional iqta system continued unchanged under Shershah also he did not usher in any change in it. The Sur rulers also assigned their nobles the revenue of parganas and sarkars according to their rank and position in lieu of cash salary. These parganas and sarkars were called the wajahdari-iqta. The Sur kings also assigned iqta to their nobles excluding the tax free land grants given to the scholars, saiyids and pious persons for their

45 maintenance. Though Islam Shah is reported to have abolished the iqta system and established the system of cash payment instead by bringing the whole kingdom under Khalisa, a careful study recals that it continued even during his reign.

1.6 The Administrative System under the Delhi Sultans (1206-1526)

Introduction Some historians are of the view that the Delhi Sultanat was an Islamic State. However, a careful examination of the development of the Delhi Sultanat, its working and its policies clearly shows that it was a monarchical system based on military despotism. According to Prof. Muhammad Habib the Delhi Sultanat was un-Islamic because Islam neither recognizes nor sanctions a despotic form of government. Not only the Sufis but even some of the orthodox theologians make a sharp distinction between “duniyadari” (of which kingship was a highest form) and ‘dindari’ It is said : “The meaning of kingship is power (istila) whether obtained by lawful means or by force; even the older pagan law of dynastic legitimacy finds no place in the present kingship”. In substance the Delhi Sultanat was not a state based on the teachings of Quran or the Prophet Muhammad. In substance the Delhi Sultanat was not a state based on the teachings of Quran or the Prophet Muhammad. In spite of lip service paid to Islam by the rulers of the Delhi Sultanat its laws, far from being observed and enforced, were often flagrantly violated. In the case of wine; drinking, the law of inheritance, and the taking and giving of interest etc.; the Sultans never cared to take a religious view. Whatever suited to their interests and whims they decree. The concept of government, the organisation of the imperial court with all the court ceremonies and etiquetes like sijda (touching the ground with forehead) and paibos (kissing the feet), are obviously anti-Islamic. In Islam such reverence is exclusively reserved for God and not for any human being (whatsoever may be his status in the society). But the Sultans ignored Islam completely for the sake of naked despotism.

Morever, they did not make Arabic, the language of Quran the official language. Persian was made the court language Dress ad diet, customs and manners of the ruling elite all were largely borrowed from Persia and Central Asia and had little to do with Arabia, the original land of Islam. In this connection we should also try to examine the teachings of Prophet Muhammad. The Quran is a religious book and not a political treatise and consequently it has little to say about state and government. There is a reference to Mulsim brotherhood, umma, i.e., to a community in contrast to mutually fighting tribes and clans in which the Arabs were then divided. In the Quran there are two ‘political’ injunctions : One, to decide their affairs by mutual consultation (mashward) and the other, to obey the authority that be. That is all. One is bound to observe how simple but at the same time vague and inadequate these injunctions

46 are to serve as a treatise of political instructions. However, it is true that at times the Sultans exploited religion and tried to create a religious facade (i.e. exterior front) to hide their naked despotism and used it to further their vested interests. This was done in a shameless way and they readily got the support of the ulama, who allowed them to exploit religion for earthly gains. With the connivance of ulama Islam was used as a tool for achieving the political and economic objectives by different rulers of the Delhi sultanat. Composition of the Ruling Class When the term “Muslim Rule in India” is used it is presumed that all Muslims, irrespective of their position and status in society, formed the ruling group because they professed the same faith (Islam) as that of the reigning Sultan. This is not correct. Not only a distinction was made between Indian Muslims, and foreign-born Muslims, but it should be noted that the common Mussalmans-the peasants, the weavers and the artisans etc. were completely kept out of the ruling class. The basis of the ruling class was not religion. Those who lived on the exploitation of others and wielded political power constituted the ruling class. This was true in the case of the Delhi Sultanat ‘The exploiters consisted of the Sultan, his family, the Turks and the Afghan nobles, the Rajas, and the rural Chieftains. The Rajas were Hindus and most of the rural chiefs were also Hindu. Hence, the economic power was not in the hand of one religious group. The common people i.e., peasants and artisans, (whether they were Hindus or the Muslims) were exploited fully by those who composed the ruling class. A despotic form of government whether of the Mauryans or the Guptas, or that of the Khaljis and the Tughluqs was based on the exploitation of the masses by the ruling minority. Evolution of Political Concepts and Institutions The establishment of Delhi Sultanat saw the evolution of political concepts which were opposed to the teachings of Quran and Prophet Mohammad. Offering service to Islam the Sultans adopted those political concepts which suited the circumstances. In his work, Fatwa-i Jaijandari, Ziauddin Barani rightly points out : “....The Caliphs and kings of Islam were faced with two irreconcilable alternatives, both necessary for the religion and the state. If they follow the traditions of the Prophet and his mode of life, kingship and government would be impossible for them.”. Taking a realistic view the ruling class during the Sultanat period evolved those political concepts which strengthened its despotic institutions. Rulers like Alauddin Khalji were frank enough to declare that whatever was suited to the circumstances they decreed irrespective of the fact whether their utterances or acts were in conformity with the teachings of Islam or not.

Administrative Organisation of Delhi Sultanat The administrative structure of Delhi Sultanat was the product of many factors, viz., the customs and conventions of the Turks and the Persians, and the well established administrative traditions and institutions of India. It will not be incorrect to describe the Delhi Sultanat as a “Turko-Persian system in an Indian setting.” The vastness of the area to be conquered and administered required the ruler to accept and utilize the existence and service of local. Long distances combined with the vastness of the country and the rich resources of various regions within it tended to facilitate the break up of the transfer empire into independent kingdoms. It is said that the history of Northern India has been the struggle between centripetal and centrifugal forces. In the words of Ghoshal : “The unifying idea has struggled with the deeply rooted tendency towards disruption, and hence empires of greater or smaller duration and extent have alternated with a bewildering move of petty states.” The emergence of monarchy has also been determined by many socio-economic factors. The ever increasing hostility among the members of the ruling class with a view to assuming more power and thus creating instability in functioning of the state resulted in throwing up a despotic system of monarchy. The Sultans thought that only by concentrating absolute power in a single hand they could keep harmony in the ruling class, Monarchy being a political necessity had to be supported by the Indian social and political institutions and even Muslim political thinkers had to build up theories and change the social structure of Muslims to support it. According to Ibn Hasan:

“The vastness of country, the problem of distance, the dispersal of population in rural areas, left no scope for representative institutions or for that spirit and activity which creates demand for them.” Thus monarchy became the general rule irrespective of the fact whether the ruler was a believer of Islam or Hindusism. (i) Sultan In the despotic form of government the central government occupies a key position. In short time, the Sultans were able to build a strong central structure. In this set-up the Sultan was at the top. He was the creator and sustainer of the entire administrative system. He was the head of the State, the supreme executive authority. He was also the supreme military authority. He was also the fountain-head of justice, title and honour. The Sultans were constantly faced with a difficult situation. The strong and ambitious members of the nobility and the powerful local chiefs were always eager to weaken the concentration of power in their hands. The rulers like Balban, Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughluq refused to submit to their whims and made the position of the

Sultan untenable. However despotism has a logic of its own. It can not be sustained for a pretty long time. Again and again it faced crisis and consequently those who were enjoying the status of nobles created the situation that threw only weak Sultans. But still the traditions of monarchial despotism survived and helped to prevent complete anarchy. (ii) The Ministers No doubt the Sultan was all in all in conducting the business of the government but whatever might be the capacity of a Sultan or his competence it was next to impossible for him to manage the affairs single-handedly. The Sultan thus shared his burden of running the administration by “delegating to his subordinate officers such powers as might conveniently be exercised by them on his behalf.” (Dr. Muhammad Aziz Ahmed). Therefore, the Sultan had a certain number of ministers to aid and assist him. They enjoyed a higher rank in comparison to other imperial officers The institution of the ministers developed quite late in Arab polity, and it took proper shape with the establishment of the Abbasside Calihate. There were two types of ministers, those with limited powers, and others with unlimited powers—the latter were also called naib-i mumalik. Balban under Nasiruddin Mahmud was elevated to the position of naib-i mumalik and enjoyed unlimited powers. In fact, he completely overshadowed the reigning Sultan. Unfortunately the contemporary historians of the Sultanat period pay scant attention to the administrative structure that worked under the Sultans. Particularly about the ministries, ministers and other departments they pass on to us little information. Obviously it becomes very difficult to provide exact working of the various central as well provincial Administrative institutions. There was no fixed number for ministers but generally it became the practice to have four ministers, each in charge of a separate ministry. The Wazir was the most important and powerful minister. He was the head of the ministry of finance and revenue. He was responsible for the general supervision of the administration. Sometimes, he also had a naib Wazir (deputy prime minister who looked after the revenue department. He was also assisted by mushrif-i mumalik (The accountant general) and mustaufi-i mumalik (the auditor-general). The ministry under the Wazir was called Diwan-i wazarat. The other three major ministries were : (i) Diwan-i Arz (ii) Diwan-i Insha (iii) Diwan-i Riyasat/Diwan-i rasalat Diwan-i Arz was kept under Ariz-i Mumalik, or controller general of the military. He was not the Commander-in Chief nor was he required to lead the army but he was “the inspector general of the forces.” He was, however, responsible for the maintenance, equipment and the

49 general organisation of the army, it was his duty to see that the descriptive roll of the horses and soldiers were properly maintained in his department. While discussing about the four ministries Prof. Mohammad Habib does not mention Diwan-i Risalat, but another distinguished scholar Dr. Habibullah opines that “the fourth ministry is called Diwan-i rasalat.” He further adds: “Its functions are not outlined but the term rasalat suggests foreign and diplomatic correspondence and as such must have been a kind of foreign office, in close touch with ambassadors and envoys sent to and received from foreign potentates. According to Dr. U.N. Day Diwan-i rasalat “was the ministry where complaints from the people were received.” He further adds: “It is only during the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq that it seems to have assumed some importance when it received appeals and tried to redress the grievances of the people, in the capacity of Sultan’s rasul (Agent)”. Thus regarding functioning and jurisdiction of Diwan-i Rasalat one can not say with certainty. Another ministry which sprang up in the reign of Alauddin Kahlji (1296-1316) was Diwan-i Riyasat. The need for creating this ministry was felt because of the increasing responsibilities of the government in view of implementing the market policy of Alauddin Khalji. With a view to keeping a firm grip on the supply and sell of commodities on the fixed prices Alauddin Khalji ordered that “the merchants, whether Musalmans or Hindus should be registered in the book of the Diwan (Diwan-i Riyasat)”. Also it was ordered that the merchants should sign agreements to bring commodities regularly and observe fixed rates for making his market policy a success Alauddin entrusted the task of Diwan-i rasalat to Yaqub. Our contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani thinks very high of this minister and says that such a person “conferred indeed every honour on the office”. He further says that because of the strict measures adopted by Yaqub “everyone of them stood in awe of him and sold his things cheap.” Yaqub also appointed for every market a shuhna (Superintendent). These shuhnas (Superintendents) enforced the pricelist and took the dishonest shopkeepers to task. Diwan-i Insha worked under the Dabir-i Mamalik who dealt with all the correspondence of the Government including the personal and confidential corespondence of the Sultan. According to Prof D. Mohammad Habib: “He had to convey the wishes of the emperor to the governors and local officers and place their petitions befor the emperor ...... He was the usual channel for all correspondence between the central and local government, though questions referring the particular ministries were sent to them direct” (iii) Revenue System India being primarily an agricultural country land revenue provided the bulk of the income of the state. Till the reign of Alauddin Khalji there is no specific mention of the method of revenue assessment. It appears that there was no proper land revenue settlement and the government generally depended on sharing of the crops in which the state’s share varied between one-third and one-fourth. There was also no adequate machinery for the collection of revenue. The Iqtadars (Aqtadars) performed this function as a part of law and order problem with the actual job of collection of the revenue being done by local headmen.

It was under Alauddin Khalji that for the first time the revenue settlement was made on a systematic basis. The land was measured biswa by biswa and in accordance with the fertility of the land. After measurement was enacted the land tax was fixed on the actual holding rather than varying from year to year with the actual harvest. However this system, as introduced by Alauddin Khalji, was confined to a significantly large portion of the empire. As far as other places were concerned the old system continued. The reign of Alauddin Khalji saw the expansion of revenue administrative machinery. Besides the wazir Barani mentions the name of Sharaf Qaini (or Qai) who acted as his deputy and worked efficiently but with aheavy hand. Obviously the entire working of Alauddin Khalji’s revenue policy required the deployment of’ an enormous staff.’ These various officers and officials were termed as follows: Muhasil — Demander of tribute Amil — Revenue Collector Gumashta — Agent Mutasarrif— Accountant or Auditor Nawasinda — Writer or Clerks Patwari—Village-accountant The act of measurement of land and realiszing 50% of the produce as land tax brought the state into direct contact with the peasantry. Being a realist Alauddin Khalji must have thought that with such a heavy state demand the peasants were bound to be completely broken if other taxes continued, besides he had to see that the privileges of the representatives of the villages i.e. Khuts, Muqaddams and Choudharies could not go together with his new measures. Hence they were immediately deprived of their privileges and he ordered so that they could not shift their burden to the peasantry. While on the one hand Alauddin Khalji’s (and revenue policy, which saw the increase of land tax to 50% of the produce, had its own repercussions on the paying capacity of the peasants, on the other hand his naib-wazir, Sharaf Qaini saw to it that the revenue officers and officials do not pounce on the remaining meagre income of the peasants. Barani informs us: “It was impossible for any one to obtain even a tanka dishonestly or take anything in bribe from the Hindus or the Musalmans.” The Tughluqs inherited such an extensive administrative machinery but they did make changes in the revenue policy. For instance Ghiyasuddin Tughluq reduced the land tax; and it appears that in the reign of Firuz Tughluq the land tax was not heavy. It is interesting to note that Muhammad bin Tughluq started advancing loans to peasants so that they could bring waste or uncultivated land under cultivation. Barani informs us that a ministry for extending

51 cultivation was formed. He calls it Diwan-i-Kohi. He also mentions the employment of nearly 100 Shiqdars for making this experiment a success. Firuz Tughluq did not follow many aspects of Alauddin Khalji’s revenue policy. He remitted various imports or taxes and lowered the rate of land tax. It appears that he encouraged the practice of assigning faejagirs to the nobles and his attitude towards the officers and officials was quite different. Firstly, he increased their salary and they were no more subject to physical coercion and humiliation. Even he had withdrawn “spies and informers appointed to watch their activities.” This was all done to win the confidence of the officers and officials. But this does not mean that Firuz Tughluq had no idea of running the administration. His appointment of Khwaja Husamuddin (who laboured for six years to fix the income of the empire, which was calculated at six crores and seventy five lakhs of tankas). The digging of canals and plantation of gardens show that he never wanted the state to suffer financially. However, he continued with the practice of farming i.e. to parcel the land to the highest bidder. With a view to getting the revenue in advance his predecessor Muhammad Tughluq gave a free hand to the practice of farming. Prof. R.P. Tripathi says that Firuz “placed at the disposal of the farmers the entire local machinery of government” During Saiyid—Afghan period some changes are noticeable. As far the land tax was concerned none of the Sultan of this period enhanced it to 50%. Besides we find the emergence of “one uniform yard of forty-one digits as a standard unit of measurement” in the reign of Sikandar Lodi (1489-1517). He also abolished cess on grain. Further it is interesting to note that land tax was remitted not in cash but in kind in the reign of Ibrahim Lodi (1517- 1526). Why he passed such an order it is difficult to say. Prof. R.P. Tripathi is not sure whether such a step was taken “due to shortage of silver” or the cause was some thing else. The remarks of Prof. Irfan Habib on the Lodi period deserve our attention. He writes: Under the Lodis (1451-1526), the system remained essentially similar, but a reorganization occurred. The term iqta now disappears from view, replaced simply by sarkars and parganas. These were territotial divisions each sarkar comprising a number of parganas. Each sarkar was assigned a jama, or estimated revenue, whose purpose could only be to lay down, to some extent, the military and other obligations of the noble holding the sarkar- assignment.” Whatever the limitations and compulsions the Sultans did try to evolve a revenue policy with a view to meeting the expenditures of the state. Some of them took really bold steps and reorganization of the revenue departments owes much to them. However the land-tax even though the major source of income for the Sultanat there were numbers of other taxes or cesses also. But regarding the exact application of such taxes there is good deal of confusion. And this confusion increases because of the faulty understanding of certain scholars who mix up the application of such taxes to the place of their origin. For instance take the example of Zakat. Prophet Muhammad annually levied it on the Muslims at he rate of 2.5%. But in Sultanat period it was used in varied way. We certainly know that Sikandar Lodi abolished

Zakat on grain. There is an evidence that Zakat is used as equivalent to custom duty in the reign of Muhammad Tughluq. Prof. K.A. Nizami rightly points out: “The taxation system had all the terms of the classical period-Kharaj, ‘ushr, zakat, jiziy ah, khums, but their connotation had undergone great change.” (State and Culture in Medieval India, pp.86-87) Barring the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq the jiziya was not exacted as a separate tax. Prof. Irfan Habib opines: “Before this time (the reign of Firuz Tughlaq-Editor) the land tax was indifferently called jiziya or Kharaj-yiziya; and it seems that no separate tax under the name of jiziya was levied in addition to the land tax.” As quoted by Dr. U.N, Day it appears the sale tax on betel leaves was termed as Jaziyah Tanbul. Barani says even Hindu chiefs exacted poll tax (jiziya) and tribute (kharaj) from the subjects in their territories. In the same way we find the mention of the term khums. This was the tax distributed between the state and its soldiers. Firuz Tughluq claimed that he gave 4/5 of the total share of loot to the soldiers and retained only 1/5 for the imperial treasury contrary to earlier practice. Most of the time entire loot was usurped by the Sultans. We now close our discussion on this topic by producing below the views of Prof. B. R. Grover : “Though the Delhi Sultanat laid considerable emphasis on the organisation of the military-cum-revenue machinery for the collection of the revenues from the conquered territories in India. It may really be wondered if at all the theoretical Islamic fiscal ideas relating to state demand, methods of assessment and the nature of land tenures were really enforced in actual practice even in the such regions of North India which were under the direct control of the Sultanate. It could not have been enforced in India, a primarily agricultural country which possessed its own agrarian pattern based on its practices evolved in accordance with the regional geographical features and the clannish customs of the peoples settled in different parts of the country. During the medieval age even in the West Asian countries the shariat priniciples of agrarian administration pure and simple, were never rigidly enforced.” (Presidential Address, Medieval India Section, 37th Session, Calicut, 29-31 December, 1976, p.3).

(iv) The Army Under the direct control of the Sultan the army was managed by the Diwan-i Arz which performed all the functions, such as recruitment, keeping the descriptive roll, payment of salaries, inspection of troops, etc. All salaries were disbursed through the Diwan-i Arz. The distribution of the army was made according to the needs of different localities. For the sake

53 of defence from foreign invasions and internal trouble, forts were kept in a good repair and stocked with war provisions, especially in the reigns of Balban and Alauddin Khalji. The main branch of the army was the cavalry. To keep the efficiency of the cavalry the Sultans encouraged import of horses from outside India. According to Prof. Nizami the Turks are referred to as ‘ashvapatis’ (Lord of the Horse) in the contemporary Sanskrit literature. The dagh (branding) and chera (description) system was introduced by Alauddin Khalji. Thanks to Barani we have a detailed information regarding certain aspects of military administration in the reign of Alauddin Khalji. With a view to keeping the soldiers contended he introduced market control system. There was also an elephant corp. The elephants were generally used for transport of heavy baggage and mounts for the royalty. The infantry also was a part of the army, which consisted of all sorts of retainers and attendants attached to the army. There is mention also of some firearms being used in the time of the Khaljis. Combustibles like naphta and rockets were used especially in seiges. Certain indigenous devices were used for hurling heavy stonebals, et., into the beseiged fortresses. The army was organised on the Turkish model and divided into units of 10,000 and subdivisions of 1,000 down to a hundred. (v) Justice Whatever the thinking level of the contemporary historians of the Sultanat period they expected the monarch to be just and firmly uphold justice. Ziauddin Barani in his Fatwa-i Jahandari writes: “Consequently there can be no stability in the affairs of men without justice. No religion, which is founded on Divine Commandments (ahkam), can do without justice. Both ancient and modern thinkers have said that, ‘Religion and justice are twins.” He further adds: “Justice is the basis of the social organisation and the civil order, and it is administered by the strong ruler among the people. The real justification for the supremacy of kings and their power and dignity is the need for enforcing justice.” However this is interesting to note that Ziauddin Barani does not shun his class outlook while commenting on Justice. He warns the monarchs that it they deviate from discharging justice there would be complete community of women and property (ibahat); The distinction between one man’s property and another’s would vanish”. According to Ziauddin Barani sharing property on a common basis is an open invitation to anarchy. He remarks: “no time or place would be free from disorder.” For the interest of social organization he is prepared to shun the difference between “Muslims and non-Muslims, wise or foolish, learned or illiterate” but he is out and out defender of a system based on property relationship.

In actual practice the Sultan was the highest judicial court. Barani says that Balban used to hear and decide cases himself. It was the highest judicial authority in deciding appeals. Prof. Habibullah informs us: In cases arising out of the violation or application of the religious side of the Shariat, he was assisted by the mufti and the sadrus-sadur while in cases of a secular nature he sat with the qaziul-quzat (chiefjustice). However, there is an instance of Muhammad bin Tughlaq appearing in the court of the Qazi. Besides Chief justice (Qaziul-quzat) we find the mention of the amir-i-dad. However the bulk of the population i.e. peasantry looked towards of the local panchayats for getting justice. Besides the judicial department, which occupied a prominent place in the list of other departments, there were members of other departments. Some departments and offices continued with all the Sultans while some were the creation of this or that Sultan. One of the continued office was of Kotwal. Particularly the Kotwal of the capital i.e. Delhi was an important office. And if Delhi’s kotwal is endowed to aperson like Ala-ul Mulk Kotwal, the maternal uncle of Barani, his role was bound to be crucial. He had a direct access to the Sultan and used to visit Alauddin Khalji on the first of every month. Normally the Kotwal was assigned the duty of guarding the city and maintaining law and order. He also kept the keys of the city gates. (vi) Political Divisions of the Empire Because of lack of material it is not possible to throw sufficient light on the political divisions of the empire under the Sultans. However, it seems that in the initial stage of the establishment of Delhi Sultanat the conquered territory was divided into administrative units, (Usually written as Iqta in the modern works). However, Dr. K.M. Ashraf writes this word as Aqta ‘and the holder of this administrative unit was termed as Muqta,) which was assigned to military commanders who were called Muqta. The Muqta was responsible for the maintenance of law and order and for the collection of revenue. He would deduct from the amount collected, his personal salary and the expenses of his administration and send the balance (fazilat) to the central government. However, it may be noticed the Iqtadari (Aqtadari) system was not a carbon copy of the European feudalism. The post of Muqta was not hereditary; he could not be transferred from one iqta (Aqta) to another. Above all, the Iqtadar (Aqtadar) had no proprietary right in the iqta (Aqta). He could not sell or mortgage it; he had no inherent legal right; he was only a sort of contractor for collection of revenue on behalf of the government. The system was unsatisfactory and led to the weakening of the centre. Some of the powerful Muqtas became independent rulers. Later on one finds clear cut evidence of the emergence of provinces in the reign of Muhammad bin Tughluq. The provinces were divided into Shiqs and a shiq into paraganahs and each had a staff for purposes of maintaining peace and security and collection of revenue.

Conclusion Thus our discussion on the Delhi sultanat clearly establishes the fact that it was not a government which based itself on the teachings of Islam. On the contrary, the Sultanat made vigorous efforts to keep the Ulama and Sufis in their proper place. Even in the beginning Iltutmish rejected the plea of a delegation of Ulama to govern his kingdom according to their wishes. Balban also kept himself above them. During the reigns of Alauddin Khalji and Muhammad bin Tughluq many concessions, extended to the religious class in the earlier period, were taken away from them. At times Ulama and Sufis were harshly treated too. In fact, the Delhi Sultanat was neither keen to spread Islam nor to suppress Hinduism. Its main goal was to serve the interests of the military despots, who at times made use of religion to achieve their political goal, and even indulged in acts of fanaticism. But these acts of fanaticism were not enacted for the glory of Islam. In running their state machinery the Sultans had evolved their own state laws. Barani explicitly says : “...all the customs and ways of kingship are violations of the traditions of the Prophet and that in this violation they and their followers and their servants are involved.” Essential Readins : ➢ Jackson, P. (2003). The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ➢ Ray Chaudhuri, T and I. Habib (Ed.). (1982). The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol.1: c1200-1750. Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 45-101. ➢ Kumar, Sunil. (2014). “Bandagi and Naukari: Studying Transitions in Political Culture and Service under the North Indian Sultanates, 13th-16th centuries” in Francesca Orsini and Samira Sheikh, (Eds.), After Timur Left: Culture and Circulation in fifteenth century North India. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 60- 108.

Unit II

REGIONAL POLITICAL FORMATION: VIJAYANAGARA

Dr. Parul Lau Gaur Ram Lal Anand College University of Delhi STRUCTURE

2.1 Objectives 2.2 Introduction 2.3 Geography and physical layout of capital 2.4 Sources 2.5 Political and dynastic history 2.6 Articulation and organization of political authority 2.6.1 Vijayanagara as capital city: meaning and interpretation 2.6.2 Mahanavmi festival 2.6.3 Political culture: Islamicization 2.7 Vijayanagara state: Historiographical debate 2.8 Vijayanagara polity 2.9 Vijayanagara society and religion 2.10 Vijayanagaraecomomy 2.11 Conclusion 2.12 Let us sum up 2.13 Key words 2.14 Long Questions 2.15 References

2.1 Objectives

Over the past many decades Vijayanagara kingdom has been the focus of research among scholars and historians. After studying this unit the students would be able to deal with the following issues:

• The historiographical debate regarding the nature of Vijayanagara state. • The multiple meanings manifested by the imperial capital. • The role of rituals in the representation of political power. • The concept of Islamicate and its influence on Vijayanagara Empire. • Key features of Vijayanagara polity, society and economy.

2.2 Introduction

Towards the close of the thirteenth century A.D. four kingdoms flourished in India, south of Vindhyas, the Yadavas in the north–west, the Kakatiyas in the north-east, the Hoysalas in the centre, and the Pandyas in the extreme South. So the centuries before the establishment of Vijaynagar, South India was divided into numerous regional kingdoms. These kingdoms were often at war with each other. They also had to face the powerful invasion from the Delhi Sultanate established in North India. The areas of resistance to the Sultanate persisted throughout the South particularly in the Tungabhadra region where later on the Vijayanagara kingdom was established. Soon Delhi Sultanate started weakening towards the end of 1320 and they started to withdraw from that area. The earlier kingdoms which ruled did not survive and started to collapse. Therefore the kingdom of Vijayanagara emerged after the withdrawal of Delhi Sultanate and the collapse of the Deccani states. To the south of Tungabhadra river emerged the Vijayanagara empire and within few decades it was recognized as South India’s largest empire. Vijayanagara at the zenith of its power displayed imperial grandeur.

2.3 Geography and physical layout of capital

The region comprising the Vijayanagara kingdom included the areas of Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka and Tamil Nadu. This vast extent of the empire consisted of several topographic and ecological zones which included “the dry, upland regions of interior; mountainous, forested areas; and also coastal areas”. The Vijayanagara empire emerged in semi-arid upland which made the agrarian expansion difficult. Due to region’s aridity and rugged topography agriculture in this area relied primarily on reservoir irrigation and seasonal rainfall. Therefore the rulers made efforts to expand more towards fertile river valley and sea- coasts and deltas. “Forested regions were transformed into zones of agricultural production through construction of irrigation facilities and resettlement of agricultural communities.” There was a narrow alluvial strip along Tungabhadra river extending to the Krishna river. This area was the Raichur Doab (meaning land between two rivers), a zone of confrontation throughout the Vijayanagara period. On the basis of physical features and the types of visible remains in each area the city was divided into sacred centre and urban core. The area known as “sacredcentre” houses the Virupaksha, Krishna, Vithala and Tiruvengalanatha temples and are located in the northern portion of the city along with the associated bazars, shrinesand residential areas. Another area known as “urban core”was surrounded by fortification walls, and has many remains of gateways, roads, halls, residential areas and also the royal centre.There was also an Islamic quarter with mosque and cemetery of its own.

2.4 Sources

The sources for the reconstruction of Vijayanagara history are both literary and archaeological. The literary sources include religious treatise, legendary stories and royal biographies. Some works were attributed to kings like Devaraya II (SobaginaSone), the

Vijayanagara queen Gangadevi (Madhuravijayam) and Krishnadevaraya (Amuktamalyada and JambavatiParinayam). There were also accounts of foreign travelers who visited Vijayanagara court from areas as far as Europe, Central Asia and East Asia.The traveler IbnBatuta who visited during the reign of Harihara I documents the foundation of the kingdom of Vijayanagara. AbdurRazzak visited Vijayanagaraduring the reign of Deva Raya II of the Sangama dynasty. Duarte Barbosa (a Portuguese) came here during the early years of Krishnadevaraya and gives a vivid description of the social conditions of the people, their customs and traditions. Another Portuguese traveler who visited the Vijayanagara Empire was Domingo Paes. He visited during the time of Krishnadevaraya and describes the glory of Vijayanagara. Alfonso de Albuquerque, a Portuguese statesman, also gave an accountof the times of Viranarasimha Raya of the Tuluva dynasty. Fernao Nuniz visited the empire during the reign of Achyuta Raya and wrote his chronicle. All these travelers display the grandeur and numerous riches of Vijayanagara in their writings. Besides the above mentioned, we also have accounts of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century British colonial officials such as Buchanan, Colin Mackenzie and Thomas Munro. It is impossible to reconstruct the history of Vijayanagara period without analyzing some thousands of available inscriptions. Many of them refer to the gifts or donations made to Hindu temples. The architectural remains of residences, fortification and surface artifacts comprise a significant archaeological data along with ceramics.

2.5 Political and dynastic history

The origins of the first rulers of Vijayanagara Harihara I and Bukka RayaI belonging to the Sangama (C.E.1486-1505) dynasty is a matter of debate although it is well established that they were the founders of the “city of victory”. Bukka Raya I (also known as Bukka I) shifted the capital from Anegondi to Vijayanagara. The struggle between Bahmani- Vijayanagara started during the reign of Bukka I. The Krishna-Tunghabhadra doab region remained the bone of contention between Vijayanagara and Bahmani. Bukka I’s son Harihara II consolidated the authority of Vijayanagara all over Southern India. “The early Sangamas endowed temples throughout their expanding territories and encouraged the expansion of reservoir based agriculture in the semi- arid upland regions around the capital.” After the death of Harihara II, Devaraya I became the king who was coronated in 1406. Devaraya I and Devaraya II undertook the task of consolidating control over extensive territories. The Sangama dynasty fell in C.E.1485 when SaluvaNarasimha a chief under Virupaksha II, seized the throne from a military weakened king. The Saluvasruled Vijayanagara from C.E. 1486-1505.Another king of this lineViranarasimha improvedthe efficiency of his army by introducing changes in the methods of recruitment and training of his forces. He also maintained friendly relations with Portuguese. The Tuluvas (C.E.1505- 1569) marked the apex of imperial extent and authority. Under TuluvasVijayanagara witnessed urban

59 expansion at the capital and throughout the empire with large scale construction of temples, irrigation works, fortifications and other facilities. Krishnadevaraya was one of the ablest kings of Tuluvasand was a great warrior. He constructed new townships and took keen interest in art, architecture and literature. The final dynasty was that of Aravidu (C.E. 1569- 1654) whose kings ruled from the capitals of Penukonda, Chandragiri and Vellore. Check your progress 1 Q.1. Which of the following statement is /are true? (i) Ramraya was the founder of the Vijayanagara kingdom. (ii) Ruler Bukka I shifted the capital from Anegondi to Vijayanagara. (iii) Krishadevaraya belonged to the Saluva dynasty. Q.2 Match the following: Traveler Ruler a) AbdurRazzak (i) Krishnadevaraya b) Alfonso de Albuquerque (ii) Achyuta Raya c) Durate Barbosa (iii) Devaraya II d) FernaoNuniz (iv) ViraNarasimha Q.3 Match the following: Ruler Dynasty (i) Harihara I (a)Tuluva (ii) ViraNarasimha (b)Saluva (iii) Krishnadevaraya (c)Sangama 2.6 Articulation and Organization of Political Authority

2.6.1 Vijayanagara as a capital city: meaning and interpretation The urban morphology and architectural remains of the Vijayanagara are highly visible expressions of royal ideology and imperial ambitions. John Fritz expounds the meaning of Vijayanagara, South Indian imperial capital. The varied images of king and his royal behaviour are reflected in both sacred and secular buildings. The king is depicted as a warrior (Battle scenes), hunter (scene of royal hunting also projecting royal leadership), promoter of prosperity (initiating construction, projects for welfare of people) and redistributor of wealth (performance of rituals and giving gifts). Several carved panels in the royal centre portray foreigners in front of royal figures. The scenes of royal hunting were displayed on the sides of the platform associated with the mahanavmi festival.“There were also scenes related to athletics, wrestling, acrobats and other contests which displayed the strength, skill and combativeness of those who served the king.” By redistributing his wealth the king enhanced his royal power. The royalty displayed his

60 wealth through possessions, monumental buildings and richly furnished quarters where the king enacted his public and private roles. The conduct of various entertainment acts was also a means by which king displayed and distributed wealth. The numerous panels on mahanavmi platform, Ramachandra temple and stone basements of several palace structures depict dancing women, musicians and acrobats performing in front of seated royal figures. The kings contributed to the wealth of the temples and land by financing hydraulic works. The kings also performed many Brahmanical and Jain rituals which is attested by numerous stone temples of the sacred centre, urban core and the suburbs of Vijayanagara. The overall structure of the city manifest that Vijayanagara’s kings were actively drawing homology between themselves and the ideal God King – Lord Rama. The comparison was made even between the capital and Ayodhya. The area around Vijayanagara contains many sites that are associated with the epic Ramayana. The city of Vijayanagara and its immediate surroundings were closely associated with Rama’s meeting with Hanuman and his alliance with Sugriva. The Rama cult in Vijayanagara was not very ancient and it has been patronized by royal families from fifteenth century onwards. The nucleus of the kings’ activities was the royal center where Lord Ramchandra temple was located. Fritz suggests “Ramchandra was conceived as being within the king, empowering or generating his activities”. The elaborate Ramayana carving in the Ramchandra’s temple complex “represents the symbolic importance of the temple in the context of the city and empire”. The structures led Fritz to conclude that Vijayanagara was laid out as a cosmic city. He further opines that “in the interior of the enclosure ensure, the emphasis on the Rama, on the exterior it is the King and his activities which were celebrated.” This nexus of gifts, honour created a link between the King and the recipient and thereby became helpful in legitimating status hierarchy. The temple is aligned with various land marks and structures, all the roads from outside converge on the plaza in front of the temple. The temples inner shrine is aligned directly South of Matanga hills. BothMatanga and Malyavanta hills (hills associated with mythical events of Ramayana) can be seen from within the temple complex. 2.6.2 Mahanavmi festival The most significant ritual which gives visibility to this association of terrestrial King and celestial Gods was the Mahanavami festival which consisted of nine days of celebration followed by a tenth final day, the Dasmi. The earliest eye witness report of the festival inVijayanagarawas provided by Nicolo Conti in C. 1420 followed by AbdurRazzak in C.E.1442 A.D and the Paes and Nuniz in the sixteenth century. In the word of Stein “The elaborate festival was a celebration of the reigning King and of the institution of the kingship and empire”. Further, he suggested that “local rulers and lords from throughout the empire were required to come to the capital during the festival and demonstrate their loyalty to King and empire.” The annual tributes were paid to the king and the king presented during the Mahanavmicelebration, return gifts in the form of honours to lower rank elites. So in the

61 words of Stein the mahanavmi rites reconstituted the “centralized and hierarchic” phase of state during which “territorial chiefs, subordinate kings, revenue officials and companies assemble at the royal city”. The most important monument used in the festival was the house of victory (Mahanavmidibba/ Mahanavmi platform) from where the king performed his prayers and also witnessed the various processions. In the words of Norobu Karashima “the festival symbolized the Vijayanagara kings sovereignty which combined its ritualistic, administrative and military aspects.” 2.6.3 Political Culture: Islamicization It is also necessary to consider the role of political culture which helped in the creation of Vijayanagara’s imperial identity. Political culture is a useful theoretical category which refers to meaning embedded in a set of symbols, practices and beliefs which defines a political system and is often used for political legitimation. In the context of Vijayanagara kingdom it was Islamicate political culture which was acknowledged by its rulers in an attempt to participate in a cosmopolitan culture that extended beyond South India. Scholars like Philip Wagoner drew attention to this political strategy termed as Islamicization by which “indigenous elites attempt to enhance their political status and authority through participation in the more “universal “culture of Islam through the adoption of certain Islamic cultural forms and practices”. The political culture is also manifested in particular domain of material culture –elite dress and costume of Vijayanagara. Wagoner points that Vijayanagara kings and their followers adopted in court, Islamic inspired long sleeved tunics called” kubayi” and the high conical caps of brocaded fabric called “kullai” which was prevalent both within and outside Indian subcontinent.It differed from earlier wrapped style of royal dress. This style of dress was opted for formal public audience. The court was a place where the Vijayanagara elite met and interacted with Muslim visitors and so Islamic normswere stressed in covering the body. It was also evident through travelers account documents, literary sources and paintings that the ‘robes of honor’ ceremony (distribution of high- quality silk and cotton cloth) was common in Vijayanagara court. According to Carla Sinopoli “this ceremony of bestowal of royal robes had its origin in the courts of the Islamic polities of Northern India. It fulfilled the same function of representing and acknowledging political authority that it did in contemporary Islamic courts”. Vijayanagara rulers not only adopted Islamic inspired court dress but also Islamicate political language evident in the adoption of title ‘’Hindu- raya-Suratrana” or Sultan among Hindu kings. It was first inscribed in an inscription of Bukka I, the first Vijayanagara rulerin C.E. 1352. Islamicate culture also shaped methods of warfare. They assimilated Turkic cavalry and archery techniques. Devaraya II started the practice of employing Muslims in Vijayanagara army. The Muslim presence can be attested not only from literary and epigraphic sources but also from monumental evidence in the form of Muslim quarter in the city containing mosques

62 and tombs. Even the grant of nayankara assignments in return for military service may also have been modeled on medieval Islamic practice of giving iqtas which was introduced to India by the Delhi Sultanate. The Vijayanagara courtly architecture also had elements of north like domes and arches and also Hindu temple architecture like stepped roofs, curved eaves and plaster decoration.So there was a fusion of both Southern “Hindu” architectural traditions and the Northern “Islamic” tradition. In the words of Michell “the style of courtly monuments may be considered as a manifestation of the cosmopolitan nature of the capital; it is a visible expression of the city’s social and cultural complexity.” The Vijayanagara kings assimilated many aspects of Islamicate material culture, techniques in warfare and vocabulary making them quite distinct when compared to the earlier cultural patterns in South India. In the words of Stein, ‘Vijayanagara was a city of diverse foci–markets, palaces, temples, mosque- a city in which power was more secular than sacred. CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 2 Q.1 How did the urban lay-out and architectural remains of Vijayanagara city serve as expression of imperial political authority? Q.2. How did the adoption and assimilation of Islamicate culture helpVijayanagara rulers to participate in cosmopolitan political culture? Q.3 Write short notes on the following: a) Mahanavmi festival. b) Foreign travelers accounts

2.7 Vijayanagara State: Historiographical debate

There are various approaches to the study of Vijayanagara state. Certain historians like N. Sastri regarded Vijayanagara as a strong military state that was heavily centralized under effective rulers. According to Sastri, the Vijayanagara state emerged as a reaction against the Muslim threat and this influenced the growth of administrative institutions in the state. The Vijayanagararayas were devoted in the upholding of the Hindu Dharma and tried to established administrative institutions on the basis of Hindu dharmashastras. He also defined the empire as a confederacy of many chieftains operating under the leadership of biggest among them, that is, the King. The centralization was effective only under strong rulers but under weak kings the warrior chiefs on whom the King were dependent showed resistance and posed challenges to the imperial authorities. The above notion of Vijayanagara as a Hindu state does not portray an accurate picture of Vijayanagara state.

Scholars like Richard Eaton point out that the military troops of Vijayanagara had been recruited from the Sultanate ranks and also that the state adopted/borrowed features from the Turko-Persian iqta land revenue system in its own amaram system Historians like Satish Chanda pointed out distinction between Amaram and iqtadari system. In his opinion it is difficult to equate amaram with the iqta system of Delhi Sultanate That the King also adopted many aspects of Islamicate culture was quite visible in Islamic style of dresses and the choice of Islamic buildings for secular ceremony. Burton Stein questioned Sastri’s view and puts forward his own theory regarding the nature of Vijayanagara state, that is, the segmentary state. Stein defined the segmentary as a polity in which there were several political domains among which power and sovereignty are distributed. The king may not have excessive political and economic powers than other rulers, but has a ritual or symbolic dominance over them. There is ritual dominance of the Kings political center over the other center which also holds together the state as a single unit. The relationship of the segments in relation to the central authority was pyramidally arranged. These segments were largely autonomous economically and resources did flow between the hierarchical level of the segmentary state in the form of taxes and tributes but at the same time such flows were limited and mediated by temples. These segments also included domains ruled by military elites, which had been created by the state to attain centralization. For Vijayanagara, feudal interpretation is most explicit in the writings of Norobu Karashima. After studying the Tamil epigraphic sources of Vijayanagara Empire in Tamil Nadu, he observed that Nayankara system can be characterized as feudal. The feudal relations were hierarchical in nature, descending from the King to the Nayaka and then to landlords in the village. The Nayakas were able to cede territories to sub-Nayakas who acknowledged both the rulers and the Nayakas as their lord. He finds Vijayanagara feudalism very similar to the Tokugawa feudalism of Japan. Stein’s segmentary model has been criticized on various grounds as it was basically a borrowed concept from African ethnologist Adian South Hall and didn’t apply well to the Vijayanagara state. Although he discusses the broad trends of Vijayanagara political economy he ignores the relation of economy and political status. In Stein’s opinion the feudal model ascribed to Vijayanagara state is inappropriate. Many local elites and their competing interests of temple and high level of commodity production and exchange would cross cut the administrative segments. The above historiographical discussion on the nature of Vijayanagara state brings out the many layered complexity of Vijayanagara polity and the role played by many participants in the economic structure and practices. But the issue of craft production and political economy was not taken in the various historiographical interpretations.

Morrison and Lycett recognize the importance of considering multiple sources of power- military, political, economic and ideological. “The capital was both a sacred place and a fortified imperial centre. Vijayanagara rulers also recognized the utility of local chiefs in the armies and incorporated the regional deities”. Carla Sinopoli’s research particularly insists that the study of craft production can refine our understanding of Vijayanagara state. There is meagre evidence to suggest that Vijayanagara rulers exerted direct control over economic production. They utilized existing institutional structures such as temples, caste and merchant groups as main investors and involved them in decision making process over economic production and distribution. However, it is noticeable that direct control was exerted on goods which were essential for maintaining their centres and institutions of power especially weapons and warfare animals like horses. The rulers were keen in the distribution of exotic goods like Chinese porcelain. Earthenware vessels were most abundantly found in many Vijayanagara sites which must not have been under the imperial control. CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 3 Q.1 Discuss the various approaches to the study of Vijayanagara state? Q.2 “The Vijayanagara empire was the nearest approach to a war state ever made by a Hindu kingdom.” Elucidate? Q.3 How has the study of Vijayanagara craft production refined our understanding of Vijayanagara imperial control?

2.8 Vijayanagara Polity

The Rayas divided their empire into a number of provinces called Rajyas and mandalams. The largest administrative division was the rajya also called the chavadi and uchachavadi. The high ranking officers were in charge of the rajayams and administeredstate with the help of subordinate officers called adhikaris who were military officers.According to N.Karashima, the Saluva period marked the transition of Vijayanagara polity from the early system to the Nayakasystem that brought a new social formation to South India. Many significant developments in the social and political organization can be witnessed after the establishment of Vijayanagara. The Nayankara system was an important characteristic of Vijayanagara political organization. Nayakarefers to a person of dominance in Sanskrit language. This was a general term till it acquired a specific meaning in the Vijayanagara period that is military chief. Nayakaswere endowed with land for their maintenance and the villages under their control were designated as ‘amaram’. The holders of Amarams were called Amaramnayaka. The institution of Nayakas was studied in detail by two Portuguese travellers namely Paesand Nuniz who visited India during the reign of Krishna Deva Raya and Achyut Raya of Tuluva dynasty respectively during sixteenth century.

The Nayakas performed a significant task of collecting revenue from the land assigned to them and also maintained an army to provide military services to the state whenever required. They also administrated civil as well as criminal justice. They had no proprietary right on the land they held and King assured that there were frequent transfers of Nayakas from one territory to another. Contemporary Portuguese chroniclers Paes and Nuniz revealed that these Nayakas had to pay fixed contribution to the rajas. This brings up the question of feudal obligation. Scholars like D.C. Sarkar and Aiyengar, who base their views on the account of foreigntravellers, believe that this system was based on feudal relations. They characterized the relation between the Vijayanagara King and the Nayaka as being feudal in nature. The above view has been criticized on the grounds that though certain similarities may exist, there were certain basic differences between Nayaka system and the European feudal system. T.V.Mahalingam believes that it would be inappropriate to identify the relationship between the Vijayanagara Rayas and the Nayaka with the feudal relation that existed between lord and vassal. Burton Stein refuses to accept the feudal interpretation pointing out that most of the binding ties of allegiance which characterized the lord-vassal relationship of feudal Europe were missing. He prefers the term ‘tributary’ over lordship because the amaram was not a military estate. Norobu Karashima brings to light traces of sub-infeudation among Nayakas. The element of hereditary worship was absent as the Nayaka was tenant-at-will. The granting and re-granting of amarams and changes and transfers of Nayakas were recorded in epigraphs. The amaranayaka lacked the essential feudal element of a landlord-peasant relationship. Philip Wagoner located the origins of Nayaka system in theiqtadari system which had been practiced in the Islamic world. The Nayakas were engaged in various duties in the administration of his territorial unit. He performed several civil and military functions. Apart from collecting revenue they also promoted trade and industry. Besides the amaram, the Vijayanagara inscriptions refer to other land tenures, Bhandarvada (Crown) and Manya (Tax free) grants. Bhandarvada villages were owned by the Kings who received a major share of the produce, leaving the minor share to the cultivators, Manya included three kinds of assignments Brahmadeya (assigned to Brahmins as charity), Devadana (assigned to temple for the maintenance of temple rituals and performance of temple rituals), and mathas. Mathas was land given to Saiva and Vaishnavasects for their maintenance and study of their respective theologies. There was also growth of Ayagar system at the village level. The Ayagars were the village servants who were appointed by the state to conduct the affairs of the village. These Ayagars included the accountant, headman, watchman, waterman, magistrate etc.

Certain Vijayanagara inscriptions refer to Poligars or dependent warriors of the Nayaka and Poliyami or military contingent of these warriors. The poligars and poliyami were definitely new elements noted in the Vijayanagara administration. CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 4 Q.1 Discuss the nature of Vijayanagara state with special reference to Nayaka chiefdoms? Q.2 Asses the nature and significance of Nayankara system?

2.9 Vijayanagara Society and Religion

The rulers of Vijayanagara kingdom assumed titles describing them as supporters of four caste and orders, protector of varnashramadhara, upholder of the duties of all castes. Brahmans enjoyed a respectable position in the society. They were also appointed as durgapatis (fortress commanders) and governors. Kshatriya appears to be absent in South India in general. There was also existence of broad social categories based primarily on occupation. There was rise of many occupational groups which led to the formation of new sub-castes or jatis. There was division ofsudras into vadangai- idangai group or right hand group and left hand group. Agricultural jatis or castes were grouped under vadangaiand the marginalized castes, artisans and traders under idangai. In the words of Sinopoli “these groups acted as corporate unitsin coordinating tax payments, regulating production and behavior, settling disputes andorganizing religious festivals among other activities.” The vertical and horizontal social mobility were striking characteristics of this period. Horizontal mobility refers to the territorial distribution of people and there is no alteration of social status. Vertical mobility indicates a change in the social or economic status of an individual. We do have evidences of inter-professional mobility. Many lower caste people belonging to varied occupations like artisans, craftsman and weavers moved upward on the social ladder. Norobu Karashima draws attention to “the emergence of new landed groups, those who had no previous standing as landlords; Chettis or merchants; Reddis or soldiers; Kaikkolars or weavers and Manradis or shepherds”. The emergence of these new groups to a position of local dominance also undertook irrigation improvements with wealth acquired from trade, production and even office. The Sudras practiced different professions and included carpenters, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, weavers and barbers. The weavers, oil-pressers and metal workers appear to have become economically and socially prominent during this period. In modern Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh the weaving community included theDevanga, Saliyar, Jedaand Saniyarcastes. In Tamil speaking region, Kaikkolar came to be the most important weaving community. During Vijayanagara several Kaikkolarindividuals emerged as master weavers, individuals who owned or supervised many looms. The enhanced social status of the Kaikkolar

67 community throughout the period is perhaps best evident in their expanded role in temple administration and references to them in inscriptions. The position of craft producer in social hierarchy also varied and this could be attributed to the type of craft production done by them. The artisans who produced significant textiles and metal objects were able to improve their status while those products which had low value produced by potters were subjected to low social and economic status. The religious policy of Vijayanagara reflects a tolerant spirit. There was patronage to temples and institutions belonging to Hinduism, Jains and Muslims. Vijayanagara rulers also integrated regional deities and religious symbols of their religious pantheon. They were elevated to the status of Lord Vishnu and Siva.Vijayanagara kings belonging to different dynasties indicate different affiliation of kings to particular temples. The Sangamas were Saivites. The Saluvas and Tuluvaswere Vaisnavites and under later Tuluva kings there was investment in Vaisnavite institutions. There also exist evidences of religious differences in religious texts and inscriptions. When a dispute arose between Srivaishnavas and Jains Vijayanagara king Bukka declared “Jains were entitled to same privileges as the Vaishnavas.” Devaraya also built a mosque in his capital for the benefit of Muslim soldiers. Temples were the prime instruments for Vijayanagara political purposes. They also were significant centres of agricultural investment and land control. The donations were made not only by kings and royal households but also by local elites, temple employees, merchant guilds and small investors. The donor received religious as well as material benefits. Burton Stein points out that land was given with an intention that it should be improved through the construction of irrigation facilities. People were entitled to a share of the increase in production. The share went to the templewhich offered the food to the deity. The produce or cooked food was returned as prasadam, sacred foodstuffs.

2.10 Vijayanagara Economy

The Vijayanagara state derived most of its income from land revenue and trade. The arable land was classified into three categories-dry, wet and garden land. The Vijayanagara Kings made attempts at the cultivation and expansion of agricultural land and yields. Agricultural facility was provided for the production of a range of crops. The irrigated wet crops included rice, sugarcane crops and vegetables while dry crops included millet, pulses, oil seeds and cotton. Taxes were collected according to return on the field in cash or kind. We have already noted the development of the tenure system in the above unit. These assignments were further assigned to the peasants or kudi for the purpose of cultivation. The land was called Kudige. The Kudikept the share of the income and rest went to the holders. The responsibility of tax collection was given to Nayakas who collected these taxes by their own servants or by giving out to others. There were taxes on settlements or villages. Beside agricultural taxes the state

68 collected commercial, police and military taxes. It is also noticeable that the rulers, landlords and investors were entitled to shares. The non-agricultural taxes were collected in cash. A significant feature of Vijayanagara economy was investment in small scale irrigation. This involved providing substantial facilities such as canals and large reservoirs. Perennial water was required for wet and garden crop. According to Morrison and Sinopoli “the material benefit to Vijayanagara Kings from these investments was significant. The areas watered by canals and large reservoir were very productive and the donors share was also sizeable”. The Vijayanagara period also saw the increase in use of currency. There were many reasons for this like expansion of internal and international commerce and also the growth of temple towns. There was also a transition from an economy based largely on payment in kind to one based on goods and coinage. The coins included gold, silver and copper varieties. Coins were minted by state, regional centers and merchant guilds. Indian merchant received currency in exchange of various commodities. Gold gadyanas and varahashad the highest value. Silver coins were called Tara andcopper denomination included panaand jitals. The lower denominations were in copper which was used for day to day transactions. The Vijayanagara period also saw steady increase in internal and external trade culminating in the Portuguese intervention of early sixteenth century. Trade route connected different mercantile towns and places of political and cultural importance. The capital city was connected by a route which passed through Chandragiri, Tirupati and Pulicat. Another route connected Vijayanagara with Udayagiri, Kondavidu (place of military importance) as well as places of religious importance, of which Srisalam,Vijaywada, Simhachalam deserve mention. There were a number of articles of inland trade including pulses, millets, wheat, spices, ghee and oil, to name a few. These commodities were sold in bazar or fairs or santas, established by rulers or local chieftain in order to encourage trade and to cater to the needs of village. Vijayanagara was also a participant in global economy. In 1400, the maritime trade was divided in three trading zones, the Mediterranean and costal Atlantic, Arab maritime zone in the Indian Ocean and the Chinese trade of the China’s seas and Japan. The South Indian commodities involved in International commerce included rice and other food stuff, timber, textile, iron ore, pearls and semi-precious stones. From China came silk, from Sri Lanka elephants and gems, from Sumatra came camphor trees and from Persia came horses. Many commodities like cotton textile, copper, quick silver and vermilion along with other dies, velvets and rose water were exported to distant land. The Vijayanagara Empire, except for the Malabar Coast, claimed hegemony over many surplusregions. The Coromandel coast consisted of two separate sub-regions or areas namely the Northern Coromandel (trade around Masulipatnam) and the Southern and Central Coromandel (ports extending from Pulicat to Nagapattinam). Both had different mercantile groups which operated here. The Vijayanagara ruler established links with small mercantile townships of the coast like Basrur (dominated by Saraswat Brahmins). The major

69 metropolitan port of the area was Bhatkal (dominated by cosmopolitan mercantile communities). It had long distance trade and was exclusively oriented to the west mainly the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea. Pulicat and Bhatkal had the distinction of being the eastern and western outlets for Vijayanagara and enjoyed the prosperity. The Portuguese also established trade at Pulicat. Temple towns were also sites for financial and trade transactions. The town of Tirupati at the base of Vengadam hill abode of Venkateshwara at Tirumalai enjoyed numerous donations. These centres created urban facilities and led to the growth of prominent commercial and artisanal production. They were major consumers of goods and served as stimulus to trade. The increased donation to the temples show that merchants and skilled artisans benefitted from the growing prosperity of Vijayanagara. CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 5 Q.1 Discuss the salient features of the Vijayanagara society? Q.2 Discuss the Salient features of the Vijayanagara economy? Did this period witness a rise in monetisation?

2.11 Conclusion

South India was divided under a number of competing states and empires from A.D. 900- 1300. After the collapse of earlier dynasties, the South Indian imperial capital of Vijaynagar became the political and economic centre of a vast empire. It differed from the earlier South Indian dynasties in both scale and diversity. Vijayanagara was the conceptual, and not geographic, centre of the empire. The success of the rulers lay in the fact that while they incorporated local traditions, the imperial court also tried to establish a distinctive identity by adopting cultural and military elements from larger subcontinent. The city also had important sacred association with ideal God-hero king of Ramayana, Lord Rama. The Ramchandra temple remained the nucleus of the royal centre and it had its own significance in the urban context and symbolic lay out of the capital. The king celebrated mahanavmi festival, a public ritual that served to incorporate the entire realm. The kings adopted an extremely broad spatial and cultural array to give shape to a distinctive representation of the empire. Islamicate culture became a factor that shaped styles of prestige and matters of power manifested in clothing, vocabulary and warfare methods. The kings attempted to exert control over certain luxury goods and those related to warfare. Thus imperial ideology was expressed materially in monuments, luxury goods and ritual practices. The growth of the Nayakas resulted in many significant changes in the organization of social and political order by introducing the Nayankara system. It became the mainstay of the Vijaynagar power. This system has often been compared to the iqtadari system and feudal system. The Ayagar system was crucial in Vijayanagara administration as the ayagars or village administrators acted as link between the villagers and imperial representations at different levels. Society in this period also witnessed significant changes and there was

70 emergence of divergent social occupational groups. The community belonging to left-hand division (idangai) were primarily non-agriculturalists and the right hand division (vadangai) were involved in agriculture. Agriculture witnessed the introduction of complex features in the land tenure system. The long distance trade and internal trade and commerce flourished enabling the mercantile communities to play a crucial role in society and economy. In the words of Stein, “the significance of Vijayanagara lies in the fact that it saw transition of South Indian society from its medieval past.”

2.12 Let us Sum Up

• The Vijayanagara emerged after the withdrawal of Delhi Sultanate and the collapse of Deccani states. • For the purpose of study historians and archaeologists have divided the city into two broad zones, sacred centre and urban core. • The sources for the study of Vijayanagara include literary texts, accounts of foreign travellers, records of British colonial officials, inscriptions and other archaeological remains. • There were four dynasties which ruled the VijayanagaraEmpire, the Sangama(C.E.1486-1505), theSaluva (C.E. 1505-1569), the Tuluva (C.E.1505- 1569) and the Aravidu (C.E.1569-1654). • The urban lay out of the capital citypoints out that there was a conscious effort to link the terrestrial king with the divine God Lord Rama. The Ramachandra temple remained the nucleus of the royal centre. • Public rituals like Mahanavmiwere important in ideological control and legitimization. The large structure associated with this festival was mahanavmiplatform upon which the king displayed himself to his land lords andin exchange was paid homage by them. • There was also evidence of influence of Islamicate culture manifested in the domain of material culture like costume and dresses (” kubayi”and “kullai”), adoption of titles (‘’Hindu- raya-Suratrana”), warfare techniques and courtly architecture. This helped the kings to participate in cosmopolitan culture quite distinct from earlier cultural patterns of South India. • There are various theoretical models to explain the nature of the Vijayanagara Empire namely “war- state”, feudal model and segmentarystate. Besides these the study of craft production was an effective tool through which the extent of state andinstitutional organisation and control can be studied. • The Vijayanagara structure and administration differed from the earlier Indian polity. A system of local administration based on land tenure and military service was rendered to the king known as the Nayankarasystem. Other land tenure consisted of bhandarvadaand manya. The holders of ayagar status provided services and in return received taxes and shares of agricultural produce. • There was also rise of many occupational groups which became an important component of castes. Agricultural jatis or castes were grouped under vadangai and the marginalized castes, artisans and traders under idangai. This was also a period of increased social mobility. Religious institutions served as centres of socio-economic

exchange. They legitimised the king’s rule and also led to the development of agricultural tracts through reallocation of gifted cash and land improvement projects. • The empire participated in both internal and external trade.The Vijayanagara period saw increasing monetization and taxes on agriculturalists were collected both in cash and in kind. 2.13 Key Words

1. Amara- land grant for giving military services 2. Amara Nayaka- holder of amara grant. 3. Ayagar- village servants. 4. Bhandarvada- crown land. 5. Brahmadeya- tax free land given to Brahmans. 6. Chavadi- administrative division in the VijaynagaraEmpire. 7. Chetti- merchant. 8. Devadana- land given to temples. 9. Gadyana- a gold coin. 10. ’Hindu- raya- Suratrana- Sultan among Hindu kings. 11. Idangai-left hand group. 12. Iqta- revenue from land given in lieu of military service. 13. Jital- copper coin. 14. Kaikkolar- weavers 15. Kasu- copper coin 16. Kubayi- long sleeved tunics 17. Kudi-peasant. 18. Kullai- high conical caps 19. Manya- tax free grant. 20. Poligars- dependent warrior of Nayaka. 21. Poliyami- military contingent of the warriors. 22. Santa- fair. 23. Vadangai- right hand group. 24. Varahas- gold coin. 25. Tara- silver coin. ANSWER TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS 1 1 (ii) 2. A (iii);B (iv);C (i);D (ii). 3. (i) c; (ii) b; (iii) a.

2.14 Long Questions

Q.1 Explain the politico-military and agrarian structure of the Vijayanagara state? Q.2 Discuss the nature of Vijayanagara state with special reference to Nayaka chieftains?

2.15 References

Essential Readings : ➢ Fritz, John M. (1986). “Vijayanagara: Authority and Meaning of a South Indian Imperial Capital”. American Anthropologist, New Series, vol.88 no.1,pp.44-55. ➢ Sinopoli, Carla (2003). Political Economy of Craft Production: Crafting Empire in South India, C.1350-1650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ➢ Stein, Burton (1989). The New Cambridge History of India 1.2, Vijayanagara, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Suggested Readings : ➢ Karashima, Norobu (2014). The Concise History of South India: Issues and interpretation, Oxford: Oxford University Press. ➢ Sinopoli, C.M. and K.D.Morrison (1995) Dimensions of Imperial Control: The Vijayanagara Capital. American Anthropologist 97(1):83-96. ➢ Sinopoli, C.M. and K.D.Morrison (1992) Economic diversity and integration in a pre-colonial Indian empire World Archaeology 23(3):335-352 ➢ Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. (1990) The Political Economy of Commerce: Southern India, 1500-1650. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ➢ Talbot, Cynthia and Asher, Catherine (2006) India before Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ➢ Wagoner, P.B. (2006) “Sultan among Hindu Kings”: Dress, Titles and the Islamicization of Hindu Culture at Vijaynagara.” Journal of Asian Studies 55(4) 851-880.

Unit III

FOUNDATION, EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION OF THE MUGHAL STATE, C.16th TO 17th CENTURY

3.1 Expansion and Consolidation

The Mughal Afghan Conflict The First Afghan Empire The first Afghan Empire was established in North India by the Lodis. The territorial possesion, which they acquired was a mere fragrant of the sultanate. However, Delhi was still the pivot of authority and the symbol of sovereignty. The neighbouring kingdoms of Jaunpur and Malwa were mighty and resourceful. Still they rivalled each other for acquiring Delhi as who possessed Delhi possessed the entire Hindustan. Delhi in fact enjoyed the same status which was achieved during the early medieval times.

Bahlul Lodi coped with the situation intelligently. He was determined to restore the power and prestige of the Delhi sultanate. In order to suppress the internal dissentions he invited his own clan fellows from Afghanistan. He imprisoned the old Wazir Hamid Khan and also frustrated the attempt of Mahmud Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur to get possession of Delhi. He also reduced the provincial governors and local chieftains who had strengthened themselves following the decline of the power of the central government and they virtually started ruling like an independent potentates: Ahmad Khan of Mewat, Dariya Khan of Sambhal, Isa Khan of Koil, Raja Pratap Singh of Mainpari and Bhogaon, Qutb Khan of Rewari and several other chieftains of Doab were subjected to the Central authority. However, sultan treated them with kindness so that they might be reconciled to his rule. This measure made him free from internal problems. Bahlul Lodi’s next move was to subjugate the power of the Sharqi ruler who was a Claimant to the Throne of Delhi. He invaded the Sharqi Kingdom and forced its ruler to quit the country. The capital was put under charge of his son Barbak Shah. He also defeated Kirat Singh the Raja of Gwalior. Bahlul Lodi restored the power and prestige of sultan and tried to improve the administrative machinery. He enjoyed the love and confidence of his relatives and fellow tribesmen who were given high posts in the administration. They were rather sharing his power and authroity. Sultan did everything to appease them. Contemporary sources reveal that he never used to sit on the throne. Instead, he preferred a masnad where he sat with his fellow tribesmen. Due to this measure the Afghans tribal chiefs became very ambitious and this ultimately led to a struggle with crown during the reign of Ibrahim Lodi. Bahlul Lodi was succeeded by his son Sikandar Shah Lodi in the year 1489. He was endowed with considerable energy and vigour and made earnest efforts to increase the strength and resources of the state. He tried to check and audit the accounts of even the leading Afghan nobles, much against their will. He asserted his authority upto Tirhut and

Bihar : appointed Dariya Khan the hakim of Bihar and reduced Tirhut to a tributary state. He also conducted a treaty with Sultan Nusrat Shah of Bengal by which both agreed not to encroach on each others’ domains. The chiefs of Chanderi, Dholpur and adjacent territories also extended their submission to him. In order to have an effective control on the chiefs of Malwa as well as Rajasthan and also to control the trade routes of the region he founded the city of Agra in 1504. Later on Babur realised the importance of this place and he also selected this site as the capital of the Mughal Empire. The city had a rich hinterland and commenced the vast resources of the region. Agra emerged as one of the greatest trading centre of north India. Sikandar Lodi has been highly praised by the contemporary historians as a firm, vigilant and upright ruler. He dispensed justice with strict impartiality and personally attended the complaints of the poorer section of the society. He took every step to supress disorder and lawlessness. He was equally concerned about the prevalence of peace and prosperity in his kingdom. Contemporary records show that the prices of essential commodities were exceeding low during his reign. Sikandar Lodi also tried to censure the power of the nobility and tried to enhance the prestige of the crown. He was thus not reconciled to Bahlul Lodi’s concept of sovereignty i.e. he did not want to share power with his nobles. He adopted several methods to impress the superiority of the crown to which his Afgan nobles were not accustomed. Thus he initiated a process of the centralisation of authority in the hands of the sultan. There was a discontentment among the nobles which manifested itself during the reign of his successor Ibrahim Lodi. The new sultan possessed military skill but lack tact and moderation. He adopted a policy of repression towards the powerful Afgan nobles especially the Lohani and the Lodi tribes who constituted the official class of the state. This led to the alination of their sympathies with the crown which manifested itself in absolute defiance of his authority. A gap was thus created between the sultan and his nobles. The Lohani clan became independent in Bihar under the leadership of Dariya Khan Lihani, Daulat Khan Lodi also started acting independently in Punjab. Which the sultan was trying to impose his absolute authority, the Afgan ruling class was also asserting its power. Some of these even tried to intrigue against the sultan. Daulat Khan Lodi, for instance, invited Babar to invade the Lodi state. Babar was at this time located at Lahore and closely watching the activities in Northern India. He defeated Sultan Ibrahim Lodi in the battle of Panipat in 1526, and established the Mughal empire. Thus at the opening of the sixteenth century the Afgan power was distracted by internecine disorders had gone extremely feeble. The second Afghan Empire The newly established Mughal empire faced numerous problems especially after hardly recovered from the sudden death of its founder, Babur. This situation was thoroughly

75 exploited by the Afghans under the leadership of Sher Khan, who ultimately succeeded in laying the foundation of the second Afgan Empire known as the Sur empire in northern India. Sher Shah (1540-45) Sher Shah’s victory over Humayun at Kanauj in May 1540, paved the way for him to capture the throne of Delhi. He soon had to march to the Punjab to reduce the Gakkar tribesmen — living between the upper courses of the rivers Jhelum and Indus — to submission. In 1541 he was forced to travel all the way east to Bengal to suppress a rebellion there. To make his inheritance safer, Sher Shah then marched against the Rajputs. Malwa was subdued in 1542. Puran Mal of Raisin was crushed by treachery and deceit in 1543. Sind and Multan were annexed to the Afghan Empire by the Governor of Punjab. The defeat of Maldeva, the Rajput ruler of Marwar, in 1544 by means of a trick, extended Sher Shah’s empire further to the west. In the campaign against Kalinjar that followed, the great Afghan ruler’s career was brought to an end by sudden blast of gunpowder on 22 May 1545 at the mature age of seventy-two. Thus ended so abruptly the meteoric career of a soldier of fortune who has left a permanent mark on the pages of Indian History not so much as a military commander, but as an administrator of outstanding merit. Sher Shah initiated many bold innovations and experiments, some of which were adopted by Akbar also. Sher Shah’s Administration In a short span of five years (1540-45), during which he extended his rule over the large part of the Northern India, he has left a name which the later generations have honoured as that of a great administrator and a just ruler. The administration of Sher Shah was on the same pattern as was established by the Sultans of Delhi. All powers were vested in the kind. He was the chief executive, the chief legislator, the chief judge and the commander-in-chief of the army rolled into one. Besides, Sher Shah was a firm ruler and took keen interest in day to day affairs of the state. He is reported to have said : “It behoves the great to be always active, and they should not consider on account of the greatness of their own dignity and loftiness of their own rank, the affairs and business of the kingdom small or petty and should place no undue reliance on their ministers.” Administrative Heads Sher Shah was assisted by the heads of the civil, military and ecclesiastical departments. The Vakil seems to have functioned as the chief secretary; the Vazir was in-charge of public finance and accounts; and a ‘private secretary’ looked after records, received reports from newswriters and spies and drafted royal orders. A military secretary headed the army department whereas the artillery was headed mir-i-atish.

Sher Shah instructed his administrator and commanders of expeditions to keep him regularly informed about the progress of their work. Not content with this he posted his own independent agents and spies all over his kingdom. Their duty was to keep him posted with whatever they found affected Imperial interests. Sher Shah also organised an efficient system of postal messengers. The horses were provided to them in most cases. Change of horses was also provided to them at convenient posts throughout his empire. When one messenger got tired, his reliever took over from him, allowing the relieved runner to rest and be ready for duty in his own turn. At posts, free meals were provided for Hindus and Muslims alike as a part of royal charities. Units of Administration The empire was divided first into 47 and later on into 50 large units of administration. These administrative units were smaller than provinces but larger than districts, somewhat like the Commissioner’s Divisions of today. These administrators conducted all civil and military functions in their persons. They had large garrison forces under their command, very often distributed in various important places under their charge. The units of administration in Sher Shah’s time may be said to be, in ascending order, the village, pargana, sarkar, (shiq), and may be subah. Revenue Administration The administrators, their staff and the forces under their command seem to have been paid by assignment of the revenue of parts of the areas administered by them. Land revenue formed of the chief source of the state-income. But custom duties, sales tax, excise tax, additional cesses on land, cattle-tax, grazing tax, professional tax on some industries and ferry dues also added to the state’s revenues. Some income was also derived from some of the industrial and commercial undertakings of the state. Collection of the dues at ferries seem to have been framed out. In addition to all these dues, Hindus paid the jazia (poll tax) also. This was levied on all the able-bodied adult male Hindus. Assessment of Land Revenue : Sher Shah made a substantial change in the assessment of land revenue and introduced some improvements in the method of its collection. According to the traditional system of land revenue assessment, the state claimed a substantial share of the produce. This required detailed supervision all over the country. Alauddin had earlier tried to collect land revenue in cash, calculated according to the area of the land under the cultivator, but it does not seem to have worked effectively and we hear no more about it later on. Sher Shah aimed at introducing a system of land revenue where the cultivator (ryot) was asked to pay, primarily in kind, one-third of the expected produce of the crop from the land under cultivation. Under Sher Shah’s rule land was measured and records were maintained. The unit of measurement was the yard of Sikandar Lodi, gaz-i Sikander-i. An average of produce per

77 bigha for every crop was struck by taking into account the produce of the best, the middle and the worst land for every crop. A per bigha schedule of rates in kind was then prepared for every crop and the cultivator was assessed to pay according to the area he had under various crops. Every season the extent of area under every crop was entered in the records for every cultivator against his name. This area was supposed to be measured in every season. But it is quite likely that the primary measurment, was made when the system was first introduced, and served the purpose subsequently. The records of the holdings of every cultivator were detailed and specified not only the entire area cultivated by him but its sub-division also. Subsequently, it was considered sufficient to record the sub-unit under cultivation, their area could be recorded from the earlier records.

This was the land revenue system which Sher Shah would have liked to introduce throughout his territories; But the detailed Measurement of land and the preparation of primary records for every cultivator is a lengthy process and it is not likely that Sher Shah was able to introduce it even over the larger part of his newly established empire. At many places, the old system continued where by the state claimed one-third of the actual produce (not the estimated and expected) of every cultivator. Sometimes concessions in rates were made to the local custom, as in Multan, where only one-fourth of the produce was claimed. Sher Shah might have preferred to collect some of the land revenue in cash. Since no definite information is available on how the demand was assessed in cash, it is fair to suppose that the conversion was done at the current market rates. Collection of Land Revenue : The land revenue was collected by the village headman (muqaddam or mukhiya) who charged an additional 5% for performing this task. Another 5% seems to have been collected for the expenses incurred on visiting officials. In other words, it means the burden on land remained quite heavy and the peasents in spite of some relief because of the better law and order situation, continued are to be exploited by those who controlled the state power. The amount of revenue varied according to the extent of area under cultivation and types of crops cultivated. An increase in area meant higher collection; cultivation of more valuable crops also increased the state’s share. The state, therefore, encourage not only the bringing of new land under the plough but also the introduction of crops with a higher cash yield. Interest-free loans were given to the cultivators for both the purposes. An interesting innovation in the system of collection was also introduced. The revenue officials supplied the village headman demandships indicating what every cultivator had to pay. The dues were vigorously collected as the headman was buond to pay the exact amount due every season. The cultivators were granted receipts for what they had paid so that there could be no undue exaction. The Patwari kept the land records for one or more villages. He was the lowest of the officials but stiil occupied a vital role in the land administration. Revenue Officials : The pargana was the main unit for revenue collection. It consisted of a large number of villages, some what a tehsil taluqa of today. Here the ‘shiqdar’

(collector; literally administrator of a unit) was the presiding officer, responsible for the collection of land revenue. He had one clerk to help him in keeping local records in the local language; another clerk would prepare records in Persian for submission to the capital, Shiqdar was responsible for transmitting the collection to the centre in cash or in kind, as per orders. The treasury received the money thus collected. We hear of a coliector-in-chief or amil also who stood at the head of the revenue establishment. Administration of Justice Sher Shah was known for his even-handed justice and capacity for examining thoroughly all disputes brought before him. Dr. Ishwari Prasad remarks : “Sher Shah was very strict in administering justice in one of his farmans he defines justice in these words : justice does not consist in abstaining from oppression, but in fair and honest dealings with men”. Of course, all types of cases seem to have come up to the royal court. They came not so much in appeal against the decisions of the lower courts as direct demands for justice from the highest in the realm when the complaint had failed to get it elsewhere. Investigation of crimes as well as adjudication of cases was a royal function in cases that were brought upto the court. Besides the traditional Qazi’s courts and revenue courts, Sher Shah “seems to have set up regular courts under mir-i-adl, (judge) in every Pargana. Revenue officials decided revenue disputes. Qazis, mostly stationed in towns and cities decided civil and criminal cases among Muslims and criminal cases against Hindus. The Qazis decided cases between the Muslims only, for, to take notice of any other type of law or of local customs would have been a matter of disgrace for them. Cases among the Hindus, and such case among converts to Islam as depended on local customs must have been decided by the Panchayats of various types. In the villages the panchs were sure to be conversant with local affairs and customs and could be expected to decide cases fairly. As oaths carried much greater weight than they do today, they probably settled many quarrels. Muslim criminal law did not take circums- tantial evidence into consideration; cases were decided by the statements of at least two eye witnesses, or upon the confession of the accused. On the whole, he followed a liberal police with regard to the Hindus and he did not interfere in their day-to-day religious practices. In the opinion of Dr. Ishwari Prasad “the Hindus were treated with justice and toleration.” The Army In army organization, Sher Shah revived Alauddin Khilji’s system of branding the horses of every royal trooper. He also raised a full-fledged royal standing army. All soldiers were recruited as royal soldiers and their horses were so branded. Their salaries were paid by the state rather than by the commanders of the garrisons under whom they served. Sher Shah had a very large standing army, under his own command and another distributed all over his dominions. The garrison commanders were granted separate jagirs for their own use and the

79 land revenue from some other specified area was set apart for the maintenance of the royal troops serving under them. In case of any attempt at diverting the income from the portion assigned for the troops, punishment followed swiftly and surely. Encouragement to Trade and Industry Sher Shah took every care for encouraging trade and industry. The worst obstacle in the movement of goods from one place to another was levying of transit duties on goods by all those who were stronger enough to collect them. Sher Shah abolished this levy entirely except a few places. Free movement of goods needed good roads. Sher Shah repaired old roads and opened new roadways so that Agra, the capital, stood connected with Bengal on one side, and Rohtas on another. Burhanpur on the third and Ajmer on the fourth. A fifth road connected Lahore with Multan. Serais or rest houses at suitable distance were dotted all along the highways constructed by Sher Shah. The serais were enclosed buildings with Chowkidars. Here goods could be stored; men and mounts found shelter and provision. Safety of life and goods was assured. These serais must have been places of some pretension; every important serai was even provided with a separate lodge for the king, and aristocratic people. There must have been rooms for his officers, and stables for the royal horses in postal service and free kitchens all in addition to the necessary quarters for the weary travellers and their goods. Trade and commerce benefitted greatly as Sher Shah riforouily enforced the responsibility of keeping peace and order on every locality itself. Sher Shah reformed the coinage as well. Coins of copper, silver and gold, species of uniform weight and fineness, were introduced to make commercial dealings easier and streamlined. Sher Shah’s achievements are numerous : for bringing large territory under his sway; setting up successfully a strong centralized government in making a break with the prevalent faulty methods of land revenue assessment and collection, and in evolving fairly and reasonably a new method which was adopted by his successors. He encouraged trade and industry, kept peace and order in his dominions and was just to his subjects, at least by his own conception of justice. His regin was a fitting prelude to that of Akbar whose innovations in the machinery of government covered a much larger area and survived long after his death. Prof. Kaikaranjan Qanungo says : “His reign was short but its importance was almost as great and far-reaching as Akbar’s rule of half a century. His dynasty survived him barely a decade but the Indian empire carved with his sword moulded by his statesmanship, evolved institutions. Sher Shah’s memory did not fade as long as the Rupaiya and the Paisa remained the Indian currency and so long as the revenue system of the country was not affected by later experiments.”8

8 Sher Shah and His Times, pp 433-34.

In the opinion of Dr. R.P. Tripathi, Sher Shah was undoubtedly the builder of the second Afghan Empire. During his lifetime, he united the Afghan tribes into a strong force and recovered for them their lost empire. The successors of Sher Shah Jalal Khan, the second son of Sher Shah, succeeded his father within five days of his death on 27 May, 1545. The new ruler, entitled Islam Shah’ proceeded to crush all opposition to his rule. He was able to keep the turbulent Afghan nobility in check for a surprisingly long time. In fact, Islam Shah generally maintained the high standards of efficiency both in the army as well as in the civil administration set by Sher Shah. His death in November 1554, however, brought latent disruptive tendencies to the surface. His minor son, Firuz was murdered by Mubariz Khan, who ascended the throne as Muhammad Adil Shah whose brief reign saw the rise to chief ministership of Hemu, a bania of Rewari, which aroused the jealously of the Afghan chiefs. The standard of revolt was soon raised against Adil Shah by many Afghan nobles and by his nephew Sikandar and cousin Ibrahim. It was this discord that facilicated Humayun’s successful return to Agra. The Surs, however, continued to trouble Akbar until the last of them died in 1568. Their greatest challenge had, of course been met and hurled back at Panipat in November, 1556. Expansion and Consolidation of Mughal State under Akbar (1556-1605) Akbar is regarded as one of the most outstanding monarchs of India. He understood his age and accordingly rose to the occasion and not only succeeded in bringing extensive territories under his rule but was able to provide a strong foundation to the Mughal empire.

The Second Battle of Panipat (1556) Hardly had Akbar ascended the throne, when the disturbing news came that Sulaiman Mirza of Badakhshan had besieged Kabul with a large army. At the same time Hemu, the Commander-in-Chief of Adil Shah Sur (1554-55), captured Gwalior and Agra and was proceeding towards Delhi, which was not well projected. Again Sikandar Sur was threatening to overrun the Punjab. The situation was further worsened by the fact that Agra and Delhi were badly affected by famine and pestilence. The danger posed by Hemu was considered to be the most serious and accordingly Pir Muhammad Shirwani (a Mulla and a favourite of Bairam Khan, the regent of Akbar) was sent immediately to assist Tardi Beg Khan, the Mughal governor of Delhi. Before the Mughals could decide their plan of action Hemu reached the environs of Delhi. Tardi Beg Khan offered him strong resistance but was defeated. Consequently he had to retreat to Sirhind. Bairam Khan got him murdered (1556) on the charge of deserting Delhi. Bairam Khan did not want to wait since the fall of Delhi was a serious blow to the prestige of the Mughals. In order to recapture it a Mughal army.under Bairam Khan’s command hastened towards Delhi. Immediately it met with a success when Hemu’s artillary

81 was captured in the unguarded moments. Undeterred by this loss Hemu arrayed his forces in the historic field of Panipat, where Lodis’ fate had been decided earlier also in 1526. A desparate battle was fought on 5 November 1556. Hemu’s apparent success was accidentally turned into a, positive defeat when he was struck by an arrow ih his eye and fell in his howdah. Rumour spread that he was killed. His soldiers deserted him. Hemu was arrested and killed. Thus the last bid of the Afghans to recapture political authority failed. Soon after, the victory at Panipat Sikandar Sur surrendered and Akbar heaved a sigh of relief. The defeat of Sikandar Sur was followed by the conquests of Gwalior and Jaunpur. Bairam Khan took vigorous measures to consolidate Ajmer. The situation in Kabul also took a favourable turn for Akbar. Sulaiman Mirza was getting tired of the long siege. The advent of winter, the movements of Uzbeks in Central Asia and the rumour of reinforcement arriving from Delhi forced him to sue for peace. He promised to withdraw if his name was read in the Khutba just for a day. This was done and he withdrew his forces from Kabul. During the four years regency of Bairam Khan, Akbar succeeded not only in overcoming many formidable dangers but also in extending his possessions from Kabul to Jaunpur and from the Punjab to Ajmer. The Assumption of Power by Akbar The success and growing influence of Bairam Khan created jealously among the Turani nobles of the Mughal court. The main opponents of Bairam Khan were the Turani nobles and the fosterrelations of Akbar. They tried to create a gulf between him and Akbar. Akbar also used this opposition to get rid of him. The opportunity came when Bairam Khan dismissed Pir Mohammad, the tutor of Akbar and once favourite of Bairam Khan and exiled him. Akbar moved out from Agra to Delhi and dismissed Bairam Khan in March 1560 from the office of Vakil. Bairam Khan was not prepared to take his removal from the office of Vakil lightly and opted for confrontation. Finally, he surrendered and Akbar treated him gracefully and allowed him to go to Mecca. But on his way he was murdered at Patny (Anhilwara) on 31 January 1560, by an Afghan, Mubarak Khan who had some personal enmity towards him. Bairam Khan’s wife and his son, Abdur Rahim Khan-i Khana the celeberated Hindi poet, were sent to Akbar. Conquest of Malwa Akbar now decided to embark upon a policy of expansion and sent Adham Khan (son of Maham Anaga, the foster mother of Akbar i.e., head nurse but who had not actually suckled him) was sent against Baz Bahadur, son of Shujat Khan of Malwa, where he earned a very quick success (1561). This easy conquest of Malwa turned his head and he started acting in a very high handed manner. His ruthless cruelty and misappropriation of booty of Malwa made Akbar furious. He marched in person to punish him, but on the intercession of Maham Anaga, he pardoned him. Adham Khan, however, did not improve. Shamsuddin Muhammad Atka, the husband of Jiji Anaga (who actually suckled Akbar) and who was now the Prime

Minister, was regarded by Adham Khan as his chief enemy. Adham Khan taking advantage of an opportunity attacked Shamsuddin Muhammad Atka in his office who died of injuries. Akbar could not tolerate such things and he ordered him to be thrown down from the terrace of the fort and thus he was killed in May 1562. Akbar himself conveyed this news to Maham; who could not bear this shock for long. She died, after 40 days, in June 1562. In Malwa (1562) Adham Khan was succeeded by Pir Muhammad Khan as subedar (Governor). But he was defeated by the ruler of Khandesh and Baz Bahadur and was killed while crossing the Narmada. Baz Bahadur was back on the throne of Malwa. Akbar now sent Abdulla Khan to re-establish imperial authority over Malwa by driving out Baz Bahadur. He not only did this, but also succeeded in capturing Mandu, the capital of Malwa. Conquest of Gondwana The conquest of Malwa extended the boundaries of the Mughal Empire upto those of the Gond Kingdom of Girha-Katanga or Gondwana, which included the regions of Sagar, Damoh; Mandla, Sivni, Narmada Valley and possibly a portion of Bhopal. It included 53 forts. Its ruler, Dalpat Shah, died, leaving his widow Durgawati and his infant son Veer Narayan, Durgawati managed the administration as the regent of her son who was only three years old at the time of the death of his father, Dalpat Shah. The kingdom of Gondwana was a fairly rich kingdom and Asaf Khan, the Mughal Governor of Kara (Allahabad), was tempted by its wealth. Occassionally he revaged the border of his neighbouring kingdom. Rani Durgawati wanted to avoid confrontation with the Mughals, and therefore, she started negotiations with Akbar for a peaceful settlement. Nothing came out of these negotiations. And she decided to attack Bhilsa. The Mughals were bent to confront her and Asaf Khan marched with his army. In spite of stiff resistance Rani Durgawati could not escape defeat. Rani Durgawati, who was already wounded and ended her life by killing herself. Kamlawati, sister of Durgawati, was sent to the court along with 200 elephants. Asaf Khan captured large amount of gold, silver and jewels over and above 1600 elephants of which only 1200 were sent to the Emperor, the rest having been appropriated by Asaf Khan himself. Three years later, in 1567, Akbar restored the kingdom of Garha-Katanga (Gondwana) to Chandra Shah a brother of Dalpat Shah after taking ten forts from it. Suppression of Rebellions The rebellion of the Uzbek nobles (1564-67) The conquest of Garha Katange (Gondwana) was not yet complete, when Akbar was faced with another series of internal rebellions. There was a tribe of Seistani Uzbeks who had done some valuable services to the Empire, but whose loyalty was not unquestionable. The crisis started with the rebellion of Abdulla Khan Uzbek, the Governor of Malwa. Akbar went to punish him, but he fled away. There were a number of Uzbek nobles, like Khan Zaman (or Ali Quli Khan), Bahadur Khan Alam (or Iskandar Khan), and Ibrahim Khan who were suspected of conspiring with Afghans. Akbar marched with Munim Khan towards the east

83 and encamped at Jaunpur to deal with them one by one. Khan Zaman attempted to foment a rebellion. Akbar immediately despatched Munim Khan (or Khan Khanan) to suppress him. Later on, he pardoned the rebels at the request of Munim Khan. He was quite convinced that Munim Khan was favourable inclined towards the Uzbeks, but as the time was not opportune for a stronger action against them, he accepted Munim Khan’s advice. Rebellion of Mirza Hakim But more serious than the Uzbek uprising was the rebellion of Mirza Hakim (a step- brother of Akbar and the governor of Kabul) who took advantage of the situation and attacked the Punjab. Akbar moved out from Agra in November 1566 to punish him. Hearing the news of the march of the Mughal army under Akbar with a view to toppling him. Mirza Hakim was shaken and he returned to Kabul. Rebellion Mirza brothers A third rebellion was stirred up by the Mirza brothers who belonged to the family of Babur. They had been, given jagirs, but this had not satisfied them. When Khan Zaman, the Uzbek leader of Jaunpur, acknowledged the claims of Mirza Hakim to the throne of Hindustan the Mirzas felt encouraged and went to him to get support for their claims. Finding him unenthusiastic they proceeded towards Delhi which they found well protected, then turned to Malwa and captured it. Akbar went to suppress them in a week’s time and thus ended the venture of Mirza brothers. The action of Khan Zaman of letting the Khutba being read in the name of Mirza Hakim enraged Akbar, and he marched against Khan Zaman in May 1567, fully determined to crush him. His efforts bore fruit. Khan Zaman was killed and his brother Bahadur was arrested and put to death. This ended the Uzbek rebellion and the long struggle between the Emperor and the turbulent nobility. Akbar faced this period of trial with unbounded energy and undaunted courage.

3.2 Akbar’s Relation with the Rajputs

When Akbar ascended the throne he was too young to formulate any definite state- policy. For about four years, the affairs of the Mughal Empire were managed by Bairam Khan. The activities of Sher Shah’s Afghan general Haji Khan were bound to attract the attention of the Mughals. Taking advantage of the chaotic conditions following Humayun’s death, he had become the independent ruler of Mewat. What was more, he had captured Ajmer also with the help of Raja Maldeo of Marwar. The Mughal forces were sent against him in April 1557 but he continued to threaten Hissar and reached Sirhind. This rapid advance of Haji Khan forced Akbar and Bairam Khan to march against him. Not prepared to risk a conflict with the Mughal army, Haji Khan fled towards Gujarat and the Mughal forces captured Ajmer and Setarana (March 1558). The newly acquired territories were put under the charge of Mirza Sharafuddin.

Matrimonal Relations with Amber, Jodhpur and Bikaner The tiny state of Amber was ruled by Raja Bharmal of Kachhwaha dynasty. Sharafuddin Husain, the governor of Mewat, wanted to acquire Amber for his friend, the nephew of Raja Bharmal. Akbar, going for his first pilgrimage to the shrine of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti at Ajmer, camped at Sanganir1 near Amber in January 1562. Raja Bharmal Kachhwaha took advantage of this opportunity to pay his respects to the Mughal Emperor and sought protection from the designs of Sharafuddin and the Raja of Marwar. Amber was also threatened by internal quarrels. Akbar received Bharmal with kindness and promised to help him, “Either of his own accord or in compliance with a suggestion of someone else; Raja Bharmal gave his daughter in marriage to Akbar.” This marriage took place on 6 February 1562. This matrimonial alliance was based on mutual faith and goodwill. Incidentally, Jahangir was born of this wedlock. Raja Bharmal’s son Bhagwan Dass and his grandson Man Singh were taken into the imperial service and were given high positions. This special patronage extended to the Kachhawahas not only helped this family to rise into promisence but also helped the Mughals in getting unflinching loyalty and distinguished military service of this family for the consolidation and expansion of the Mughal Empire. This matrimonial relation between the Mughals and the Kachhwahas, the consequent rise to political power of the Kachhwaha family and the enhanced prestige of the state of Amber ruled by this family, seem to have created a feeling of jealousy and keen rivalry among the other Rajput families. Gradually the rulers of such Rajput states of Jodhpur, Bikaner and Jaisalmer also vied with each other in marrying their daughters to the Mughal Emperor or Mughal Princes. Akbar himself married a number of Rajput princesses and arranged similar marriages for his son and grandsons. They secured a mansab for them at the Mughal Court and protection for their states. Akbar’s visit to Ajmer for pilgrimage was closely connected with his future plan of the conquest of Rajputana. Merta was occupied by him in the same year (1562). Soon after the death of Maldeo of Jodhpur on 7 November 1562, started the struggle for succession in this extensive Rajput state. Taking advantage of the situation, Akbar set Husain Quli as the head of an army and he succeeded in occupying it without much difficulty in 1564. Till 1583 it remained with the Mughals after which it was returned to Udai Singh, who acknowledged the Mughal suzerainty. Akbar had by now succeeded in establishing friendly relations with Amber, Jodhpur and Bikaner. The minor states could be forced to surrender any time. Relations with Mewar : Conquest of Chittor Mewar played an important role in the struggle for power in North India. It did not succeed in it yet it was not prepared to yield before Akbar, who had recently launched an expansionist policy. Its conquest was necessary for Akbar for the protection of Malwa which lay south of it. The ruler of Mewar, Rana Udai Singh, was determined to stop Akbar’s expansionism.

The main target of Akbar was the strategic fort of Chittor. He appointed Asaf Khan, who bad been prominent in the Garha-Katanga compaign, to collect an army and provisions for the invasion. Akbar himself, marching at the head of a large army, succeeded in capturing the forts of Sivi, Supar and Kota, before moving towards Chittor in 1567. Rana Udai Singh after knowing these moves of Akbar moved out of the fort with his family to a safer place. The fort was left under the care of Merta who tried to defend it with 5,000 Rajput soldiers. Akbar after reaching near Chittor fort on 20 October 1567 laid a systematic siege. A request for peace was turned down by the Mughal Emperor as it did not come from the Rana. He considered it below his dignity to withdraw conquering a fort which had earlier been captured by Bahadur Shah of Gujarat and Sher Shab. A life and death struggle ensured. The Rajputs started losing heart. After their expert musketeer, Ismiil Khan who was in the service of the Rajputs, was killed, and Jai Mal was wounded, the defeat of the Rajputs became inevitable. There upon the Rajput women immolated themselves in the mass rite known of jauhar and the men came forth to make a desperate attack on the Mughals, but they were defeated. This resulted in the capture of the fort of Chittor on 25 February 1568. Akbar then resolved to make an example of Chittor and ordered a general massacre. Thirty thousand people of Chittor lost their lives. The aim of this general massacre was to terrorize the Rajputs in general with a view to forcing them to yield.

Conquest of Ranthambhor After constituting Chittor into a sarkar and placing it under Asaf Khan the victorious army of the Mughals under Akbar moved towards the fort of Ranthambhor. The siege of the fort started on 10 February, 1569. In spite of spirited resistance of Rao Surjan Hada resisted the Mughal force, but he was soon convinced of the of the futility of continuing the policy of confrontation. Therefore, he accepted the advice of Raja Bhagwan Das and Man Singh and agreed to pay his respects to Akbar. The fort of Ranthambhor was occupied on 22 March 1569. In return Surjan Singh Hada was admitted to imperial service and was appointed as governor of the territory of Benaras and the incharge of the fort attention of the Chunar. Next Akbar turned his attention to Kalinjir in Bundelkhand, but personally he did not lead his army. Instead he instructed Majnu Khan to attack Kalinjar. The ruler of Kalinjar, Raja Ramchand surrendered the fort to Magnu Khan in August 1569. He was immediately admitted in the imperial service and the fort of Allahabad was put under his charge. These successes of Akbar demoralized other Rajput rulers. And when Akbar was at Nagor on his way back to Agra from Ajmer, the rulers of Marwar, Falaudi, Bikaner and Jaisalmer surrendered to him. Dungarpur and Sirohi also gradually came under his authority. On 28 February 1572 Rana Udai Singh of Mewar died, and he was succeeded by Rana Pratap Singh. Kunwar Man Singh Kachhwaha pursuaded him to go to the imperial court but he refused to comply with his request. For some time the relations between the Mughals and Mewar remained apparently friendly, but the refusal of the Rana to accept the suzerainty of the Mughal Emperor lead to series of invasions against him. Right up to his death in 1597, Rana Pratap Singh, in spite of his disasterous defeat at Haldi Ghati did not accept Mughal. His seezreinty successor, Rana Amar Singh, also continued the struggle during Akbar’s life time.

The Rationale of Akbar’s Rajput Policy Akbar’s conquest of Rajputana and the terms of the treaty he finalised with various Rajput rulers stand on a different footing from his other conquests and treaties. With the Rajputs he appears to have followed a policy of coercion for the sake of conciliation. Generally speaking Akbar’s aim was not to denude the Rajput rulers of their powers if they agree to surrender before him. He was satisfied if they acknowledged his suzerainty and entered into alliance with him. According to the general terms of his treaties with the Rajputs: Firstly, he allowed them complete internal autonomy. Secondly, he desired that either the ruler or the heir-apparent must always attend the Mughal court. Thirdly, he had the final say in the matter succession in the states (through he usually did not interfere with the local tradition). By the first clause he satisfied the Rajputs in their desire to rule their own states; by the second he managed to keep them under constant watch and by the third he controlled the succession in these states. Even then the question arises as to why he did not annex those Rajput states which he had conquered. For the answer to this question, it is necessary to remember the political condition at the time when Akbar ascended the throne. It has already been mentioned that during the early period of his administration, Akbar faced the opposition both of the Afghan and Turani nobles, Particularly during the rebellions of the Turainis the Rajputs showed unflinching loyalty and firmly stood behind Akbar. This convinced Akbar of their utility in strengthening his position against his enemies. From then onwards Akbar did his best to make the Rajputs his permanent ally. Akbar was a wise man and he took lessons from history. He knew that since the advent of Turkish power in India the Raiputs had been making incessant efforts to push them out and regain the political supremacy which they had enjoyed for about five centuries. It was this Rajput resistance which did not allow any Turk or Afghan rule a peaceful time to consolidate and expand his Empire. He must have heard about the firm resistance offered by Rana Sanga to his grandfather. Sometimes their spirit of defiance remained dormant, but it was never completely killed. When Akbar ascended the throne, they appear to have been at their lowest ebb. After the failure of their last concerted effort under Rana Sanga to regain the political supremacy of Northern India, they were disheartened. Akbar was shrewd enough to realise the difficulties of his opponents and in exploiting them to his utmost advantage, and to create a loyal and subservient nobility out of this indgenous element. The grant of high mansabs at the court, the prospects of promotions in future and sufficient scope for the display of their valour were enough to attract the Rajputs in the prevailing circumstances. They played an important role in Akbar’s plan to counter balance the Afghan and the Turani nobles and formed a new force in the form of Rajput

87 nobility which suppotted him and his successors also in establishing and consolidating an Empire unprecedented in Indian history. Conquest of Gujarat (1572-73) After the conquest of Chittor, Ranthambhor and Kalinjar Akbar decided to conquer Gujarat. The Kingdom of Gujarat had already been conquered by Humayun, but later on had slipped out of his hands. Naturally Akbar had a strong desire to re-conquer it. In addition, the wealth of Gujarat and its political and commercial importance were other factors for conquering it. The revolt of Mirza brothers, who were located in that region, was the immediate cause of the invasion. At this juncture the kingdom of Gujarat was ruled by Mazaffar Shah II. He marched towards Ahmedabad reaching there on 20 November, 1572. After an inconclusive campaign against the Mirzas who had captured the region from Fuladi to Patan, Akbar besieged Surat on 11 January, 1573. Akbar succeeded in capturing Surat in February 1573. Soon after, the rulers of Baglana and Khandesh surrendererd to him. The Portuguese also entered into a treaty with him. Akbar appointed Mirza Aziz Koka as the Subedar of Gujarat and returned to north India. But soon after his departure the rebels in Gujarat became active. Akbar rushed again with Man Singh and made a surprise attack upon the enemy. Muhammad Hussain Mirza, who attempted to resist the Mughal forces, was defeated. He was arrested and put to death. Ahmedabad was captured and the rebellion was fully crushed. Akbar then returned to Agra. Conquest of Bengal (1575) Bengal had always posed a problem to the Sultans of Delhi. The Afghans occupied it in the time of Sher Shah; and in 1564 Sulaiman Karrani occupied the province. In order to retain the favour of the Mughal Emperor, he accepted his suzerainty, but continued to pursue his ambitions by capturing the fort of Zamania and by conquering Orissa. Akbar did not appreciate this move but could not take action as he was busy elsewhere. In 1572, Sulaiman Karrani died. He was succeeded by this eldest son Bayazid who was murdered by Daud Khan, who declared himself an independent ruler. Akbar sent Munim Khan with a large army to attack him and later on he marked himself to punish Daud Khan who fled. Patna was occupied by the Mughal forces and Munim Khan was appointed as governor of Bengal. On Munim Khan’s death in October 1575, Daud Khan again started trouble, and ultimately succeeding in re-occupying the entire country. Akbar immediately sent another army under Khan Jehan. He was accompanied by Todar Mal. Both were determined to punish Daud Khan. The Afghans were routed in a battle rear Raj Mahal on 12 July, 1575. Daud Khan was imprisoned and killed, and thus Bengal was re-occupied. Thus ended the trouble in the east, and Bengal Bihar became integral parts of the Mughal Empire.

Problem of North-Western Region (1580-1595) Akbar had left his brother Mirza Hakim as the governor of Kabul. But Mirza Hakim with the help of his mother had become practically independent. Akbar had overlooked this act and had allowed Kabul to continue as a buffer state, because he was sure that surrounded with hostile states at the region of Kabul, Mirza Hakim would always depend upon him for support. But in 1580 Mirza Hakim began invading the suba of the Punjab. Man Singh who was then posted as governor of Lahore repulsed the initial attacks but he discovered some letters which indicated that the offensive of Mirza Hakim was the outcome of an understanding with some of the high officials of the state. Man Singh sent those letters to Akbar. In the meantime, Mirza Hakim directed another successful attack under his personal command. The action of Mirza Hakim led Akbar to immediate action. He at once started with a force comprising of 50,000 cavalry and 500 elephants, besides infantry, and other equipments. Akbar took with him Prince Salim and Prince Murad and also Khawaja Mansur. It was during this march that Akbar became sure of Khawaja Mansur’s treachery and while halting at Shahabad ordered the execution of Khawaja Mansur on the charge of treason. Akbar then proceeded in all haste and entered Kabul, which had been evacuated by Mirza Hakim. From Ghurband where Mirza Hakim had taken shelter, he sent his submission and promised his loyalty to Akbar. Formally Mirza Hakim was allowed to return Kabul, but the charge of administration was given to the sister of Mirza Hakim. In July 1585 the news arrived of the death of Mirza Hakim. This forced Akbar again to move to the Punjab. Prior to his own movement he had already asked Man Singh to take up the administration of Kabul in his own hand. The situation was quite alarming since Akbar had been receiving the distressing news of the rise of Abdulah Khan Uzbeg who had conquered Bukhara, Balkh, Tashkant, and even Badakhshan in 1584. This resulted in the expulsion of Sulaiman Mirza and his grandson in Kabul which was source of anxiety, and was made grave by the death of Mirza Hakim. Man Singh, however, had succeeded in occupying Kabul and restoring order and had also sent to the imperial court the two sons of Mirza Hakim, who were minors. By the time Akbar reached Attack, matters in Kabul had already been fairly settled. But the rise of Abdullah Khan was considered a menace, because with the various parts of the boundary of India not properly under control of the Mughals he could at any time attack through these regions. Akbar made Attock as the Imperial headquarters and directed operations for bringing the bordering states under Imprrial control. From Attock Akbar again appointed Man Singh as the governor of Kabul and he directed expedition for the conquest of Kashmir, Swat, Bajaur Valley and Baluchistan. From Attock the Mughal army under Akbar had undertaken the subjugation of the tribes of Yusufzais which under the inspiration of Roshnia movement (i.e., a religious revivalist movement among the tribes of the north-wertern region) bad taken a serious turn. The

89 expedition in Swat and Bajaur valley was however not successful in the beginning but in one expedition Birbal lost his life. Annexation of Kashmir (1586) Yusuf Khan, Sultan of Kashmir, had accepted Mughal suzerainty in 1581, and had sent his third son to Akbar’s court and had again sent another son Yaqub Khan in 1584-85. But these sons bad left the Mughal court without permission which was considered a hostile action. Akbar had also asked the ruler of Kashmir to attend the Mughal court at Attock personally but he had been evading all time. Thus his loyalty towards the Mughals was doubtful. In December 1585 Akbar deputed Raja Bhagwan Das and Qasim Khan, with whom Shahrukh was attached to the task of subjugation of Kashmir. The Mughal forces marched through Pukhli Pass and at Buliya Pass an indecisive battle was fought. Yusuf Khan, however, was impressed by the Mughal forces and agreed to recognise Akbar as his overlord handing over the finance and trade of country to the Emperor. Akbar did not accept the terms of treaty offered and directed the Mughal generals to go ahead. This time Qasim Khan was sent. After many difficulties Qasim Khan succeeded in reducing Kashmir. Yusuf Khan and his son Yaqub Khan were sent to Bihar, where according to Abul Fazl, a small jagir was given to them; but according to another contemporary historian Baruni, both father and son perished in a prision in Bihar. Kashmir was annexed and was made sarkar of the province of Kabul. Akbar thrice visited Kashmir. The first visit took place in 1589. Sindh (1591 In 1590 Akbar appointed Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khana the son of Bairam Kuan, as governor of Multan with instructions to capture Sindh. Bhakhar had already been conquered in 1574. And now Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khana pushed forward against Mirza Jani Beg, the ruler of Thatla in 1591. After some resistance Mirza Jani Beg submitted. Sindh was annexed with its fortress of Thatta and Sehwan in 1591, and the region was made a sarkar of the province of the Multan Mirza Jani Beg, however, was treated kindly. He was given a mansab which was ultimately raised to 3,000 and he also became one of the disciples of Akbar’s Din- i-Ilahi. Orissa (1592) Akbar had recalled Man Singh from Kabul some time in 1587 and had appointed him as the governor of Bihar. On reaching Bihar the energetic Man Singh had subdued Raja Puran Mal of Gidhaur. Sangram Singh of Kharakpur, Anant Cheru of Gaya. He also had cleared the districts of Purnea, Tajour and Darbhanga of turbulent Afghan chiefs, who being driven out from place to place had taken shelter in Orissa. Man Singh, who was recongnised as Raja afrer the death of Raja Bhagwan Das, succeeded in defeating most of their chiefs and occupied Cuttak and Sarangarh. Orissa was incorporated as a sarkar of the suba of Bengal.

He was appointed as the governor of Bengal and he remained in office almost up to the closing year of Akbar’s reign.

Acquistion of Baluchistan and Qandhar (1595) After the annexation of Kabul and Singh, Akbar felt it necessary to acquire Baluchistan and Qandhar for proper defence of the border territories. Therefore he deputed Mir Masum to subjugate and conquer Baluchistan in 1595. Mir Masum attacked the fort of Sibi and compelled the petty chiefs, (Baluchis) to surrender entire Baluchistan including Makran region up to the sea coast. The Baluchis were pacified by distribution of wealth and jagirs. In the matter of Qandhar, Akbar was rather lucky. The Persian governor Muzaffar Husain was not having good relations with the Shah of Persia and was apprehensive of some action from him. He, therefore, negotiated with the governor of Kabul and handed over the fort of his own accord (1595). Muzaffar Husain was received by Akbar at the Imperial court with great honour. He was bestowed with a mansab of 5,000 and the jagir of Samoral was allotted to him for his maintenance. It will be worth keeping in mind that Qandhar remained with the Mughals up to 1622 when Jahangir lost it. (Shah Jahan again acquired it, and held it from 1638 to 1649, when it was conquered by the Persians and remained with them till the end of Mughal rule.) In the matter of Qandhar, Akbar was rather lucky. The Persian governor Muzaffar Husain was not having good relations with the Shah of Persia and was apprehensive of some action from him. Hs, therefore, negotiated with the governor of Kabul and handed over the fort of his own accord (1595). Muzaffar Husain was received by Akbar at the Imperial court with great honour. He was bestowed with a mansab of 5,000 and the jagir of Samoral was allotted to him for his maintenance It will be worth keeping in mind that Qandhar remained with the Mughals up to 1622 when Jahangir lost it. (Shah Jahan again acquired it, and held it from 1638 to 1649, when it was conquered by the Persians and remained with them till the end of Mughal rule.) With the acquisition of Qandhar, Akbar had every reason to be quite satisfied with his frontier arrangements, but he immediately did not return to Agra. He was not sure of the attitude of the Persians. Abdullah Khan Uzbeg of Turan, though on friendly terms, was another cause of anxiety. Akbar, therefore, stayed at Lahore up to 1598, and moved towards Agra in the month of March 1598, After Abdullah Khan’s death. Conquest of the Deccan (1598-1601) Akbar, as discussed earlier, had a desire to establish his supremacy over the entire Sub- continent of India and he had been working hard to fulfil this ambition. The Vindhya ranges were an obstacle to the movement towards the Deccan, but in reality culture commerce and politics had easily transcended these barriers. The Sullans of Delhi, such as Alauddin and Muhammad bin Tughlaq, had already infiltrated into the south. It was but obvious that Akbar was also attracted towards the Deccan. Fortunately for him the political condition of Deccan was also very favourable. After the battle of Talikota, in 1505, and the severe blow to the Empire of Vijayanagar disintegrated, the other kingdoms of the Deccan began to quarrel amongst themselves once again. Ahmadnagar soughfto advance to the north. Murtaza Nizam

Shah annexed Berar, plundered Burhanpur and besieged Asirgarh. The advance of his army to the Mughal frontier attracted the Akbar. Conquest of Ahmadnagar The first to face up to the Mughal army was therefore, Ahmadnagar. Taking advantage of internal dissensions in the ranks of the Nizzam Shahis, the imperialists laid seige to the fort of Ahmadnagar (1995). They countered formidable resistance. The famous queen Chand Bibi, sister of Durban Nizam Shah, organized the defence and supervised the battle personally. She displayed military skill and generalship of a high order. Finding it difficult to succeed in the seige, the Mughals were forced to withdraw (1596). A treaty was signed whereby Berar was ceded to ihs Mughals by Ahmadnagar, which recognized Mughal suzerainty. This peace was not destined to last long, for Chand Bibi’s advice was disregarded by the Ahmand-nagar nobles who began a war to recover Berar. In this the Nizam Miahis suffered reverses against the Mughals who now achieved a diplomatic success. Chand Bibi was treacherously murdered and the town was taken by assault in 1600. Though Ahmadnagar was conquered and annexed, the heroic resistance offered by Chand Bibi lingered long in memory of both the Mughals and the Deccanis.

Conquest of Khandesh (1593-1601) The Kingdom of Khandesh formed a sort of link between Gujarat and the kingdoms of Deccan. Thus from the point of view of defence of Gujarat and Malwa and the conquest of the Deccan, its occupation was very necessary. After the death of Muhammad Shah II in 1577, the country was ruled by Raja Ali Khan. Frightened by the aggressive designs of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur, he established friendly relations with the Mughals. But his son Miran Bahadur was not favourably inclined towards the Mughals. He threatened to, take off the Mughal yoke and retired to Asirgarh relying upon the invincibility of this fort. The Mughals captured Burhanpur and laid siege to the fort of Asirgarh in 1599. The fan of Ahmadnagar Akbar’s determination to capture the fort of Asirgarh by deploying a huge army had a demoralizing effect on the defenders but ultimately it was Mughal diplomacy and use of gold that made the difference. The commander of the fort, Malik Yaqut tried to defend it till the last moment, but failed. On the persuasion of his son Maqarrab Khan Bahadur Khan went to the camp of Akbar where he was detained. Yaqut persuaded some of the prince in the fort to accept the crown and continue the war. But none agreed. The noble, refused to support him. In utter frustration he commuted suicide. The fort of Asirgarh was finally surrendered to the Mughals in January 1601. The conquest of the forts of Ahmadnagar and Asirgarh opened the gates to the Deccan and the successors of Akbar carried the policy of conquest to its logical conclusion. Assessment of Akbar’s Deccan Policy Akbar was an expansionist. In the beginning he concentrated on the conquest of entire region of northern India but once this task was more or less completed his desire to conquer more territories further grew. He looked towards the Deccan. The kingdoms of the Deccan

92 were in a bad shape, and there was no unity amongst them even when there was an outside threat. The political instability of these kingdoms of the Deccan encouraged Akbar to take initiative. Ahmadnagar was his first target, which subdued after the tough resistance under the heroic resistance put forth by Chand Bibi. Next came the turn of Khandesh Asirgarh was also captured. But it is significant to note that in spite of their military superiority the Mughals failed to move very swiftly in the Deccan. It is also to be noted that Akbar was firm to annex the territories of the Deccan and he was not satisfied with the mere acknowledgement of his sovereignty, as he had done in the case of the Rajput kingdoms. And since his intentions were quite clear, the Deccan kingdoms also took the threat to their survival seriously, as shown by the resistance put by Ahmadnagar and Asirgarh. Akbar’s achievements in the Deccan were modest. Expansion and Consolidation of the Mughal Empire under Jahangir and Shahjahan Jahangir (1605-1627) Prince Salim, Akbar’s eldest son by the daughter of Raja Bharmal Kachwaha of Amber, became the Emperor of India on 3 November 1605 with title of Jahangir (Holder of the world). He started his reign as a liberal and benevolent administrator. Soon after his accession, he issued a code of regulations, i.e. dastur-ul-amal to be observed by all the officers and officials of the Mughal empire. He abolished a number of cesses and ordered the construction of the serias, hospitals, schools and wells etc. Special instructions were issued to jagirdars and revenue officials not to encroach upon the lands of the ryots. According to his memories, he got installed a “Chain of Justice” which linked the Shahburj in the fort at Agra to a stone pillar placed on the bank of the Jamuna. This was put up on the orders of the Emperor so that he could be easily accessible to his subjects at odd times too. Jahangir wanted to start his carrier as the sovereign of India with a clean state. In order to win over the confidence of his opponents, he granted a general amnesty to all of them. Many of them were reinstated on their old posts; on some even generous rewards were showered and one such beneficiary was Mirza Aziz Koka, father-in law of Khusrau.9

9 In 1606, he fled from Agra towards the Punjab and raised the standard of revolt against his father. He even succeeded in capturing a part of the Royal treasure which was being conveyed from Lahore to Agra. Realising the danger, Jahangir marched swiftly towards Lahore and within nine days caught up with Khusrau. A battle followed at Bhairowal (April, 1606) in which Khusrau was defeated. He tried to escape by fleering towards Kabul but was captured while crossing the river Chenab and brought back to Lahore. This difficult task was accomplished by the alertness of Shaikh Farid who was given the title of Nawab Murtaza Khan and was appointed Governor of Gujarat. On the other hand, Khusrau and all his associates were severely punished. Khusrau had to undergo numerous hardships, and innumerable humiliations and insults were piled on him. He was even blinded when some of his followers made another abortive attempt to place him on the Imperial throne. The Sikh Guru Arjan Dev (1581-1606) who had given financial and moral support to Khusrau, was fined very heavily, and when the refused to pay the required amount he was tortured to death. The incident marked the beginning of the Mughal-Sikh confrontation. The Sikhs till his time essentially a religious community, deeply devoted to their faith were forced by the religious bigotry of Jahangir to strike a military aim political posture. The transformation of the Sikh Guru from Sacha Guru to Sacha Padshah was now a reality.

Subjugation of Mewar Shortly after his accession, Jahangir decided to take up unfinished task of conquering the remaining territories of Mewar. Mewar was the only major Rajput State which had not accepted Mughal sovereignty. The various attempts made by Akbar to subdue the house of Mewar did not meet with much success. As a first step in this direction Jahangir sent his second son, Parviz, assisted by able officers like jafar Beg and Raja Jagannath of Amber to reduce Mewar. Rana Sanga, a brother the late Maharana Pratap, was also sent with a view of creating dissensions within the Rajput ranks. Rana Amar Singh, the son of late Rana Pratap and the ruler of Mewar, offered resistance. An indecisive engagement took place. The Mughals were not able to bring him to his knees. In 1608, again Jahangir sent Mahabat Khan, one of the ablest generals of the time, to conquer Mewar. Even he could not make much headway in the rocky terrain of the state. After one year, Khwaja Abdullah Khan, another distinguished general, replaced Mahabat Khan. In 1611 he succeeded in defeating Karan Singh, the son of Rana Amar Singh. This, however, did not reduce the strength of Mewar to any great extent and soon afterwards a new commander Raja Basa was sent to carry on the operations against Mewar. He could not achieve anything substantial, and was replaced by Khan Azam Aziz Koka in 1613. Prince Khurram was also sent to assist him. They failed to function as a team. Subsequently, Khan Azam Aziz Koka was called back by Jahangir and sent to Gwalior. Prince Khurram now in full and unfettered command pursued the fight against Mewar most ruthlessly and played havoc with the villages and towns of Mewar. This furious assault and the utter devastation of the territory of Mewar demoralised Rana Amar Singh and his forces. Most of his followers deserted him and ultimately in 1615 Rana Amar Singh was obliged to conclude a treaty with prince Khurram. He was treated very courteously by the Mughal Prince. A treaty was concluded and Rani Amar Singh was exempted from personal appearance at the Mughal court. Prince Karan Singh was given the mansab (rank) of 5,000 Zat and 5,000 Sawar. This was a rank in the Mughal bureaucracy and was given to the distinguished officers only. Rana Amar Singh paid a visit to the Royal court at Ajmer and was treated with great regard and affection by Jahangir. A substantial jagir was also given to him. All the territory taken from Mewar was restored to Ram Amar Singh. Jahangir’s generous treatment of the Mewar family thereafter revealed that he possessed a high sense of practical statemanship. He realised that there was no need to humiliate or degrade Mewar. The rulers of Mewar, who had stubbornly defied Mughal authority so far, now decided to accept Mughal paramountcy. The long drawn out conflict between the Mughals and the Sisodias thus Came to a mutually satisfactory end. The Chief of Mewar looked at the issue from a practical point of view and realised that any further resistance to the immensely powerful Mughal Government was not irurely futile but was also likely to threaten the very existence of his principality. Now onwards they also fell in line with the policy being pursued by other Rajput princes, viz., recognition of Mughal sovereignty and acceptance of high mansabs in the imperial court. The Mughal Empire now acquired a position of predominance

94 in Northern India which was virtually unchallengable. The gains to the Rajputs were also not insignificant. They now had wider opportunities for their talents—military and administrative. Furthermore they were to become far more deeply involved in the expansion of the Mughal Empire. They were becoming partners in a common mission of bringing the whole of India under a unified political control. Consolidation of Mughal Power in Bengal and Kangra Hills On the political side, another major achievements of Jabangir’s reign were the consolidation of the Mughal Empire in the territories of Rajasthan, Bengal and the Kangra Hills. Though conquered by Akbar in 1575 Bengal had continued to remain politically disturbed and administiatively unstable. Towards the close of Akbar’s reign (1599). Raja Man Singh had forced the old independent Afghan chiefs and Hindu zamindars to submit. Still the Bengali chiefs like Musa Khan of Sonaraon with the illustrious brotherhood known as Twelve Bhaiyash—among whom some of the famous names are Usman Khan and Bayazid Karrani along with some powerful Hindu Rajas like Pratapaditya of Jessore, Pratap Singh of Assam etc., continued to be a menace to the Mughal authority in Bengal. During Jahangir’s reign, effective steps were taken by the central authority to bring under control all independent zamindars and to impose a uniform administrative system over the entire territory of Bengal. A deadly blow was stiuck by the forces when in a fierce engagement between the followers of Twelve Bhaiyas and the local zamindars resulted in the death of their leader Usman Khan in 1612. In this venture Islam Khan, the governor of Bengal (1608- 1613) played a notable role. He also annexed the territories of Cooch-Bihar (1009) and Kamrup (1610). Another strong Governor of Bengal was Ibrahim Khan Fareh-i-Jung (1617- 1623). He pursued the policy of conciliation and this helped him to consolidate Mughal authority in Bengal.

The fort of Kangra because of its excellent geographic and strategic location and of its feligious importance due to its proximity to the Jwalamukhi temple had so offen attracted the attention of the Muslims. During Akbar’s reign the Raja of Nagarkot (Kangra) had been reduced to submission. But the Rajas of Nagarkot had, at heart, remained recalcitrant, they generally did not observe the Mughal regulations concerning the jagirdari system in their territory. They had not even paid the revenue to the Mughals. In 1620, Jahangir sent Raja Bikramajit Baghela to head an expedition against Raja Tirlok Chand and after a long siege conquered Nagarkot. A small territory was given to the Raja as jagir end the rest was annexed to the Mughal Empire. Jahangir and the Deccan Jahangir inherited an aggressive policy towards the kingdoms of the Deccan from his father Akbar, who wanted to conquer the whole of the Deccan, but he succeeded only partially in this ambitious plan. Jahangir was not in a position to follow an aggressive policy vigorously but still he was keen to achieve a face saving victory carefully watched the plans of Malik Amber who succeeded in recovering the territory of Ahmadnagar lost to the Mughals. This forced Jahangir to turn his immediate attention to the Deccan.

Malik Ambar was originally an Abyssinian slave but had risen to a very high position in Ahmadnagar. He was a man of great energy, organising power and military talent. Undoubtedly in warfare, “in command, in sound judgement and administrative skill he has no rival or equal”. So effectively did he threaten the weak Mughal government in the Deccan which had not vet struck deep roots in that peninsula that Jahangir was compelled to send Khan-i-Khana Ahdur Rahim son of Bairam Khan in 1608, with a powerful army to check Malik Ambars growing power. However the newly appointed general failed to control his subordinates. The result was obvious. Therefore in 1610 prince Parwez was sent to take over the supreme command of the Mughal forces in the Deccan with the rank of Governor. He failed to achieve anything. On the other hand Malik Ambar, who had collected a large army, defeated the Khan-i-Khana severely. The Mughals had to surrender Ahmadnagar. The task of recapturing the Deccan was then entrusted in 1611 to Pir Khan Lodi Khan-i Jahan who was to be assisted by Raja Man Singh and Abdullah Khan. The later marched forward too rapidly and was isolated from the main army by the quick moving Ahmadnager cavalry. He suffered terrible losses. The command of the Mughal army was once again handed over to the Khan-i-Khana Abdur Rahim in 1612. The Khan-i-Khana showed his mettle both as a diplomat and as a watrior. He not only succeeded in turning away some of Ambar’s close associates to his side but also able to inflict a crushing defeat on the combined forces of Bijapur, Golkonda aod Ahmadnagar under Malik Ambar at Roshangaon in 1515. Malik Ambar saved himself by fleeing to Daulatabad. But so long as this remarkable military leader was alive there could be no peace for the Mughals in the Deccan. Following some court intrigues, Parwez was replaced by Prince Khurram. He was to be joined by Karan Singh of Mewar. Jahangir himself came up to Mandu and established his Court there (1617). The Khan-i-Khana’s diplomacy had paved the way. The Bijapur ruler Ibrahim Adil Shah II, offered to act as an intermediary and to pay tribute to the Mughals Malik Ambar also agreed to restore Balaghat, which he had recently captured, and Ahmadnagar. This so called victory did not advance the Mughal power any further than what it stood during the last days of Akbar. Khurram was given the title of Shah Jahan (Ruler of the World). He was also granted the mansab of 30,000 Zat with 20,000 Sawar. Malik Ambar was an energetic man. In 1620 he re-captured large portions of Ahmadnagar and Berar. Khurram (Shah Jahan) was sent again and this time he took up the task in real earnest. Aided by Raja Vikramajit, he captured Khadki, the new capital of Ahmadnagar. His advance was so swift that Malik Ambar had to sue for peace. Malik Ambar restored to the Mughals their territory and evacuated Ahmadnagar (1621). Five years later Malik Ambar died in May 1626. Thus passed away one of the most resourceful and competent adversaries that the Mughals had to face in the Deccan. Hamid Khan another Abyssinian, succeeded Ambar. In the meantime, Prince Khurram (Shah Jahan) had revolted against his father in 1622. Jahangir was thus forced to take immediate notice of the rebellion of Khurram and Mahabat Khan was sent to the Deccan. It has been alleged that the Mughal Imperial Commander Khan-i-Jahan accepted a huge bribe

96 from Hamid Khan, and handed over to him the whole territory of Balaghat as well as the fort of Ahmadnagar. The Deccan problem thus remained as unsolved as before. Assessment of Jahangir’s Deccan Policy Jahangir failed to achieve any success in the Deccan and the Mughal boundaries had not advanced a single mile beyond the limits of 1605. This was a clean proof that Jahangir’s Deccan policy had ended in failure. What is more Jahangir’s failure indirectly helped the Marathas also. They had become expert guerilla fighters and were soon to grow powerful enough so as to alarm Shah Jahan and menance his successor, Aurangzeb. the Marathas “getting used to fighting and frustrating the Mughals—emerged afterwards the most dangerous enemies of the empire”. The Deccan problem seems to have been pushed into that background because other emergent matters. Ascendancy of the NurJahan Junta Nur Jahan, the queen of Jahangir and her relations have been accused of having dominated Jahangir and of virtually ruling the Empire. No doubt Nur Jahan was powerful but the charge often made that Jahangir was completely eclipsed is rather exaggerated. Though Nur Jahan and her relations did play a conspicuous part in the affairs of the state, Jahangir was far from being a non-entity until he fell seriously ill in 1622. Then only did Nur Jahan gain full control over the affairs of the Mughal empire. Thereafter Nur Jahan played a prominent role in the affairs of the state. Her relations, specially her father and brother were capable persons. Their influence attracted a large number of warriors, scholars, poets and civil servants from far-off places like Tehran. This had a notable effect on the administration as well as on the cultural life of Mughal India. Nur Jahan and Khurram In the earlier years, Nur Jahan was on good terms with Prince Khurram, but soon it became clear to Nur Jahan that Khurram was not one who would willingly play second fiddle to her. So she now took up the cause of Prince Shahriyar, who had married Ladli Begum, the daughter of Nur Jahan and Sher Afghan, and who was the youngest surviving son of Jahangir. This led Nur Jahan into a conflict with Khurram and her brother Asaf Khan, who was Khurram’s father-in law. In 1622, the Persian king Shah Abbas invaded Qandhar and captured it. Nur Jahan decided to kill two birds with one stone sending Khurram against him. But Khurram was a shrewd man. The growing power of his step-mother had made him wary. At that juncture, Jahangir was so seriously ill that he could have expired any day. Khurram was naturally disinclined to leave Agra. Ultimately Prince Parvez had to go alone to seek the restoration of Qandhar. Though Qandhar fell to the Mughals in 1625, the whole episode very adversely affected the efficiency of the Mughal administration. Rebellion of Mahabat Khan (1626) Nur Jahan and her relatives elevated position and increasing influence also led to revolt on the part of Mahabat Khan (1626), one of the most influential nobles of Jahangir. In March 1626, he took Jahangir his prisoner when the Emperor encamped on the banks of the river Jehlum. It was at this stage that Nur Jahan showed her coolness and presence of mind.

Mahabat Khan was essentially a warrior and not a diplomat, gradually lost the confidence of his supporters. The tactful Empress fully exploited the situation and soon won over to her side many of his Rajput allies. Finally Mahabat Khan realised that his position had become hopeless and he fled away and joined hands with Khurram. Mahabat’s coup thus ended ignobly. Sir Wolessley Haigh’s following observation seems quite appropriate. “He stands in the roll of Indian monarch as a man with generous instincts, fond of sport, art and good living, aiming to do well to all and failing by the lack of the finer intellectual qualities to attain the rank of great administrator”. Lastly it can be pointed out that under Jahangir industry and commerce progressed, architecture acquired new excellence, “painting reached its high water mark”, and literature flourished. The most notable illustration of this literary outburst is the in inimitable Ramayana composed by Tulsi Das—One of the most distinguished saint-scholar poet of India. As aptly remarked by Dr. Beni Prasad this Ramayana is “at once the Homer and the Bible, the Shakespeare and the Milton of the teeming millions of Northern India”. The power of the Junta declined after the draw of Jahangir in 1627. Shah Jahan ascended the throne in 1628 with the help of Asaf Khan and Nur Jahan retired from worldly affairs thereafter. Shah Jahan (1628-1658) The rule of Shah Jahan is a period of comparative calm in the otherwise stormy Mughal politics. The number of rebellions was restricted. Among the most notable of these insurrections were those of Khan Jahan Lodhi, an able officer of the time of Jahangir and Jujhar Singh of Bundelkhand in 1628. Unlike Akbar, Shah Jahan did not have to undertake any challenging task of conquering new provinces and of consolidating what he had. Shah Jahan dealt with the Deccan and the north-western region but the events which took place in these regions hardly exerted any great influence on the fortunes of the Empire. Qandhar was lost to the Mughal empire for ever, but Ahmadnagar was fully annexed. After many moves and manoeuvres for ever a quarter of a century, no significant change occured which could be considered as substantially altering the Empire’s political configuration. Policy Towards the Deccan States The territories of Ahmadnagar, which were conquered by Akbar were almost lost due to the counter-attacks of Malik Ambar and the rebellion of Khurram (future Shah Jahan) in the Deccan. Malik Ambar’s death in 1626 undoubtedly gave the Mughal armies the much needed time to recover most of the lost territory what stood in 1609. But nothing substantial was done in this opportunate period. After his accession, Shah Jahan turned his attention towards the Deccan. The rebellion of Shan Jahan Lodi who had fled to Ahmadnagar was forced him to take active part in the Deccan affairs. 1631 Mughal armed forced were engaged once more in the Ahmadnagar region. Then onwards, the steamroller of Mughal imperialism moved swifty.

Ahmadnagar : At this Juncture the two Deccan states of Ahmadnagar and Bijapur were found closely co-operating with each other against the Mughals. However, as Ahmadnagar was torn internally by party strife Shah Jahan thrust his first blow on the kingdom. He himself proceeded towards the Deccan and concentrated large imperial forces in that area to attain his objective. He instigated some of the Maratha officer in the service of the Nizam Shah to desert to the Mughals. Under his personal direction, Nasik Khandhar (near Balaghat), Dharwar and Poona were occupied by the Mughals. The internal squabbles of Ahmadnagar continued. Muqarrab Khan, the Wazir and Fateh Khan the son of Malik Ambar were at daggers drawn. Murtaza Nizam Shah II, under the influence of Muqarrab Khan, imprisoned Fateh Khan. After some time, when he was forgiven and once more restored to favour, his old rival Muqarrab Khan deserted to the Mughals. Meanwhile, Mughal diplomacy achieved success when Fateh Khan succeeded easily in removing Murtaza. On the throne, a ten year old lad named Hussain Shah was installed. Fateh Khan even read the khutba and struck coins in Shah Jahan’s name (1632). The same year, Shah Jahan returned to north. Within a year of Shah Jahan’s departure, trouble again started in the Deccan, Shahji, the father of Shivaji, who was nursing a genuine grudge against the Mughals for the loss of his jagir, now instigated the anti-Fateh Khan group against Fateh Khan. The Sultan of Bijapur interferred in the internal quarrels of Ahmadnagar. These events invited Mughal intervention. Hostilities began once more. The Mughals under Mahabat Khan captured Daulatabad without any serious difficulty even when the fort had been adequately fortified. This might not have happened but for a conjunction of various incidents of which the explosion of a mine, desertion by the Bijapuri allies and the outbreak of an epidermic within the fort deserve special mention. Hussain Nizam Shah was imprisoned in the fort of Gwalior and the whole of Ahmadnagar was annexed to the Mughal empire in 1633. Though for all apparent purposes, an independent Ahmadnagar had disappeared, yet the fight was carried on by Shahji with active help of the Bijapuries. During the last stage of the struggle, the chief aim of Mughal strategy was to split between the Ahmadnagar freedom-fighters and the Bijapuries. The imperialists succeeded in their efforts remarkably well. Thus after forty years of strife, the affairs of Ahmadnagar were at last settled in favour of the Mughals. Ahmadnagar was not a part of the Mughal Empire. Thus in the first stage Shah Jahan’s Deccan policy was crowned with success. Golconda : Golconda (Hyderabad) was the only Deccan state which benefitted much from the existence of the Nizam Shabir kingdom of Ahmadnagar, as the latter separated the Mughals from the territories of the Qutb Shah of Golconda. The sympathies of this dynasty lay with Ahmadnagaris who were encouraged to fight the Mughals. After the dessolution of the Nizam Shahi kingdom in 1633, the Qutb Shahi dynasty could not avoid entanglement with the Mughals. They (Qutb Shahis) accepted the Shah of Persia as their nominal sovereign, and read the khutba not only in their own name but

99 also in the name of Persian king. In short, they recognised Shah of Persia as their overlord. This the Mughals were not prepared to tolerate. In addition they had even helped the Nizam Shahis and Jujhar Singh Bundela against the Mughals. Now that the Mughals were nearer to them they (Mughals) could force their demand at the point of the sword. The Mughals put forward the following proposals : (1) The Qutb Shahi dynasty should accept the Mughal Emperor as its suzerain, by taking an oath on the holy Quran to faithful to him. (2) the name of the three Caliphs, and of Shah Jahan in place of the Persian king be included in the Khutba. (3) the name of Mughal Emperor also must be embossed on the coins to Golconda. (4) that Abdullah Qutab Shah should pay a tribute of two lakhs of hunts equivalent to eight lakh of rupees. (5) in case of a conflict with Bijapur, the Mughal Emperor would protect Golconda. Abdullah Qutb Shah was forced to accept the terms presented to him for fear of inviting an invasion into his territory, and in 1636. Golconda became a vassal state of the Mughals. In July 1636, Shah Jahan appointed his third son Aurangzeb as Viceory of the Deccan. At the time of his appointment Aurangzeb was only eighteen years old. However he resigned in May, 1644. His first viceroyalty lasted from 1636 to 1644. Again in the year 1653 Aurangzeb was appointed viceroy of the Deccan for the second time. He was specifically instructed to improve the financial condition of the Deccan provinces to increase cultivation and to put the Deccan administration in order. Aurangzeb was fully aware of the hostility of his brother Dara and the obstacles placed in his way by the nobles who were the partisans of his elder brother. Aurangzeb however was determined to remain in the Deccan until the succession issue came to the fore. He appreciated full well the fact that the Deccan could provide him with the material resources needed in any conflict for the throne. It was also an excellent base for any military operations which may become necessary in that connection. The non-payment of tribute together with the harsh treatment meted out to the family of Mir Muhammad Saiyyid popularly known as Mir Jumla, the minister of Golconda, who had shifted his allegiance from Qutab Shah to Shah Jahan, gave a pretext to Aurangzeb to invade Golconda. In November 1655, Aurangzeb mobilised his forces for an attack on the Qutab Shahi territories. The firman of the Mughal Emperor demanding the release of Mir Jumla’s family was forwarded to the Sultan of Golconda. It ordered him to release the family of Mir Jumla immediately and not to hinder their progress to Aurangzeb’s camp. The delay in the compliance of the imperial order on the part of the Qutab Shah led to an invasion under the command of Prince Muhammad, the eldest son of Aurangzeb though Aurangzeb himself was to follow his son.

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Prince Muhammad rapidly advanced with the Mughal army under his command and reached the capital of Golconda in January 1656. The city was ransacked. Abdullah Qutab Shah was forced to flee to the fortress of Golconda a few miles away for refuge. He was followed thither by prince Muhammad who laid siege to it. The release of the family of Mir Jumla could not prevent the siege. Abdullah was fully aware of the consequences of a prolonged siege of his fortress. He understood the intentions of Aurangzeb that had set his mind on the stored wealth of the Qutab Shahis. Aurangzeb always looked ahead to the struggle for succession which he considered as inevitable. Consequently all his plans and policies were geared to one end viz., to strengthen his claims to the imperial throne in the not distant war of succession. Qutab Shah appealed to the pro-Qutab Shahi clique in the Mughal capital to save him from destruction. Intense lobbying was started. The pro-Dara faction always eager to deprive Aurangzeb of the advantage which he would have gained, fervently pleaded the case of Abdullah Qutab Shah before the Emperor.

Ultimately Dara and Jahanara succeded in frustrating the plans of Aurangzeb to annex Golconda and Shah Jahan rejected the repeated requests of Aurangzeb for the annexation of Golconda. On the contrary Shah Jahan ordered Aurangzeb to withdraw his forces and to leave the Qutab Shah in possession of his territories, Aurangzeb was left with no option but to retreat. Therefore, in March 1655; he withdrew his forces from the territories of Abdullah. Aurangzeb was, however, able to extract certain concessions from the Golconda Sultan which included the payment of a heavy indemnity, surrender of a part of the Colconda territorry to the Mughals and the marriage of his son Muhammad to the daughter of Abdullah. By a secret agreement, the Sultan of Golconda agreed to nominate Muhammad as his heir. Thus making the best of a bad bargain, but thwarted in his attempt to capture and annex Golconda, Auranzeb returned from Golconda because of the strong pressure exerted by Dara Shikoh and Princess Jahanara who viewed the success of Aurangzeb with apprehension. Some scholars however hold that this pressure was only small part of the story. According to them, weightier reasons prompted Shah Jahan to recall Aurangzeb. One of these was the unwillingness of the Emperor to be needlessly bogged in an interminable war in the Deccan face of the worsening situation in Balkh and Qandhar. Furthermore Shah Jahan felt that the massive demonstration of the Mughal military might had secured him all that he immediately wanted viz., the recovery of the arrears of the revenue and the recognition by the Golconda Sultan of the Mughal suzerainty. Bijapur : The kingdom of Bijapur was not powerful enough to resist the Mughals. Another disadvantage which further strengthened the Mughals was the disappearance of Ahmadnagar as an independent kingdom in 1633. Its liquidation led to a change of policy on the part of the Adil Shahi rulers of Bijapur. One of the most painful features of the politics in the Deccan states was the interminable party strife. Like Ahmadnagar, Bijapur too could not escape from the mutual jealousies of different groups of nobles. The Maratha chieftain Shahji had in the meanwhile, sought service under the Bijapur Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah (1626- 56). He had brought forward a pretender to the Ahmadnagar throne on whose behalf he even waged a war against the Mughals. The Bijapur court itself was divided into two warring

101 pations one led by the wazir Mustafa who was hostile to Ahmadnagar and pro-Mughal and the other of the famous general Randola Khan who was sent per cent anti-Mughal. The taking over the former territories of Ahmadnagar by the Mughals was considered by Randola as an affront to him and dangerous to the integrity of the Bijapur kingdom. As long as wazir Mustafa was in power the Mughal had no trouble from the side of Bijapur but so on Randola Khan collaborated with other elements opposed to Mustafa and succeeded in outing him. This resulted in reversal of policy on the part of Bijapur. Randola Khan, Murari Pandit and Shahji Bhonsle combined to interfere directly into the Ahmadnagar affairs. However, this situation did not continue for long. Khawas Khan’s action in imprisoning Mustafa forced tbe letter’s faction to act with desperate boldness. They staged a come back by murdering both Murari Pandit and Khawas Khan Mustafa now back at the helm of the affairs successfully persuaded his master to sign a treaty with the Mughals who were marching upon Bijapur from three sides. According to the Treaty signed by Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah and ratified by Shah Jahan on 6 May 1636 the Bijapur agreed to the following terms :— (i) Recognition of the Mughal Emperor as his superior. (ii) Payment of Rs. 20 lakhs as peshkash (tribute) to the Mughal Emperor. (iii) Submission of any dispute between Golconda and Bijapur to the arbitration of Shah Jahan. (iv) Acceptance of the demarcation of territory between the Mughal dominion and Bijapur. A slice of the extinct kingdom of Ahmadnagar on the Konkan side was given to Bijapur. (v) Recognition of the incorporation of the rest of the Ahmadnagar territory with in the Mughal empire. (vi) Withdrawal of all help from Shahji. No doubt the terms of this treaty were quite humiliating for Bijapur. However, Sultan Muhammad Adil Shah had hardly any other alternative open to him in view of the overwhelming superiority of the Mughal arms. This treaty, however, was responsible for establishing friendly relations between Bijapur and the Mughals. And this face of friendly relationship between the Bijapur and the Mughals lasted upto 1656. The second phase of Mughal relations with Bijapur state started after the death of Muhammad Adil Shah in November 1656 and was succeeded by a youth named Ali Adil Shah. Muhammad Adil Shah continued to rule for almost twenty years after the 1636. Treaty and contrary to the expectations, quite independently. He had maintained a splendid court and had even acquired some territory in the south which the Mughals claimed as their own. However, in 1657, Aurangzeb, who had lately been deprived of an advantageous position in Golconda. (i) that the Government of Bijapur had not paid the peshkash, and (ii) that the new

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Sultan Ali Adil Shah was not the son of the late Sultan but an imposter of doubtful origin. Aurangzeb demanded from the Adil Shahi Sultan an indemnity of a crore and a half rupees and the surrender of the territory taken by Bijapur from the Nizam Shahi kingdom in 1636. Shah Jahan was persuaded to sanction an invasion of Bijapur and Aurangezeb immediately moved into the territory of Bijapur. He wanted a quick decision that time. Bidar which had been annexed by Bijapur in 1609 was captured by Aurangzeb and Mir Jumla in March 1657. A rich booty fell into the hands of the imperial forces. Kalyani, the ancient capital of the Chalukyas situated some forty miles west of Bidar was conquered in August 1657. Bijapur would have fallen but for the illness of Shah Jahan. Hearing of his father’s illness Aurangezeb decided to wind up his affairs in the Deccan. The war was hastily concluded. Ali Adil Shah agreed to pay an indemnity of one and a half crore and ceded Bidar, Kalyani Parenda and parts of Konkan and Vangi. Having secured these terms, Aurangzeb turned northwards to press his claims to the imperial throne. It can’t be denied that much of the success of the military compaigns conducted in Deccan by the Mughal forces due to the extraordinary leadership diplomatic skill and tact-fulness of Aurangzeb. The Mughal suzerainty now extended over a vast area of the Deccan. Two prominent kingdoms had been subjugated. The Mughal military prestige stood high; its political ascendancy was virtually unchallenged. The Mughal Empire was not longer a northern empire. It was on the way of becoming an all India Empire. North west and Central Asian Policy Kabul was the western most province of the Mughal Empire. Its boundaries touched to mighty Uzbek Empire of Central Asia and the Safavid Empire of Iran. By the time of Shah Jahan; the Uzbek Empire had broken up into smaller kingdom, but the Iranian Empire had retained its strength intact and had even gained more territories. The Persians had captured the fortrees of Qandhar from the Mughals in 1622 and their growing strength was a source of considerable anxiety of the Mughals. Attempts of the Mughals to recover Qandhar The fort of Qandhar because of its strategic location and comrrercial importance constituted a perennial bone of contention between the Mughals and Persians. Qandhar changed and frequently. It may be noted that it first fell into the hands of the Mughals in 1525 when Babur captured it. It was then lost for some time and reconquered by Humayun in 1445. The Mughals were unable to hold it for long and it again slipped away from their grip. Akbar reoccupied Qandhar in 1559. In 1622 the Persians were again successful in wresting it from the Mughals. Because of pressing preoccupations Jahangir was not able to pay much attention to this problem. Consequently fort of Qandhar remained under the control of Persians till 1638 when Ali Mardan Khan, the Persian governor of Qandhar, was won over by Mughal- diplomacy, and surrendered it to the Mughals. The Persians were never reconciled to its loss.

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Eleven years later in 1649 Shah Abbas II of Persia launched an offensive to recover the fort of Qandhar. The Persian preparations were so secret and their march so well conducted that Shah Jahan was almost taken aback. Though the mughal commander at Qandhar fought desperately to prevent its fall, Shah Jahan’s failure to send help in time to relieve the Persians pressure resulted in the fall of Qandhar. The Persian conquest of Qandhar was a blow to the Prestige of the Mughals. Shah Jahan’s pride was severely hurt. He was resolved to to reconquer Qandhar by force of arms. In 1649 he despatched a large military force commanded by Aurangzeb. Sadullah Khan, Shah Jahan’s prime minister, was also ordered to join the prince, Shah Jahan’s adversary Shah Abbas II, however, was a very clever and farsighted ruler, who was fully prepared to meet any Mughal challenge. He effectively strengthened the defences of Qandhar: adequate stocks for a prolonged siege were stored in the fort. The Mughal force because of its inferior equipment more particularly in heavy ordnance was not able to cause any dent in the resistance of the Persians who withstood a prolonged assault extending over one hundred days. The demoralised and badly-mauled Mughal army was left with no alternative but to beat a hastly retreat because of the imminent winter. Shah Jahan was greatly agitated. To him recovery of Qandhar became a prestige issue. A powerful army of fifty thousand horses and ten thousand foot was raised. Special types of canons were cast and sufficient supply of ammunitions was procured. Proper arrangements for supply were made. A sum of two crores was earmarked for the conduct of war for the recovery of Qandhar. Again both Aurangzeb and Sadullah Khan were given the charge of the expedition. The Mughal army began the siege of Qandhar on 2 May, 1650. Because of the very effective use made of their artillery, the Persians stoutly foiled the Mughal assaults. Once again because of mounting losses in men, equipment and ammunition, Shah Jahan had to issue orders for the raising of the siege which was done in early July, 1650. This severed reverse suffered by the Mughal army brought much disgrace. Aurangzed naturally was its first victim. This was a boon opportunity for Dara Shikoh, already ascendant in the good books of the Emperor who had lately conferred on him the title of Shah Buland Iqbal (King’s Lofty Fortune). Fully exploiting the humiliation of his brother Aurangzeb, Dara loudly bragged that he alone could retrieve Qandhar for the Mughal Empire. The doting father readily succumbed to his son’s boast. Dara was now entrusted with the task. Dara proceeded on his mission, fully confident that with the grand army provided to him he was capable of meeting any Persian challenge. The third siege of Qandhar began with full fury, but it met with no better success. In face of the fierce Persian attacks the siege had to be lifted in September 1653. The above mentioned three infructuous sieges of Qandhar (1649, 1652 and 1653) drained the Mughal treasury, to the tune of twelve crores of rupees which was approximately one half of the annual income of the Mughal state. Such a vast financial loss further

104 aggravated the economic crisis. Besides, the military weakness and inefficiency of the Mughal army stood nakedly exposed The Persian threat to the north western border of India was a source of “chronic anxiety and suspense” for the Mughal rulers. Trans Oxiana : This region was across the Oxus river, which was the homeland of the Mughal. It was the wish of the Mughals emperors, especially from Babur to Aurangzeb, to rule it and to include it in their dominions was understandable. Babur, till the end of his life, could not banish its thought from his mind. Akbar had a formidable adversary in Abdullah Khan Uzbek. Because of his Abdulah Khan Uzbek) threat as well as and for the defence of the Mughal province of Kabul, Akbar had to stay in Lahore, for about eighteen long years, i.e., from 1580 to 1598. His son Jahangir was so much preoccupied with Mewar, the Deccan and Qandhar affairs, that he could not afford to meddle effectively in the Central Asian affairs, though he too was keen to extend his authority over the region. In the Tuzuk also Jahangir expressed this ambition. Shah Jahan, however, was far more ambitious than his father, Jahangir. Abdul Hamid Lahori, the well-known historian of Shah Jahan’s period, also hints at the desire of Shah Jahan. Besides, the situation in Central Asia seemed quite favourable for outside interference. The Central Asian possessions of the early Uzbek Empire were now ruled by a dynasty known as Astrakhans, who had emigrated to that region from Russia. Ere long, this dynasty was divided itself and its various members were ruling over separate kingdoms-Samarqand was “ruled by Imam Quli; Balk came under the administrative control of Imam Quli’s younger brother Nazr Muhammad. While Imam Quli was friendly towards the Mughals, Nazr Muhammad was pro-Persian. The latter had fully exploited the confusion and uncertainty that prevailed in India resulting from stress and strain after the death of Jahangir when his sons were engrossed in a war of succession. Nazr Muhammad had even invaded the terri-tores of Kabul in 1628. In 1641 Imam Quli lost his eye-sight. Nazr Muhammad, his brother, first requested him to retire in his favour. Imam Quli refused to oblige him. Nazr Muhammad forcibly took possession of his brother’s kingdom. Imam Quli wanted to go to Mecca via Delhi but he was not allowed to do so by Nazr Muhammad. Instead he was asked to go Persia, where from he went to Mecca. It is there, that he ultimately died. During this time Hazara was raided, which under Mughals control. However Nazr Muhammad’s rule in Samarqand was very unpopular. His son, Abdul Aziz took advantage of it and proclaimed himself as the king of Samarqand. Nazr Muhammad in panic invited the Mughals to help him. Shan Jahan was too glad to interfere in the internal affairs of this Central Asia kingdom. Prince Murad, Shan Jahan’s youngest son, with a number of nobles including one of his ablest favourite, Ali Mardan Khan, was deputed to conduct operations in Central Asia. The Mughals occupied Badakhshan in 1646 and from, there advanced towards Balkh. The Mughal’s advance made Nazr Muhammad panicky. He fled to Persia. The Mughals took possession of Balkh.

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The flight of Nazr Muhammad and the possession of Balkh was a big gain for the Mughals but now they were faced with the hostility of the local population. The freedom loving pepole of the area were not prepared to tolerate the Mughals and became increasingly hostile to the Mughal intruders. Murad too was unwilling to remain in the colder regions of Central Asia which he detested. Aurangzeb was appointed in his place as the commanders in chief of the Mughal forces by Shan Jahan. When he arrived he found the people arrayed against him. They were fighting hard to ous,t the Mughals. Abdul Aziz, the son of Nazr Muhammad, encouraged by popular sentiments, opposed the Mughals with a huge army of one lakh and twenty thousand soldiers. Though the Uzbeks were defeated in an open battle, the Mughals found their stay in the country full of peril. The situation tended to deteriorate every day. Aurangzeb reported to the court that Nazr Muhamad was willing to come to terms with Mughals. To Shah Jahan this appeared a convenient way out of the entanglement. He ordered that the conquered possession should be handed over to Nazr Muhammad on the condition of his definitely accepting the principal of Mughal suzerainty. Even when the Uzbek chief had not yet a fully accepted the Mughal terms Aurangzeb handed over the government to Nazr Muhammad and retired to Kabul. Shah Jahan’s north-western policy, on the whole, ended in a failure. It drained the treasury, lowered the military prestige of the Mughals and not even one inch of land was added to the Mughal empire. This costly experiment had only one trustful result that no uzbek army crossed the Hindukush into Mughal territory after 1697. He lingered on for eight years more as a prisoner before death relieved him of intolerable agony and humiliation on 22 January 1666. State and Religion, Relations with the Rajput States and Mughal Expansion in the Deccan under Aurangzeb. Much has been said about Aurangzeb. Some historians consider him Muslim fanatic who was all out to destroy temples to humiliate the Hindus by imposing the jizia etc. and in short to wipe them out from the surface of the earth while others consider Aurangzeb as a great Islamic ruler who was full of virtues. They deliberately try to ignore or minimize his fanaticism. Such a picture of Aurangzeb is extremely oversimplified for it ignores the complexities of his personality and also of the social economic and political situation. For a proper understanding of Aurangzeb we should not be guided by communalist historians whether they are Hindus or Muslims. On the contrary, it is essential to view his policies in the background of political social and economic conditions of his reign. Keeping this in view we begin the discussion on his religious policy. 1. Religious Policy of Aurangzeb The religious policy of Aurangzeb has always remained a object of controvercy and that much has been said in the text-books. It appears from these books that Aurangzeb right from

106 the beginning of his political career was a champion of Islam. It has been argued that Aurangzeb waged the war of succession against his brothers to safeguard the interests of Islam. Consequently with his accession the policy of religious revivalism was started which aimed at changing the character of the Mughal state. This was a betrayal of the liberal policy of Akbar which was based on the principle of sulah-i-kul (Peace with all). It is also suggested that the destruction of the temples conversion of the Hindus to Islam imposition of the jizia and similar other acts of humiliation were the chief features of his reign. Some of the authors of the text-books have gone so far as to show that life had become intolerable for the Hindus during the reign of Aurangzeb. Much has been said about the removal of the Hindus from the imperial services. On the other hand there is also a tendency to hide those facts which throw ample light on the acts of fanaticism. Overplaying or underplaying the facts must be avoided if one really wants to learn history. It is true that the temples were destroyed that Hindus were converted and the jizia was imposed. But keeping in view the huge population of the Hindus and incalculable number of temples neither the number of the converts to Islam nor destruction of the temple was high. One should not ignore the fact that there are evidences of the continuation of grants to temples and giving of fresh grants to the religious places by Aurangzeb and finally the construction of new temples during his reign. In fact many documents of Aurangzeb’s reign have survived which clearly mention the grants to the temples or to their priests. In the war of succession also Aurangzeb did not participate as the champion of Islam. Those nobles who joined him were both Hindus and Muslims. In fact he made great efforts to win over Rana Raj Singh and Raja Jai Singh etc. to his side. Even when he succeeded in capturing the coveted throne of the Mughal Empire, Aurangzeb did not show any keenness to alter the liberal policy followed by his predecessors. In fact he bestowed distinct favours on some of the prominent Hindu nobles. Highest ranks to which a noble could aspire were given to Raja Jai Singh and Raja Jaswant Singh. Both were assigned the posts of Viceroy and Governor respectively. To have a better appreciation of the position and strength of the Hindus in the nobility it is desirable to refer to the following statistics:

10Rank (mansab) Akbar Akbar ShahjahanShahjahan Aurangzeb1658 -78 1679-1707 of the nobles 1595 1628-58 1658-78 1679-1707

Total Hindus Total Hindu Total Hindu Total Hindus s s

5,000 and above 7 1 49 12 51 10 79 26

3,000 to 4,500 10 1 88 22 90 18 133 36

10 These figures are quoted from “The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb” by Dr. Athar Ali. The status and salary of the nobles were determined by his rank (Mansab) in the Mughal bureaucracy. All officers were given mansabs.

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1,000 to 2,700 17 6 300 64 345 77 363 120

500 to 900 64 14 — — — — — —

Total 98 22 437 98 486 105 575 182

Thus, we find that the numerical strength of the Hindu mansabdars increased during the reign of Aurangzeb. However, it will be incorrect to conclude that Aurangzeb adopted a generous policy based on liberalism and broadmindedness throughout his reign. From 1665 onwards, Aurangzeb embarked on the policy of religious revivalism, and this phase saw many naked acts of fanaticism. In 1665 the duty on the merchandise of the Hindu merchants was increased to 5 per cent against the 2½ per cent imposed on their Muslim counterparts. In 1669 was issued an order for temple destruction. As a result of his order the temple of Somnath, the Vishwanath temple at Banaras and Keshav Rai temple at Mathura were pulled down. Aurangzeb did not stop here. He made efforts to get the support of the Muslim religious divines for his religious policy. Aurangzeb tried to appease the religious scholars (ulema) by various means. In 1679 when Aurangzeb ordered the imposition of the jizia on the Hindus. It is interesting to note that Aurangzeb’s new policy of religious discrimination and pampering of the religious men provoked a protest from his nobles also. About the imposition of the jizia Manucci11 reports “...all the high placed and important men at the court opposed themselves to this measure”. At times even the ulema refused to give religious sanction to some of Aurangzeb’s fanatical measures. With this background of some aspects of Aurangzeb’s religious policy, we may attempt to discover the causes which led Aurangzeb to follow the path of religious revivalism. Different opinions exist on this subject. But recently Dr. Athar Ali, a noted scholar of medieval Indian history, has given an explanation. According to him, Aurangzeb did not start his reign as the leader of Islamic supermacy but as the true follower of his great predecessors. In fact, he justified his claim to the throne on the ground that he was more capable than his father. It was to establish the legitimacy of his claim that he decided to launch an aggressive expansionist policy. Once Aurangzeb made up his mind to follow an expansionist policy he picked up the choicest nobles to execute it. Accordingly Shaista Khan started a big campaign in Mabarashtra in 1660. Palamau (Bihar) was annexed in 1661 and Kuch Bihar fell to Mir Jumla. It was followed by Mir Jumla’s famous invasion of Assam in 1662-63. In 1663 Navanagar (Gujarat) was annexed. In 1665 the treaty of Purandhar was concluded. Besides these achievements Shaista Khan occupied Chittagong. As remarked by Dr. Athar Ali, “Few decades in the 17th century had seen such hectic military activity”. However, this expansionist policy proved to be an utter failure. Mir Jumla’s plans were frustrated in Assam,

11 Manucci was a European traveller who visited India in the reign of Aurangzeb.

108 and even annexation of Kuch Bihar was given up. Shivaji made a successful escape from Agra in 1666. And lastly, the invasion of Bijapur ended in a miserable failure. These failures on the military front coupled with a tide of rebellions were bound to have an adverse effect on the fortunes of the Mnghal Empire. The Jat rebellion erupted in the mid- sixties. In 1667 the Yusufzais revolted and the Afridis followed them in 1672. The Satnamies raised the banner of revolt in 1672. In 1670 Shivaji once again declared war against the Mughals by plundering Surat for the second time. In the face of growing political turmoil Aurangzeb turned towards religion. He started emphasising the Islamic character of his empire and thus “a new religious policy was inaugurated to create a religious halo around the imperial crown”. Islam was used as a cover to hide the growing weakness of the extensive Mughal Empire. However, his game was not that simple. Aurangzeb’s religious policy was not simply the outcome of his desire to glorify his position against the developing political crisis. In reality Aurangzeb’s religious policy should not be viewed only from political standpoint. One has to find out the role played by the economic factors. Economic factors played an important role in it. To point out the economic roots of Aurangzeb’s religious policy mention may be made of his puritanic measures, e.g., discontinuance of the use of gold and Silver on garments and for inkstand and railings etc. Again take the case of the Jizia True, it appeared to be a religious act but who can deny that it brought to the state treasury a huge amount of money. According to a historical work of Muhammad Shah’s reign income realized from the Jizia amounted to rupees four crores annually. Lastly, keeping in view the abovementioned facts and viewpoints we may be justified to conclude that Aurangzeb’s religious fanaticism has been often exaggerated. It may be re- stated that Aurangzeb’s religious policy has not been properly viewed by many historians. Especially the comimmal historians’ both Hindu and Muslims, have done a great damage to the proper understanding of this aspect. No doubt Aurangzeb from 1665 onwards embarked on the policy of religious revivalism and behaved like a fanatic ruler but his fanaticism was not an end. In fact, he used religion as a convenient tool to stabilize his position vis-a-vis the growing political-economic crisis of the Mughal Empire. But in spite of all this he failed to overcome this crisis. Aurangzeb helplessly saw in the last days of his life the naked play of the forces of decline. Religious fanaticism was a poor substitute for curing the ailing Mughal Empire. Rajput policy of Aurangzeb Like the religious policy of Aurangzeb his policy towards the Rajputs also has not been properly treated by most of the historians. Aurangzeb’s Rajput policy has been made out to be an extension of Ms religious policy. An attempt is made hereto present an objective view of Aurangzeb’s policy towards the Rajputs. It should be kept in mind that Aurangzeb’s policy

109 towards the Rajputs was not the same throughout his reign. There are two distinct phases of Aurangzeb’s relations with the Rajputs. First phase (1658-1678) In the first phase which starts with the war of succession and continued many years after the accession of Aurangzeb to the Mughal throne he followed Akbar’s policy in his dealigs with the Rajputs. In the war of succession, it may be surprising to many of us, Aurangzeb enjoyed the support of a significant section of the Rajput nobility. Nine Rajput mansabdars, who had the rank of one thousand and above, rallied round him. In comparison with other princes, with the exception of Dara, he received the maximum support from the Rajputs. It may also be kept in mind that the support extended by the Rajputs to Dara was “because these Rajputs wen then at the court and had no alternative but to support Dara”. Even after the war of succession, Aurangzsb made positive gesture to appease the important Rajput chiefs. Raja jai Singh of Ambar was granted the rank of 7,000/7,000 (highest rank within the nobility) and finally he appointed him as Viceroy of the Deccan. Raja Jaswant Singh of Marwar who not only stood against Aurangzeb in the war of succession but deserted him (in spite of the reconciliation) at the crucial moment in the battle against Shuja, was not only pardoned but was placed in the rank of 7,000/7,000. He was appointed governor of Gujarat—an assignment which he held twice. The conciliatory policy of Aurangzeb towards the Rajput was noticed by Bernier12 also, who was by no mean a defender of Aurangzeb. He states that Aurangzeb “always keeps in his service a large retinue of Rajputs, treating them with the same consideration as his other Omrahs (nobles), and appointing them to important commands in his armies”. It is to be noted that during the period between 1658 and 1678 out of the total number of 486 Mughal mansabdars, with the rank of one thousand and above, there were 71 Rajputs. The above facts make it clear that in the first phase (1658-1678) Aurangzeb’s relations with the Rajputs were not at all strained. On the contrary under Aurangzeb the Rajputs continued to enjoy a very high place in the Mughal government. This relationship remained unchanged in spite of the fanatic measures taken by Aurangzeb from 1665 onwards. However, in the second phase Aurangzeb’s policy towards the Rajputs especially in relation to the houses of Marwar and Mewar showed certain changes. Second phase (1679-1707) Aurangzeb’s Rajput policy in Rajputana is linked up with his desire to expand the boundaries of an Islamic State. This is a convenient excuse on the part of the historians who have ignored the study of the basic causes. Religion was an instrument but not the aim of his

12 He was also a noted European traveller who stayed in India during the last years of Shah Jahan’s reign and the early years of Aurangzeb’s reign. Bernier was a supporter of Dars.

110 policies. Instead the charge in his attitude towards Rajputs was primarily caused by the scarcity of Jagirs. One should note here that the entire structure of Mughal nobility was predominantly based on the jagirs. In lieu of their services the nobles in the civil or military sphere were paid either in cash or jagirs. The jagirs was thus the economic unit for a noble who realised its revenue to meet his personal expenditure and the expenditure of his contingent. The successful operation of the Mansabdari system required an expanding empire. By 1678 there was hardly any significant expansion of the Mughal territories. Hence, the jagirs failed to cope with the demand of fresh entrants into the nobility. For political and other reason more mansadars were to be recruited but the financial resource did not increase. This led to a crisis, Khali Khan, the historian of Mughal times, rightly remarked; Yak anar U sad bimar. (One pomegranate for hundred sick men). Aurangzeb was conscious of the magnitude of the problem. He knew that he had to make experiments. He singled out the Rajputs. Perhaps he thought that in comparison with other sections of the nobility, it was easier for him to reduce the power of the Rajputs. Therefore, the urge of jagirs to meet the requirements of the increasing nobility led Aurangzeb to change his attitude towards the Rajputs. In contrast to this view Prof. Satish Chandra points out that the motives were political because Aurangzeb wanted to exercise greater control over the states of Rajputana. In the light of above discussion one may hold the view that Aurangzeb’s policy towards the Rajput was essentially governed by the political considerations or by economic factors but in any case it was not essentially the outcome of religious consideration. The change in Aurangzeb’s Rajput policy became conspicuous after the death of Raja Jaswant Singh of Marwar in December 1678, who died without leaving any issue. Who with the exception of two districts (parganas) Aurangzeb ordered the conversion of the entire territory of Marwar into khalsa (Crownland—a land which is directly under the control of the Emperor). At this juncture, however, Aurangzeb was not prepared to rule Marwar directly. He was in search of an instrument, and that was provided in the person of Indar Singh Nagori. But the entire situation took a dramatic turn with the arrival of the news that two queens of the late Raja had given birth to two sons. One of them Ajit Singh survived. He was safely carried to Marwar in a daring bid by the Rathors led by Durga Das. This was the immediate cause for provoking Aurangzeb. He was enraged to witness such open defiance of his authority. And, therefore, he declared war on Marwar. But this was not the end of the story. This war, which led to the subjugation of Marwar, was extended to Mewar also. This was so because the ruler of Mewar gave shelter to Ajit Singh. This period coincides with the revolt of Prince Akbar against his father, Aurangzeb. Where he saught the support of the Rajputs. It is interesting to note that while on the one hand Akbar did his best to enlist the support of the Rajputs, on the other hand in order to

111 create a hostile opinion in the camp of the Muslim nobles he even accused Aurangzeb for violating the principles of Islam. However, Akbar could not rally around him sufficient support, and be ultimately escaped into the Deccan where was accorded a warm welcome by Shambhaji. The presence ofAkbar in the Deccan changed the very complexion of Aurangzeb’s involvement in Rajputana. He knew the weakness of his state, and correctly realized that he was not in a position to involve the Mughal forces simultaneously on two fronts. Military activities had to be slowed at one or the other place. Moreover, the ruler of the Mewar was also willing to conclude peace with Aurangzeb. Consequently, peace was concluded with the ruler of Mewar, which established peace in this war-torn territory. However, Marwar continued to be a trouble spot. For about thirty years the struggle between Ajit Singh and the Mughal forces continued, until in 1709 when Bahadur Shah, the son and successor of Aurangzeb, recognised the claims of Ajit Singh. The Mughal empire certainly suffered a set-back in its conflict with the Rajput states. However, it will be an exaggeration to say that this conflict assumed the character of a popular struggle on the part of the Rajputs. True two very important houses of Rajputana-the Rathors of Marwar and the Sisodias of Mewar—clashed with Aurangzeb but in this struggle they did not receive the support of the other Rajputs. Kachwahas (Ambar) and Haras (Bundi) and others “continued to serve the Mughal empire”. Moreover at no stage the masses joined the Rajput rulers in their fight against the Mughal Emperor. The entire conflict was confined within the ruling class. During this phase which witnessed the strained relations between the Mughal Emperor and the Rajput chiefs the proportional strength of the Rajputs in the Mughal nobility was not considerably changed. There were 73 Rajput nobles of the rank of one thousand and above rank during the period between 1679 and 1707. However, this number is less if we take the increase in the total number of the Mughal nobles. The figures are:

Period Total number of the Rajput nobles nobles (Rank 1,000 and (Rank 1,000 and above) above)

1658-1678 486 71

1679-1707 575 73

Thus while during 1608-1678 the Rajputs constituted 14.6% of the nobility in the period between 1679 and 1707 their percentage declined to 12.6%. But it should be noted that this was a decline generally suffered by the non Deceni elements.

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However we should not think that Aurangzeb continued the policy of Akbar in the second phase. There were many depatures (a) Aurangzeb was not prepared to appoint a Rajput as Governor (b) Aurangzeb’s treatment of some leading Rajput nobles was a reflection of his new policy. The Rajput nobles were not awarded high mansabs. Even the ranks of noted Rajput chiefs like Ram Singh Hara and Jai Singh Sawai never crossed the figures of more than three thousand. This was bound to provoke the Rajputs. Loyalty was replaced by mistrust. One may conclude this discussion with the following comment of Prof. Satish Chandra on Aurangzeb’s Rajput policy : “(i) The Rathore uprising should not be regarded as constituting a breach between the Mughal Emperor and the Rajputs as such for the Kachwahas, Haras etc., continued to serve the Mughal empire. (ii) Nor was the material damage to the Mughal empire very large. (iii) Its importance lay rather inasmuch as it constituted a definite set-back to the attempt to establish a composite ruling class consisting of various elements among the Muslims and the Hindus in the country. It thus strengthened the forces of separations among the Hindus and the Muslims. (iv) In the second place the absence of a powerful Rajput section in the nobility ultimately made negotiations with the Marathas more diffcult. (v) It also led to the diversion of resources at a critical time and emboldened others like the Jats and Sikhs to continue to defy Mughal authority”.

3.3 Mansabdari and Jagirdari System under the Mughals

Objective and Learning Outcome

1. The section would apprise students about the core element of the Mughal administrative structure- mansab and jagir. 2. Students would identify uniqueness of the mansab system vis a vis pre-Mughal administrative institutions. 3. Students would get awareness about the evolution of the mansab system under Akbar and circumstances that brought about changes in the system under the subsequent Mughal rulers. 4. Students would be able to critically analyse various historiographical interpretations related to crisis in the mansab and jagir system 3.3.1 Mansabdari Mansabdari or mansab system was the basis of Mughal administrative structure and a very effective mechanism to organise and controla culturally diverse and religiously heterogeneous nobility. Despite some distant similarities with the military system under the Pre-Mughal Islamic state in India and that of the Mongols and Timurids, there is no reference to ‘mansab’ in India prior to coming of the Mughals. Therefore, we can safely conclude that the Mansab system was introduced in India by the Mughal rulers the origin of which can be attributed to Akbar. While the basic feature of this system that developed under Akbar

113 remained same throughout the time period of the Mughal Empire some important changes were introduced in the Mansabdari system by the subsequent Mughal rulers ostensibly to deal with some contradictions in its working. Jagirdari system was closely linked with the functioning of the mansabdari system as majority of the mansab rank holders were paid their salary through a grant of land called jagir. But beyond disbursing salary through a grant of land, another important objective of the Mughal state was to ensure collection of land revenue from large parts of the empire. Naturally therefore, any crisis in the working of these institutions was bound to adversely impact the empire administratively, politically, socially as well as economically. Mansab: Origin and Evolution Broadly, the term ‘mansab’ denoted office, position and rank of its holder (mansabdar) in the Mughal administrative hierarchy even though it did not constitute any office in itself. Mansab rank was largely used to determine position of its holder in the official hierarchy as well as to fix his military obligations towards the state. Few scholars have traced origin of the Mughal mansab system from decimal system of the Mongols and the military system followed by the Turks in India which toowas modeled on the Turko-Mongol practices. Ziauddin Barni, while talking about military practices of the Delhi Sultans, refers to a system where 10 horsemen or sawars were put under the command of a sar-i khail; 10 sar-i khail under one sipahsalar; 10 sipahsalars under one amir; 10 amirsunder one malik and 10 maliks under one khan. However, M Athar Ali (1997) and others have pointed out an anomaly in Barni’s account on the ground that the decimal system worked under the principle of lowest military officer commanding 10 and the highest commanding 10,000 troopers (where lower ranking officers were direct subordinate of their superiors), whereas in Barni’s account the total number of troops to be commanded by khan (the highest military officer) comes to 1, 00,000.An Arab account of the 14th century however, refers to a khan commanding 10,000 troopers, the malik 1000 and amir 100 and the sipahsalar less than that in the Indian army. The Mughals followed the military practices adopted by the Mongols where ten horsemen were under one officer, ten such officers under the commander of 100, ten such commanders under an officer of 1000 and ten commanders of 1000 under the commander of 10,000. The Mughals mansab system, although somewhat similar with this decimal system of military organisation, was fundamentally different in many respects. Firstly, the mansab system included civil officers too and no distinction was made between military and civil service. Secondly, the mansab system had a dual rank represented by numerals i.e. zat (personal rank) andsawar (military rank) and thirdly, and perhaps more important was the fact that each Mansab holder (mansabdar) was directly subordinated to the king unlike the decimal system of subordination to the immediate superior. Thus, each noble holding a mansab rank became dependent on the ruler for his existence as it was the ruler who granted his appointment, promotion as well as demotion. In the long run these mansabdars became the instruments of royal will. The uniqueness of the Mansabdari system can also be

114 established by the fact that no such system of numerical ranks has been found in the contemporary Islamic states of Central Asia or Middle East. The evolution of the mansab system under Akbar has been a matter of little debate among the scholars particularly with regard to the year of its institution. While analysing this debate one must keep in mind that experimentation was at the back of every administrative measure taken by Akbar and therefore mansab system could not have been an exception. W H Moreland (1936) was of the opinion that the mansabdari system was introduced in the 11th year (1566-67) of Akbar’s reign when sawar rank was introduced as the nobles failed to keep the required quota of the troops assigned to them. But A J Qaiser (1961) has challenged Moreland’s view on the ground that no numerical ranks existed before Akbar. She has argued that the zat and sawar ranks were introduced in the 18th year (1973-74) of Akbar’s reign which has also been supported by Irfan Habib(1966). However, Shireen Moosvi (1981) on the basis of several 16th and 17th century sources including Abul Fazl’sAin-i Akbari, Abdul QadirBadayuni’sMuntakhab-uttawarikh, Nizamuddin Ahmad’s Tabaqat-i Akbari and Mutamid Khan’s Iqbalnama-i Jahangiri has argued that both zat and sawar ranks were introduced in the 4ist year (1996-97) of Akbar’s reign. She has put the debate to rest by summarizing the different stages of the evolution of mansab system during the reign of Akbar which is as under: 1. There were no fixed standing military obligation in terms of the size of the troopers during the first decade of Akbar’s reign and salaries were paid to the nobles in an arbitrary manner. 2. In the 11th year of Akbar’s reign, an attempt was made to fix the size of the military obligation and the nobles were asked to maintain troops based on revenues of their assignments (jagir). 3. In the 18th year of Akbar’s reign, a single numerical rank (mansab) was introduced. This single rank determined the salary as well as the number of sawars and animals that were to be maintained by the rank holder (mansabdar). 4. In the 40th year, mansabdars were categorised on the basis of number of sawars maintained in proportion to the mansab rank. 5. In the 41st year (1596-97), zat and sawar ranks were introduced and mansab became dual in nature. The zat represented the personal rank of the holder and fixed his pay and the number of animals to be maintained whereas the sawar rank indicated the number of horsemen the mansabdar was required to maintain. Appointment of Mansabdars It is generally said that Mughal nobility was the creation of Mughal emperor and perhaps nowhereis it more applicable than the Mansabdari system which was not only an attempt to systematise administration through which all individual nobles were classified into definite categories but was also aimed at making the nobles subservient to the will of the ruler. All mansabdars were appointed by the emperor on the recommendations of the Mir Bakshi (Head

115 of the Military unit) who used to present nobles from the heterogeneous racial group comprisingTurani, Irani, Pathan, Indian Muslim (Shaikhzada), Rajput and other Hindus. Princes of the royal families, leading nobles of the empire as well as governors of the provinces also at times recommended the names of individuals to be appointed as a mansabdar whose recommendations were generally accepted by the emperor. There were several stages of checks and formalities before the final letter of appointment was given to a mansabdar. Although khanazads (descendants of the families who had served the Mughal state earlier) had brighter chance of getting a mansab but the contemporary sources like Ain-i Akbari inform us that merit was the sole criterion adding that the emperor (Akbar) had discerning eye for merit. While we may not fully agree with Abul Fazl’s account, appointment of a number of individuals as mansabdar who did not belong to the elite khanazad family or ruler of an independent Rajput principality is a testimony to the priority given to merit in the appointment of mansabdars. Another important aspect related to the appointment of mansabdars was the condition of surety (zamin) which according to Athar Ali was rigorously enforced. A person who stood for surety was held responsible not only for good behaviour of the recruited mansabdar but had also to meet the claims of the state unmet by the mansabdar. This made surety difficult to obtain and Athar Ali informs us that this practice therefore had to be abandoned as large number of nobles from Deccan were included in the mansab system during the reign of Aurangzeb. Zat and Sawar Ranks The dual rank i.e. zat and sawar, introduced in the 41st year of Akbar’s reign, was the fundamental feature of the mansab system. The basic objective of Akbar behind introducing the dual rank was to ensure that his officers maintain the troops as specified. In Fact, mansabdars were classified into three categories on the basis of their respective zat and sawar ranks. Amansabdar having equal zat and sawar ranks was placed in category I; those having sawar rank equal to half or more of the zat rank in category II and those having their sawar rank less than half of the zat rank was placed in category III. Although diverse interpretations have been forwarded regarding the nature of zat and sawar ranks, it has been conclusively established now that zat represented the personal rank of the mansabdar, fixed his salary and indicated his status in the administrative as well as social hierarchy. Whereas sawar rank represented the number of cavalry men a mansabdar was required to maintain along with horses, elephants and other beasts of burden. The table below based on Ain-i Akbari would substantiate the above statement.

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Zat Rank Sawar Rank Category Salary per month(Rs) 5000 5000 I 30,000 5000 2500/3000 II 29,000 5000 2000 III 28,000 3000 3000 I 17,000 3000 1500/2000 II 16,800 3000 1200 III 16,700 2000 2000 I 12,000 2000 1000/1200 II 11,900 2000 900 III 11,800 1000 1000 I 8,200 1000 500/600 II 8,100 1000 400 III 8,000 Based on M Athar Ali (1997), The Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb The above table very clearly suggests that the personal salary (khasa) of a mansabdar was fixed on the basis of his zat rank as despite reduction in the category of a mansabdarin the table there is no significant variation in his salary. An important feature of the zat rank during the reign of Akbar was it could be equal to or more but never less than the sawar rank. While his successors continued to follow this principle, the second half of Aurangzeb’s reign saw deviation from this and reportedly a limited number of mansabdars had sawar ranks higher than their zat rank. However, Athar Ali has pointed out that this measure was based on expediency (shortage of able commanders or economic considerations) and was not a deliberate reform. While granting the zat rank, Akbar followed the principle of dahbashi (commander of 10) to dah-hazari (commander of 10,000). But the highest zat rank that could be granted to Mughal nobles was 5000 (panch-hazari) even though there were few exceptions like Raja Man Singh and Mirza Aziz Koka under Akbar, Mahabat Khan and Asaf Khan under Jahangir and Raja Jaswant Singh and Sawai Jai Singh under Aurangzeb, who were granted a rank of 7000. Theoretically however, rank beyond 7000 was reserved for the royal princes. Even though a Mughal noble could reach a maximum of 5000 rank, the contemporary sources suggest that majority of the mansabdars including some district and provincial level officers remained below the rank of 1000 and there were very few who could reach the rank of 1000 and above. The sawar rank, as mentioned earlier, specified the number of cavalrymen to be maintained by a mansabdar. To break the racial and religious exclusivity, mansabdars were asked to maintain a mixed contingent which can be considered as a part of Akbar’s assimilative practice.However, if a mansabdar requested for specific group of contingents (Mughal or

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Rajput) he was permitted to do so for reasons of political expediency. During the reign of Akbar, measures were taken to ensure that mansabdars actually maintained the number of sawars as mentioned in their respective ranks. To ensure this as much as possible, Akbar introduced the dagh (branding of horses) with the imperial seal and chehra (descriptive rolls) of the sawars and mansabdars were mandatorily expected to present their contingents for muster. Payment of full salary to a mansabdar was also linked to him presenting his contingent for muster. Failure or delay resulted in monetary punishment. This exemplifies the royal attempt to bring the mansabdars into further subservience. The conditional rank (mashrut) was an additional feature of the mansab system which was added to the original zat and sawar rank of the mansabdar. The mashrut rank was given to fulfill the additional requirement of a post held by a mansabdar. For example, if a mansabdar was appointed to the post of a faujdar of a particular district, and if was felt that for effective discharge of his duties he needs additional soldiers, then additional 100 was added to his sawar rank along with the zat rank. However, after the transfer of the incumbent or once he relinquished the said post, the additional mashrut rank was withdrawn. But in some cases the additional conditional rank was made permanent as a mark of favour or promotion to the mansabdar. Salary and Deductions of the Mansabdars Payment to the mansabdars was based on the principle of a clear distinction between zat and sawar ranks. The pay for the zat rank (khasa) to the mansabdar was separated from payments due to him for his sawar rank (tabinan). For the zat rank a mansabdar was paid salary either in cash or through land assignment known as Jagir. As displayed in the table above, differential salary was paid to the mansabdars based on their categories I, II or III as the case may be. Mansabdars getting salary in cash were known as naqdi mansabdars whereas those getting land grants were known as jagirdars. While a large number of mansabdars received cash salaries from the imperial treasury majority were paid through grant of jagir. Since the salary for the zat rank was meant for maintenance of the mansabdar and his family along with his household establishment, the size of the jagirgranted in lieu of salary had to be in commensurate with the salary claim of the mansabdar i.e. the annual income of the jagir had to match the annual salary claim of the mansabdar. For maintenance of the troops or the sawar rank, mansabdars were paid separately on the basis of pay fixed per unit of sawarrank. The pay of the sawars in the central Mughal army varied depending upon the types of horses they used as well as their expertise in the war fare which ranged between Rs 200-350. However, for the purpose of payment to the mansabdars for their contingent, a fixed rate per unit of sawar was established which also kept on varying. While during the reign of Akbar, a complex method was adopted to fix the rate per sawar, at the beginning of Jahangir’s reign per unit sawar rank was fixedat 9600 dams per annum (1 copper dam being equal to 40 silver rupees), which was reduced later to 8,800 dams per annum and finally to 8000 dams per unit of sawar under Shah Jahan. If for the

118 purpose of illustration, we use the rate of 8000 dams or Rs 200, a mansabdar of 5000 sawar rank would be paid 5000*8000=40,000,000 dams or Rs 1,000,000 for maintenance of the sawars. Thus the payment for the sawar rank always was much higher than payment for personal upkeep (zat rank) of the mansabdar. While during the reign of Akbar, salary of a mansabdar was expressed in terms of Rupees, in the subsequent period, for the sake of uniformity, salary was invariably expressed in dams as the annual revenues of the jagirs came to be assessed in dams. Another important aspect connected with the payment to the mansabdar was that from the later years of Akbar’s reign and particularly from the reign of Shahjahan onwards, there were deductions made in the salary of the mansabdars (both naqdi as well as those holding jagirs) on some pretext or the other. Among the various types of deductions one was on account of khurak-i dawwab (‘fodder for animals’) which effectively meant deduction in personal salary of the mansabdars for upkeep of specified number of emperor’s animals (horses, elephants, camels and carts) by them. Subsequently, deductions were even made from mansabdar’s salary for khurak of the animals kept in royal stables. However, documents from the reign of Aurangzeb’s reign suggests that such obligations were imposed only on mansabdars of higher ranks and no such obligation was imposed on those below the rank of 400 zat and those holding no sawar rank. Another deduction, made mainly from the salaries of mansabdars from Deccan (such as Marathas, Bijapuris and Hyderabadis) was termed as waja-i dam–i chauthai (‘deduction of one-fourth in dams’). In addition to these, the mansabdars were also subjected to fines (jurmana) in case a mansabdar failed to produce actual number of sawars during the muster or produced new sawars in place of the original sawars by declaring the latter as ‘dead’ or ‘fled’. Although these deductions did not have significant economic impact on the mansabdars as they were paid handsomely, it did however, display the extent of central control over them. Changes in the Mansab system While the Mansab system continued to function on the basic principles that evolved under Akbar, few important changes were brought about in the system by the subsequent rulers. These changes were guided by both military and economic expediencies. During the reign of Jahangir, a new rank du-aspa sih-aspa (literally ‘two or three horses/horsemen’) was introduced which was connected with the sawar rank. Since sawar rank could not be more than the zat rank, the du-aspa sih-aspa rank enabled the Mughal government to increase the military obligation of a mansabdar without raising his zat rank. There were two variants of the application of du-aspa sih-aspa rank. In one case, the entire sawar rank could be converted into du-aspa sih-aspa and in another; a portion of the sawar rank could be turned into du-aspa sih-aspa. Applicability of these variants can be illustrated by taking one example of a mansabdar holding a rank of 3000 zat 3000 sawar. In case the whole sawar rank was converted into du-aspa sih-aspa rank, the official method of expressing this formula was 3000 zat 3000 sawar hama(all) du-aspa sih-aspa. In such a case, the military obligation of the said mansabdar would be expressed as 3000*2=6000 sawars. In the second variant,

119 where a portion of sawar rank was converted into du-aspa sih-aspa,the official expression of the above mansabdar’s rank would be3000 zat 3000 sawar 1000 du-aspa sih-aspa. In such a scenario, the military obligation of the mansabdar was expressed as 2000+1000*2 sawars= 4000 sawars. In the latter case where 1000 sawars were turned into du-aspa sih-aspa, the rest 2000 were termed as barwardi. From the above illustration, it is clear that the military obligation under du-aspa sih-aspa rank was double that of the barwardi. The first noble to be given this rank during the reign of Jahangir was Mahabat Khan whose 1700 sawars were converted into du-aspa sih-aspa rank when he was deputed in Deccan. However, we do not have many evidences of such a rank being granted in large numbers under Jahangir. Whereas, as per the figures provided by Athar Ali (1997), there were as many as 25 nobles (out of 253) of the rank of 1000 and above who were granted this rank towards the close of Shah Jahan’s reign and 70 such noble (out of 575) were granted this rank during the last few decades of Aurangzeb’s reign. Since with the introduction of du-aspa sih-aspa rank, the military obligation of a mansabdar holding this rank was increased, the salary on account of this rank was increased as per the unit rate for each sawar. The introduction of this rank was aimed at-promotion of the mansabdar (ensuring loyalty in service); for meeting military necessity (as there were limited numbers of trustworthy military commanders who could be relied with a larger contingent of troops) as well as for economic considerations (military obligations of a mansabdar could be increased without increasing his personal salary). Another significant change in the Mansab system, necessitated due to problems in the actual functioning of this system, was introduction of month scale (mahwar) by Shah Jahan. The essence of the problem was growing gap between the revenue assessment (jama) of a jagir and the revenue collected (hasil) by a jagirdars as a part of his salary claim (talab). It was noticed since the beginning of his reign that while on paper the jamashowed certain amount, actual hasil was sometime half or one fourth of the salary claim of the mansabdars. While situation in north India was slightly better, hasil from the Deccan region was invariably one fourth of the talab of a mansabdar. Month scale was introduced by Shah Jahan in order to bring down this disparity. Under this system, jagirs that fetched salary equal to six months was termed as shashmaha (six monthly) and those one-fourth was termed as sihmaha (three monthly). The salary of the naqdi mansabdars were also reduced through a farman of Shah Jahan, issued in 1653 whereby it was directed that salary of the naqdi mansabdars should not be fixed above ashtmaha (eight monthly) or less than ‘four monthly’ rates. Exceptions were made to this rule mainly in case of few high ranking nobles and royal princes, latter’s salary being fixed at ‘ten monthly’ rates. Under Aurangzeb however, the salary of the naqdi mansabdar was fixed at ‘six monthly’ rates. Besides the month scale, another change introduced by Shah Jahan in the Mansab system was the rule of 1/3rd, 1/4th and 1/5thwhereby military obligations of the mansabdars were reduced depending upon the place they were deployed. This measure was necessitated due to mansabdars not keeping the specified number of troops as per their sawar rank despite

120 drawing salary for the entire contingent of sawars. This tendency of the mansabdars can also be accounted for by the disparity between jama and hasil and this practice was resorted to by them to compensate for loss in their salary. Shah Jahan, in order to stop this practice ordered thatmansabdars posted in their home state would be required to keep 1/3rd of their sawar rank; those posted in Deccan 1/4th and those posted in the north-west frontier areas 1/5th of their sawar rank. The naqdi mansabdars were required to keep 1/5th of their stipulated sawar rank. The amount paid to the mansabdars for their sawar rank was also reduced in similar proportion. The system of month scale and proportions were indicators of crisis in the functioning of the Mansab system which, as we shall see, had long term implications for the Mughal Empire. The Law of Escheat An important component of Mansab system, which has been much debated, was the law of escheat (Zabt, not to be confused with the zabti system of land revenue assessment). Under this system, property of the mansabdar was escheated to the state upon his demise. Subsequently, an inventory was prepared of the deceased noble’s property and after deductions of the state dues (mutaliba) rest of the property was distributed to his legal heirs. While the contemporary medieval Indian writers are largely silent about this condition of service, European travellers like Purchas, Bernier, Manucci, Careri and Pelsaert have made special mention of it in their travelogues. These travellers have suggested that the emperor took possession of the property after the death of the noble and after keeping a portion as his share (state dues) the rest was distributed to the legal heir of the deceased noble at his discretion without giving due consideration to Hindu or Muslim family laws of inheritance. The available official Mughal documents seem to corroborate the above. However, they also indicate that the policy was not uniformly followed under Akbar and Shah Jahan till Aurangzeb put the system in proper order through his farmans. Few examples from the reigns of Akbar and Shah Jahan would substantiate the above use of discretion of the emperors which was not only confined to distribution of property among the heirs but also extended to whether some select noble’s property would be escheated at all after his death. During the reign of Akbar, while the entire property of Munim Khan was escheated to the state after his death in 1575 (as he died without a legal heir) Abul Fazl’s property was not confiscated after his murder (1602) as a mark of respect and favour by the emperor. Under Shah Jahan, after the death of Ali Mardan Khan (1657) the entire property was first confiscated and then after the deduction of state dues, rest of the property was distributed among his heir in an uneven manner with the eldest son Ibrahim Khan getting the bulk of it, ignoring the Muslim law of inheritance. Similarly, after the demise of a Hindu noble Raja Bithal Das similar disregard towards Hindu law of inheritance was shown when the eldest son was handed over 60 percent of the property left by his father. These examples clearly suggest that the emperor acted as the sole heir of the property of his noble and passed on the inheritance to the legal heir of the deceased as he pleased.

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During the reign of Aurangzeb, an attempt was made to bring about uniformity in the system of escheat although even this was not devoid of deviations from the existing rule. Through a farman issued in 1666 Aurangzeb set guidelines for application of the system of escheat. These were- a) if a noble died without any legal heir, his property was to be deposited in a separate treasury (bait-ulmaal) after recovering the state dues; b) if there were no state dues, the entire property was to be deposited in the bait-ulmaal; c) if the noble died and had legal heirs, his property was to be handed over to the legal heir after recovering the state dues; d) if the state dues exceeded the value of the property, the entire property was to be confiscated by the state; e) if there were no dues to the state, the entire property was to be handed over to the legal heirs of the deceased. In another farman, issued in 1691, it was directed that property of those nobles should not be confiscated upon their death if their heirs were in service of the Mughal government as the latter could be asked to pay the dues of their deceased father. The available evidences suggest that while in majority of the cases the above orders were followed in few others they were violated at the insistence of the state itself. W H Moreland was of the opinion that the escheat system had created lot of insecurities among the nobles of the Mughal state and therefore they, unsure of the future of their property after their death, spent major portion of their income in luxurious consumption and did not try to save. But Athar Ali, on the basis of some European traveler’s accounts such as Pelsaert and few others, has argued that on the contrary the nobles amassed huge property as they were sure that after deduction of state dues rest of the property would be passed on to his legal heir. Ali concludes that the escheat system had more theoretical than economic significance as it tried to establish control of the state over the properties of its officers. Modern Historiography on the Mansab System In the modern historiography, Mansab system has been variously interpreted. While Percival Spear (1970) termed mansabdars as “elite within elite”, Stephen P Blake (1979) considered mansabdars as “patrimonial bureaucrats” in his concept of Mughal Empire being a “patrimonial bureaucratic Empire” where bureaucrats were extensions of the imperial Mughal household. He argued that the mansabdars did not receive a fixed salary but were compensated by ‘prebends or benefices’ (mansab and jagir) and served at the pleasure of the ruler. In the long run such a system, according to Blake, led to loosening of emperor’s control over his officials. John F Richards (1996) likened the mansabdari system with the Islamic corporate military service where the notion of slave (bandah) for imperial servants facilitated a closer relationship between the Imperial master (emperor) and his servant (officials). A N Rezavi (1998) has argued that mansabdari was an innovative institution to organise the ruling elite of the Mughal Empire which generated the centripetal tendencies in linking the remote areas with the heart of the empire-the king. Douglas Streusand (2001) was of the opinion that although the relationship between the ruler and mansabdar was primarily defined by the former’s perception of sovereignty, mansabdari system was also a political compromise between service at the pleasure of the ruler and service for security of status within his caste

122 and clan. Thus, according to Streusand, unlike military slave and servants a mansabdar retained his caste and clan identity. 3.3.2 Jagirdari System As mentioned earlier, Jagirdari system was an integral part of the Mansabdari system and was primarily a mechanism to pay the salary of the mansabdars through grant of land (jagir). Thus, all mansabdars holding jagir in lieu of their salary were known as jagirdars while those receiving cash salaries were known as naqdi mansabdars. The term jagir (Persian ‘jai- gir’ meaning ‘holder of a place’) has been found synonymous with iqta and tuyul which were popular during the Delhi Sultanate rule in India. Broadly, there were two classifications of land. Land which was directly managed by the central government was known as khalisa(crown land) and those earmarked to be given as jagir were known as paibaqi. Income from the khalisa land was used by the government to pay the central troops, attendants as well as the naqdi mansabdars whereas income from the paibaqi land was reserved to meet the salary claim of the mansabdar. Although khalisa consisted of a large part of the Mughal Empire, the land earmarked for assignment was much higher and covered 4/5th of the total land by the first decade of Aurangzeb’s reign.In this context, Irfan Habib (1993) has argued that since land revenue accounted for much of the surplus agricultural produce, the assignment of large portion of empire in jagirs meant placing in hands of a numerically small class, control of much of the Gross National Product of the country.This was bound to impact the economy if there ever developed a crisis in the system, which we shall see was indeed the case. Types of Jagirs Since jagirs were allotted in lieu of salary, a mansabdar had to be assigned jagir whose annual assessed income (jama or jamadami) had to be commensurate with his sanctioned salary claim (muqarrara talab) for both hiszat and sawar ranks. Thus, a jagir which was assigned in lieu of salary was known as tankhwah-i jagir. The jagirs allotted to the territorial Rajput chieftains or zamindarsin lieu of their salary after their induction in the mansab system was known as watan-jagir where the term watan denoted their old dominions which remained with their family. If the income of the watan did not meet the salary claims of a Rajput mansabdar, he was assigned additional tankhwah-i jagir outside his watan. For example, Maharaja Jaswant Singh held watan-jagir in Marwar and was granted additional tankhwah-ijagir in Hissar during the reign of Aurangzeb. The jagirs that were assigned to a mansabdar conditional upon a particular post was termed as mashrut (conditional) jagirwhich was revocable when the former ceased to be on that position. Another type of jagir, which was assigned to a noble in his native place as permanent assignment, was known as al- tamgha jagir.

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Rights and duties of a Jagirdar Jagirdars were imperial servants and therefore their rights were limited to those prescribed in the imperial regulations. Since the grant of jagir was only a means of payment to the mansabdars for their services, it did not confer any right of the jagirdar on land or claim to hereditary position. This was in contrast to the contemporary European nobles who by this time had established hereditary rights over the ‘fiefs’ granted to them. A jagirdar in Mughal India was only entitled to collect land revenue and other authorized taxes (mal-i wajibi) along with other state claims (huquq-i diwani) that too in conformity with imperial regulations.The writings of Abul Fazl and the farmans of Aurangzeb very clearly state the obligation of the jagirdars and their agents to follow these regulations while collecting the taxes. Similar rule applied to collection of cesses levied by the state. However considering the disparity between jama and hasil, these orders were violated more often than not. The jagirdars used to collect land revenue and other taxes with the help of their agents (gumashtas) employed by them. There was indeed a difference in the number of officials appointed by bigger and smaller jagirdars for collection of taxes. A bigger jagirdar had a number of officials including amil/shiqdar (chief agent) assisted by amin (revenue assessor), a fotadar(treasurer) and a karkun (accountant) for the purpose of collection of taxes. In case of smaller jagirdar, duties of two officials were at times combined. Still smaller jagirdars, with limited means and staying away far from their allotted jagirs, resorted to revenue farming (ijara) wherein the tax collection was auctioned out to the highest bidder or parceled out their jagirs to the troops to manage their pay through collection of land revenue from the specified area. Later on, ijara was also resorted to by the bigger jagirdarsas the most convenient and beneficial mechanism to manage their salary. Evidence of such a practice has been found from Awadh in case of smaller jagirdars and Kashmir in case of bigger jagirdars. Agents of the big jagirdars had to execute a bond for payment of collected revenue to the latter. At times, security money (kabz) was collected from the amils by the bigger jagirdars and this gradually led to a tendency where those paying the highest security were appointed as amils by the latter. Since the practice of revenue farming proved to be oppressive for the peasants, the state did intervene at times to try and curb these tendencies. Such action often resulted in jagir land being converted to khalisa as it happened in case of Kashmir during the reign of Aurangzeb. Besides collection of land revenue, the jagirdars were also expected to assist the local officials in maintenance of law and order and also help in implementing the agricultural plans of the state including extension of cultivation and irrigation facilities and to promote augmentation of cash crop (jins-i kamil). The state interest in the pargana, where the jagir was located, was looked after by a set of centrally appointed officials such as qanungo and chaudhary who had the onus to ensure faithful adoption of imperial regulations by the jagirdar. In this Mughal system of checks and balances, waqia navis (intelligence officer at the district level), had a major role to play as he kept a close watch over both jagirdars and zamindars.

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Transfer of Jagirs The system of jagir transfer was embedded into working of the mansabdari system. Several European travelers have highlighted transferability of the jagir which can be corroborated with contemporary Persian sources like Ain-i Akbari and official letters such as Nigar Nama-i Munshi. There were technical as well as political reasons behind the introduction of jagir transfer. Usually a mansabdar entered the Mughal service at a lower rank and was gradually promoted. We also know that the size of a jagir to be given to a mansabdar was commensurate with latter’s salary claim. It follows from this that if a mansabdar was promoted with higher zat and sawar rank which obviously denoted increase in his salary, the present jagir would fall short of meeting his salary claim. In such a scenario he had to be moved from his present jagir and shifted to a bigger jagir necessitating transfer of such an incumbent. As for political reasons, the Mughal government tried to ensure that none of the jagirdars stayed at one place for more than three or four years lest they develop regional ties and become foci of local power in opposition to the center. Exceptions to this rule of transfer were the watan and al-tamgha jagirs which were considered as hereditary and permanent. Transfer of jagir was thus another mechanism to obviate any chances of opposition to the state by the nobility. Moreover as Athar Ali (1997) points out, the system of jagir transfer prevented mansabdars from calling any part of the empire as their own and remained dependent on the will of the emperor for their existence. This system of transfer however, created its complexities particularly from the point of view of the jagirdars. We have already pointed out earlier that there was a gap between jama and hasilsince the very beginning and by the second half of Aurangzeb’s reign this gap, as the sources suggests, had grown wider. A sudden transfer of the jagirdar in mid-year when he had not been able to collect the revenue meant losing his salary although in some cases the new assignee was asked to collect the baqaya (arrear) and hand over to the old assignee. Moreover, for the purpose of transfer, it was presumed that except for Bengal and Orissa, the value of kharif and rabi crops were same throughout the empire which was far away from reality. So if a jagirdar was posted in an area in kharif season and then transferred to another in rabiseason and if neither happened to be the favorite crop of these areas, he was likely to suffer heavy losses. J.F.Richards (1996) points out that in such an uncertain situation jagirdars had to rely upon local money lenders, local bankers and currency dealers (sarrafs) who often advanced money to the mansabdars pending arrival of funds from their jagirs. These complications related to jagir transfer were not likely to induce the assignee to bring about agricultural development in his jagir but on the contrary as Irfan Habib (1993) argues, his personal interest would sanction any act of oppression on peasantry if it conferred on him immediate benefit. Crisis in Mansab and Jagir system While the institution of mansab and jagir functioned without many complications under Akbar and Jahangir, the inherent contradiction in these started coming to the fore during the

125 reign of Shah Jahan and by the second half Aurangzeb’s reign a crisis developed in the system with far reaching consequences for the existence of the empire itself. The reforms brought about by Shah Jahan in the form of month scale and the rule of 1/3rd, 1/4th and 1/5th was a response to the growing crisis in the system. These reforms were indicators of official acceptance of the lacunae in the system. But while the introduction of month scale tried to grapple with the gap between jama and hasil,application of the rule of 1/3rd, 1/4th and 1/5th reduced the military strength of the mansabdars affecting the latter’s ability to assist in maintenance of law and order and collection of land revenue but more importantly it adversely affected the military strength of the Mughal Empire. Several scholars have given varying interpretations on crisis in the mansab and jagirsystem. Athar Ali (1997) saw the problem from the point of view of the mansabdars particularly during the last twenty six years of Aurangzeb’s reign when the increasing strain of Deccan wars on the financial resources of the empire and dislocation of administration due to absence of the emperor from north India greatly reduced efficiency of the jagir system. In particular, he refers to shortage of jagirs (be-jagiri) which arose out of shortage of paibaqi land caused by the large influx of nobles from the Deccan. This made it increasingly difficult for the mansabdars to get a jagir despite being long in service making influence and money as the only source to get jagirs. In addition, the struggle for jagirs also created a factional conflict at the Mughal court between the old (khanazads) and the new (Deccanis) nobility which demoralized the administration. The official orders related to Jagir Transfer were violated by the jagirdars due to uncertainty of getting another after relinquishing the present one. By the beginning of the 18th century, according to a contemporary writer Anand Ram Mukhlis, allotment of jagirs had become mere paper orders affecting routine working of the system. J F Richards (1975) has questioned the issue of be-jagiri and has argued that there was no shortage of paibaqi lands as after the conquest of Bijapur and Golconda sufficient land was available to be assigned as jagir. But the major problem for the mansabdars, according to Richards, was the imperial decision to keep the lucrative jagirs (sair hasil) under khalisa leaving the mansabdars with unproductive jagirs. Irfan Habib (1993) has linked jagirdari crisis with the ‘agrarian crisis’ holding the system of jagir transfersquarely responsible for creating such a situation. The uncertainty of their tenures, according to Habib, forced the jagirdars and his agents to exploit the peasantry, already under a heavy tax burden, through ijara and other means. This prompted peasant reaction (refusal to pay the land revenue and peasant flight) and individual acts of oppression on the part of the jagirdars also goaded them into rebellion. Net result was decline in agricultural production bringing about financial crisis for the empire. Satish Chandra (1959) was of the opinion that stability of the Mughal state depended upon efficient working of the mansab and jagir system which in turn rested upon availability of revenue to be assigned and ability to collect the revenue. But towards the later half of Aurangzeb’s reign due to lack of available resources, inability of the jagirdars to collect their share of the revenue along with political crisis encountered by Aurangzeb, the mansab and

126 jagir system failed to work efficiently. Later, Satish Chandra (1982) connected jagirdari crisis with a social crisis which affected the socio-economic balance of the empire. He argued that stability of the Mughal administrative structure depended to a great extent on balancing of a tripolar relationship between jagirdar (representative of the central government), zamindars and the cultivators (particularly khud kasht). The increase in central authority and the Mughal ruler’s emphasis on justice had created a situation where zamindars and various categories of cultivators looked towards the central government to resolve their grievances. But the inability of the jagirdars to collect salary in the form of land revenue leading to disenchantment among them, reduction in the military strength of the mansabdars due the reforms of Shah Jahan which impaired the ability of the cavalry and increasing rural tensions disturbed the social balance of this tripolar relationship. Thus, according to Chandra “central to the growth of crisis in the jagir system was its increasing non-functionality i.e. its inability to maintain law and order and collection of the central share of the land revenue over large parts of the empire”. In his recent study Satish Chandra (2012) has reiterated that instead of looking at it as financial-cum-administrative crisis, the jagirdari crisis should be seen as deep seated social crisis. He, like J F Richards, also points out that there was no shortage of jagirs but rather a shortage of productive (sair hasil) jagirs which forced the jagirdars to contend with zor talab areas from where it was difficult to collect revenue due to recalcitrant zamindars and peasants. Conclusion Mansab and jagir was the basis of the administrative structure of the Mughal Empire. Introduced by Akbar, it aimed at organising and controlling heterogeneous nobility as well as to ensure collection of central share of the revenue from large parts of the empire. The fundamental features of the mansab and jagir system continued to be operational with minor modifications by succeeding rulers to deal with economic and military needs. While the system operated smoothly till the reign of Jahangir, contradictions in the working of these started emerging from the time of Shah Jahan which assumed proportion of a full blown crisis by the last quarter of Aurangzeb’s reign. Crux of the problem was increasing gap between jama and hasil which increased the discontentment among the ruling class. This, added with factional conflict within the nobility, political opposition to the empire rising from several regions, financial drain due to prolonged Deccan wars, inability of the central government to bring about changes in the rural relationship and ever-increasing rural tensions brought down the efficacy of the mansab and jagir system. Long Questions 1. Discuss the evolution and chief features of the mansab system under Akbar. 2. What factors were responsible for changes introduced in the mansab system by the successors of Akbar? 3. Who were jagirdars? Describe the types of jagirs and functioning of the jagirdari system.

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4. Account for the crisis in the mansab and jagir system from the second half of 17th century onwards. Suggested Readings : ➢ S Athar Ali (Revised 1997) , The Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb, OUP ➢ J F Richards (1996), The Mughal Empire, Cambridge, CUP ➢ Shireen Moosvi (2014), ‘The Evolution of the Mansab System under Akbar until 1596-97’ in Nirmal Kumar (ed), History of India 1600-1800, Research India Press ➢ Percival Spear (2009), ‘The Mughal Mansabdari System’ in Edmund Leech and S N Mukherjee (eds) Elites in South Asia, Cambridge University Press ➢ Irfan Habib (1966), ‘The Mansab System (1595-1637)’, PIHC, 29th Session, pp 228-249 ➢ A J Qaisar (1961), ‘Note on the date of institution of Mansab under Akbar’, PIHC, 24th Session, pp155-157 ➢ Aniruddha Ray (1984), Some Aspects of Mughal Administration, Kalyani Publishers ➢ S A N Rezavi (1998); ‘The Empire and the Bureaucracy: The Core of Mughal Empire’ in PIHC, Vol. 59, pp 360-382 ➢ Douglas E. Streusand (1989), The Formation of the Mughal Empire, OUP ➢ S P Blake (1979), ‘The Patrimonial-Bureaucratic State of the Mughals’ Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 19 (1), pp 77-94 ➢ Satish Chandra (2002/1959); Parties and Politics at the Mughal Court, 1707- 1740, OUP, New Delhi. ➢ Satish Chandra (1982); Medieval India: Society, the Jagirdari Crisis and the Village; Macmillan, New Delhi. ➢ Satish Chandra (2012); State, Society and Culture in Indian History, OUP, New Delhi.

3.4 Imperial Ideology of The Mughals

Objectives and Learning Outcome: 1. This section would make students understand the meaning of ‘Imperial Ideology’ and what it entails. 2. Students would be able to comprehend the rationale behin devolution of such an ideology 3. This section would help students analyse how imperial ideology was articulated through legitimacy, emphasis on loyalty, a distinct courtly culture, painting and architecture. The Mughal rulers used various means to establish their sovereign authority. As a result, an imperial ideology developed that was articulated throughlegitimacy leveraged from various sources; insistence on individual loyalty; promotion of a distinct courtly cultureand through

128 painting and architecture. By the time the Mughals established their empire in India, Turkish sovereignty had already collapsed with the disintegration of Delhi Sultanate and the Afghan theory of kingship had failed to sustain the power of the Sur and Lodi dynasties. Although the Mughals did well to restrict sovereignty to the Mughal lineage yet the political exigencies called for reassertion of imperial authority by adopting various political, cultural and administrative measures. Babur and Humayun had shorter reign at the Mughal throne and therefore they stuck to a modified version of Mongol and Timurid principles of kingship. Babur proposed the ideal of a shared sovereignty in which the nobles (amirs) were given due measure of importance but Humayun veered towards the ideology of an all-powerful monarch. Both these early Mughal rulers had their share of difficultiesin exercising their imperial authority, Babur on account of his Indian nobility and Humayun on account of having to share his authority with his three brothers Kamran, Hindal and Askari. It was under Akbar and later Jahangir and Shah Jahan that the Mughal king was placed at a higher pedestal using various forms of legitimacy; enforcing hierarchy in the Mughal court through a strict code of conduct;and using visual culture to articulate imperial authority. Legitimacy The Mughal rulers used various sources of legitimacy to perpetuate their authority. One of the most convenient and effective source of legitimacy was religion. For some rulers adherence to Islam and sharia and championing the cause of Islam was an effective method to gain religious legitimacy. The Mughal court accordingly was given an Islamic character and the rulers used Islamic jargons to legitimize their actions. Thus a military campaign against a non-Muslim ruler was declared as a ‘religious war’ (jihad) to get rid of the kufr (infidelity) and establish instead the ‘land of Islam’ (dar-ul Islam). Prohibiting construction of new temples, destruction of even old standing temples and imposition of jaziya tax on non- Muslims were few of the measures adopted by some rulers to display the degree of their affiliation to Islam and to showcase the profile of an Islamic state. However, the available evidences suggest that in most cases these measures were a direct outcome of political expediencies encountered by the Mughal rulers rather than a definite state policy. Thus Babur used the term ‘jihad’ to mobilise Muslim support while fighting the mighty Rajputs during the battle of Khanwa (1527), Akbar (considered as the most liberal among the Mughal rulers) declared victory over the powerful Mewar state (1568) as ‘victory of Islam over the infidels’ and Aurangzeb used temple destruction and re-imposition of Jaziya to deal with his political adversaries and to win over the Ulema to his side in the background of his treatment towards his father and three brothers. It should also be mentioned here that despite attemptsby a few to portray themselves as champions of Islam, the Mughal rulers preferred effective governance to Islamic zeal. However, as Harbans Mukhia (2005) has pointed out that “Islam had a strong presence in the operative categories of medieval Indian state and was a significant source of its legitimacy for the greater part of India’s medieval centuries”. Another form of legitimacy sought by the Mughal rulers was to propagate a dynastic ideology to trace their lineage to the great Amir Timur and Chingiz Khan. The notion of divine nature

129 of sovereignty was an intrinsic part of this ideology. Such an ideology was propagated not only to legitimize one’s political sovereignty but also to ward off challenges from the other Mughal claimants. Babur not only traced his ancestry to both the above rulers but also went a step ahead by assuming the title of padshah and khaqaan (Khan of Khans) to allay the claims of other Timurid princes. Humayun, claiming his ancestry from Timur believed in the concept of an all-powerful monarchbut faced problem due to the practice of shared sovereignty with his brothers. During the reign of Akbar, Abul Fazl’s brilliance in the field of Islamic theology and jurisprudence along with political analysis, created such an intellectually sound Timurid dynastic ideology which not only provided legitimacy to Akbar and his descendants but also effectively challenged the claims to the throne of Akbar’ half- brother Mirza Hakim. Abul Fazl bestowed upon Akbar a new form of sovereignty which was guided by a divine light (farr-iizadi) through a chain of illustrious ancestors which include Adam, Biblical prophets, Joseph, his son Turk, Alanqua (a pure childless widow impregnated by light), the triplets born of her possessing the divine light, nine Turco-Mongol rulers, Chinghis Khan, Amir Timur, Babur, Humayun till the final manifestation of this light in Akbar.Jahangir also, through his memoir (Jahangirnama) and his paintings claimed descent from Chinghiz Khan by regularly referring to yassa-i Changhezi or tura-i Changhezi; to Timur and his illustrious father Akbar while describing his administrative measures. An important part of this legitimizing process was legitimacy for territorial conquests. This was considered as essential to get acceptance from the people of the conquered territories. While few rulers like Babur justified his conquest over India describing it as his ancestor’s (Timur) territory therefore giving him legitimate right to re-conquer those areas, for Akbar justification (articulated by Abul Fazl) of conquest of strategic areas (Malwa, Gujarat, Bihar and Bengal) lay in liberating the subjects of these areas from the tyrannical and oppressive rule of their ruler and providing justice, good governance and bringing about social harmony. In this manner Abul Fazl assigns the role of paterfamilias (fatherly figure) to the sovereign ruler even though the latter has absolute authority. In Abul Fazl’s description, a paterfamilias and a ‘true’ king possesses such qualities as ‘paternal love towards his subjects’;is a ‘priceless jewel of justice’; one who adheres to ‘absolute peace’ (sulh-i kul)and who understands ‘spirit of the age’ (mizaj-i zamana). Thus, legitimacy in this case is sought to be achieved by suffixing responsibility to the absolute authority of the ruler. Similar evidences of paternalistic nature of kingship have been found associated with both Jahangir and Shah Jahan. Even Aurangzeb, who attempted to establish supremacy of Islam in India, is said to have regretted, just before his demise that he could not take care of the peasantry as a worthy ruler should have done. The cultural and political acceptance of sovereignty of the Mughal rulers despite their aggressive military campaigns,brought out in the vernacular literary traditionslike Braj bhasha (Bundelkhand), Mangal Kavya (Bengal), Man Charit Raso (Rajasthan) and Jain literature (Gujarat) indicate the success of the above legitimizing process.

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Individual Loyalty Despite several institutional frameworks created for safeguarding the empire, an important and essential ingredient of stability of the sovereign ruler was loyalty of the nobles. The loyalty of the nobles in turn was dependent upon the patronage provided by the ruler. However, Mukhia has argued that this ‘patronage and loyalty syndrome’ was strong and fragile at the same time. It was strong because it provided enough deterrents to any major challenge to the Mughal sovereignty over a period of two centuries and fragile because it could not dispel the tensions arising out of rebellions by the Mughal princes as well as few of the nobles. The Mughal rulers had to adopt different methods including punishment, pardon and restoration of privileges to deal with such tension filled situations. Few rulers like Akbar adopted ingenious methods in the form of imperial discipleship to ensure loyalty of the nobles to deal with difficult political situations. The notion of imperial discipleship developed from the ideological formulations of Abul Fazl articulated in his magnum opusAkbarnama. In Abul Fazl’s attempt to provide an illuminated dynastic legitimization of Timur’s successors, Akbar has been accorded with special human qualities arising from his possession of the divine light (farr-i izadi). In Akbar, Abul Fazl found a direct connection between a divine and temporal king who was just, benevolent and worthy of being worshipped by his subjects. The promulgation of Tauhid-iIalhi (wrongly termed as Din-I Ilahi) or ‘Divine Monotheism’ in 1582 which emerged out of Akbar’s interaction with the Sufis, Hindu Yogis, Zoroastrians and learned men of other religions was billed as an effective mechanism to bring about social harmony and enforce Akbar’s ideas of sulh-i kul (total or universal peace). Abul Fazl, while elaborating the divine kingship of Akbar, gives the latter qualities of a ‘perfect man’ (Insan-i kamil) and therefor perfectly capable of providing spiritual leadership like a pir/guru (Master of Sufi and Hindu traditions) to hismurid/shishya(pupil). Thus, Akbar was to be the spiritual leaders of the followers of Tauhid-i Ilahi. Norms and rituals of membership of Tauhid-i Ilahi were prescribed for the disciples. The disciples had to renounce their religion (the orthodox form of it), honour, property and life (known as ‘four degrees of devotion’) and surrender it to the spiritual leader. The initiation ceremony consisted of placing of the head of the disciple at the feet of Akbar, sijda (prostration) and the latter raising up the disciple, placing a new turban upon his head and giving him a symbolic representation of sun. The number of disciples Akbar was able to gather around him is a subject of some debate among scholars. However, it is believed that several leading nobles joined the discipleship of Akbar. In this context, S A ARizvi (1975) has opined that discipleship was a very effective way to unify the new Mughal elite to the throne. This was also aimed atensuring complete loyalty of the nobles to the ruler particularly at a time when Akbar was facing political opposition from Mirza Hakim in Punjab, rebellion in the Eastsupported by the orthodox Ulema and Uzbeg power in Central Asia assuming menacing proportions. Akbar wanted absence of sectarian strife in his empire and complete loyalty on the part of the nobility towards him. J F Richards (1996) is also of the opinion that

131 discipleship was an extremely efficient means to assimilate a heterogeneous body of the nobles and bind them to the throne. Jahangir too perpetuated the practice of imperial discipleship for his trusted and most favoured nobles. The details of Jahangir’ way of enlisting disciples can be found in a short passage in his memoir Jahangirnama. This also includes the initiation ceremony which has been found to be very similar to Abul Fazl’s description. Thomas Roe’s account too mentions such rituals of discipleship enforced by Jahangir. The account of Mirza Nathan in Baharistan-iGhaybi provides evidence of the positive responses of the young nobles like Mirza Nathan towards the whole concept of accepting discipleship of the emperor. There is no doubt that discipleship proved to be an effective way of ensuring loyalty of the nobility. But this loyalty was conditional upon patronage and punishment. Mukhia is of the opinion that loyalty became fluid when princes and high nobles rebelled and at that time loyalty had to be redefined and relationships had to be re-established. The loyalty itself was surviving on a thin thread of relationship between the ruler and his noble (servant) which could be broken any time. Courtly Culture The court rituals, customs and traditions were an important mechanism to strengthen legitimacy and imperial authority of the rulers. The Mughal court was a microcosm of the hierarchical medieval Indian society which the Mughal rulers sought to maintain. The norms of etiquette, rewarding andthe hierarchical spatial arrangement were all meant to be the model for society in general and the elite in particular. European travellers like Thomas Roe described the activities and setting of the Mughal court as a theatre where norms of hierarchy were enacted. This was to be replicated outside the court as maintenance of hierarchy was considered as crucial to the maintenance of social order. The norms of etiquette followed in the Mughal court emerged out of a body of literature in Persian known as Akhlaq (etiquette) which developed in the 13th century in Iran. It included a set of guidelines for good conduct in personal behavior, ethics in governance and urbanity. Although there were several works detailing the varied aspects of Akhlaq or Akhlaqiat, the one which became the guiding manual for the Mughal rulers was a thirteenth century Iranian text Akhlaq-i Nasiri written by Nasiruddin Tusi. Several subsequent texts written on the subject of Akhlaq from the time of Jahangir onwards is testimony to the importance accorded to etiquette by the Mughal rulers. The akhlaqi norms were mainly concerned with court etiquette both inside and outside the court. These norms were equally applicable to Mughal rulers, princes as well as the courtiers. However while the emperor could grant some concessions to the norms, violation of the norms of etiquette often invited harsh punishments. Many of the court rituals were of the Sassanid origin while few were innovations of the Mughal emperors themselves. These included prostration before the emperor or his throne (sijda)), kissing the feet or fingers of the ruler (paibos),kissing the ground in front of the ruler (zaminbos), display of obeisance by placing palm of the right hand on the forehead and

132 bending of the head(kurnish), display of submission by placing the back of the right hand on the ground and gently raising it while standing erect and then placing right hand palm on the crown (taslim). Deeper the obeisance closer that person was considered to be with the ruler. Apart from the nobles, these norms of etiquette had to be followed by the emperor as well as the other members of the royal family. We have several instances of Mughal rulers like Babur, Humayun, Akbar and Jahangir displaying their reverence to the elderly women in varying manner as they expected the same for themselves in the court. Coronation ceremony was an essential part of the court ritual during which the nobility displayed their subservience and paid homage to the new master through nazr (personal homage of the noble implying an oath of allegiance) and peshkash (tribute sent to the ruler not requiring personal presence of the noble). The ruler in return handed over the robe of honour (khilat) to the princes, nobles, ambassadors etc. which according to Mukhia “signified extension of the part of the glory, prestige and authority attached to the king’s person”.The recipient had to perform kurnish and taslim as a reminder of his subordination. Another court practice that became a norm from the time of Akbar was gift giving to the emperor by the nobles. This not only signified the status difference between the ruler and his nobility but also symbolized status of the noble in the eyes of the ruler. Jahangir, in his memoir Jahangirnama even mentions the exact price of the gifts received. Another important aspect of the court etiquette on the part of the ruler was to display generosity through distribution of gifts to the nobles and courtiers. This practice was prevalent since the time of Babur and became all pervasive during the reigns of Akbar and Jahangir. This practice was also a marker of status difference between the ruler and his subordinates. The spatial arrangement in the court which defined king as the pivot of the empire was essential to create a distance between the throne and the courtiers. Abul Fazl in Ain-i Akbari hasgiven detailed description of standing and seating arrangement in the court with prescribed distance for princes as well as other courtiers. The courtiers were to remain standing while the emperor was seated on the throne and could sit only after being permitted to sit by the emperor. Such spatial arrangement surpassed the familial relations too as no concessions were made for relatives of the emperor howsoever close or elderly they may be. Some of the imperial paintings of the reign of Jahangir and particularly those of Shah Jahan’s period, besides depicting the Mughal grandeur, also display the perfect order in which the courtiers have been shown to be standing with their eyes fixed on the emperor. A complete silence was added to the court decorum and prescribed manner of speech if permitted to do so. The privilege of being allowed to speak in the court was also a status marker. European travellers like Thomas Roe and Manucci have given the description of the court setting at three levels with railings of gold, silver and wood each at some distance from each other. While the first section was reserved for the royal princes, the second was earmarked for the higher nobility (Umara) who stood with their backs to the wooden railings. Thus, the imperial court culture enforced through norms of etiquette was part of the imperial ideology and indeed a powerful mechanism of asserting sovereign authority and legitimacy

133 by the Mughal rulers. Violations to the norms of behavior were dealt with seriously inviting punishment. However, several instances from the time of Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb do suggest concessions given by the rulers on the display of bravery by the violator. At times rulers also are reported to have lost composure in a fit of rage and spoke in a language that was inappropriate as per the norms of courtly behavior. Articulation of Imperial Ideology through Painting The Mughal ruler used visual culture as a powerful medium of expression of the imperial ideology. Besides the underpinnings of imperial ideology these also indicated individual tastes and preferences, past times as well as notions of kingship of the rulers. Mughal painting refers to the painting that developed in the Mughal court under the watchful eyes of the master painters in the Mughal atelier (painting workshop). Here, according to M C Beach (1992), under an apprenticeship system, painters were trained by the master painters in polishing of paper, writing of calligraphy, grinding and mixing of pigments and painting of illuminations and illustrations. The Mughal workshop attracted artistes from several regions of India who brought with them regional artistic styles which facilitated synthesis of various Hindu, pre-Mughal Islamic and Mughal styles. But despite borrowings, the end product was typically Mughal depicting the image of the empire as desired by the ruler. During the course of time Mughal painting was greatly influenced by the European painting styles but the ruler and his authority remained the central theme. It would not therefore be an exaggeration to say that the Mughal paintings were produced to buttress the cause of the sovereignty. Initial paintings of Akbar’s period such as Tutinama, Humzanama and Anwar-i Suhaili were reflections of Akbar’s adventurous life (military campaigns) during the process of consolidation of the Mughal Empire. However, few important historical events such as victory over Chittor, Gujarat and Bengal; his marriage alliances with Rajputs; contact with regional cultural traditions; religious discussions at Ibadat Khana, promulgation of Tauhid-I Ilahi and gradual evolution of Akbar’s policy of Sulh-i Kul brought about a change in the theme of these paintings. This new imperial style saw illustrations of Razmnama (Persian translation of the great Indian epic Mahabharata), Tarikh-i Alfi (history of thousand years of Islam), Timurnama (chronicle on the life of Timur) and the most important Akbarnama. These paintings, besides illustrating the narratives of the text also represented religious and political ideology of Akbar particularly his syncretic religious ideas, bravery of the ruler and his notions of kingship where the emperor was shown to be present in each painting directing the affairs of the state. The articulation of imperial ideology through the medium of painting took a different trajectory under Jahangir. By the time Jahangir ascended the throne the Mughal Empire had not only expanded and consolidated but had also reached a certain level of prosperity. Therefore Jahangir did not need to project the image of a powerful sovereign ruler or the empire. Paintings of his period therefore lack action related to events. Instead, as M C Beach points out, the emphasis was on the interplay of human personalities and the actions they

134 were involved in such as men in conversation or prayer or the worshipper performing ablutions besides activities of hunters, gardeners, craftsmen and painters. In other words, there was an attempt to investigate human personalities and through them Jahangir was presented as a ruler with artistic sensibilitiesand connoisseurship. The connoisseurship of Jahangir is also propagated through Jahangir’s own claims of recognizing the work of each artist in a given painting. An important technical addition in the Mughal painting from the time of Jahangir onwards was the use of a halo (with solar and at times a combination of solar and lunar nimbus) behind the head of the emperor to project the divine status of the ruler. In another series of Jahangiri Paintings a different set of imperial ideology can be discerned where the ruler is shown in complete control of an already established authority besides displaying his spiritual credentials. These have been termed by Afzar Moin (2014) as ‘highly innovative’ paintings arranged in muraqqa (albums) which broke the mould of Persian miniature tradition. In a series of paintings entitled as ‘Jahangir Greeting the Poet Sadi’ or ‘Jahangir Preferring a Sufi Shaikh to Kings’ and ‘Jahangir’s Interaction with Chishti Sufi’ there is an attempt not only to portray Jahangir as the world ruler but also to establish his religious and spiritual credentials. In another set of paintings – ‘Jahangir Shoots Malik Ambar’; ‘Emperor Jahangir Triumphing Over Poverty’ and ‘Jahangir Embracing Shah Abbas’ the image of the emperor is presented as one who is in control of authority, is a messiah who ends a bad phase and heralds a new beginning and has political dominance over the neighboring Iranian kingdom. Most of these paintings are work of fiction far removed from historical facts but they do provide important insights into the kind of ideology that Jahangir as a sovereign ruler propagated through these paintings. Mughal painting during the reign of Shah Jahan, majority of which are in the form of illustration of Padshanamaare less personal and more formalized. Few of the important paintings of his period with ideological underpinnings are entitled as- ‘Shah Jahan’; ‘Shah Jahan with Asaf Khan’; ‘Shah Jahan and his Sons’ and ‘Jahangir Presents Prince Khurram with a Turban Ornament’. The historical events and court scenes depicted in them are marked by excessive neatness. A complete decorum is displayed in the court even when the occasion illustrated calls for celebration. The court opulence too is visible in these paintings. Shah Jahan also mostly appears with a halo or nimbused head. AfzarMoin points out that, about one-third of the Padshahnama illustrations show appearance of the emperor in Jharokha, sending a strong ideological message about his sovereignty. Shah Jahan is also at times shown standing on the globe (a proclamation of him being a world ruler) and near his feet a lion and a lamb are shown sitting peacefully and a chain of justice hang in the background. Thus the peaceful co-existence of the hunter and the prey are used as metaphor for the kind of justice disbursed by the ruler. Thus, the paintings of Shah Jahan’s reign articulate the imperial ideology of wealth, power and justice.

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Architecture as a medium to articulate Imperial Ideology The Mughal architecture was a product of the patronage provided primarily by the emperors and then by the nobility. Like the Mughal painting, it also borrowed many architectural forms of the Hindu, pre-Mughal Islamic, Central Asian and European styles. Despite the borrowings, the Indian artists came out with a product which served the purpose of the imperial master both in terms of symbolism and style. Thus, as rightly pointed out by C B Asher (1992), while each structure was different from each other there were certain unifying elements which binds them together. The Mughal structures like Mosques, tombs, palaces, gardens, hunting pavilions and other works, besides performing their prescribed functions were deeply embedded in imperial ideology reflecting personal outlook and world view of the individual rulers. These monuments also served to display Mughal presence and authority in the central urban areas. In other areas the architectural works were undertaken by the high ranking Mughal nobility which displayed the basic Mughal principles of architecture but also included the local tastes. Thus, the architecture of the Mughal period not only represented Mughal authority but also the cultural and social values established under various rulers. The architecture of Akbar’s period represented conscious effort on the part of the ruler to incorporate indigenous (both Hindu and Muslim) traditions. The Akbari architecture was closely linked with his ideas of state polity, religion and kingship. Although several monuments were constructed all over the empire during the reign of Akbar including mosques, forts, palaces and gardens it is the fortress city of Fatehpur Sikri which truly represents the Akbari style. Historians too have debated extensively on the issues of selection of site for construction of the city, its various buildings and their functions, various ideological meanings attached with the structures as well as abandonment of the city by Akbar as a Mughal capital. Michael Brand and Glenn D Lowry (1985) discussing about the location of Fatehpur Sikri, point out that the new capital represented a formal point of connection between the political and spiritual poles of Agra (the political capital of the Mughals) and Ajmer (shrine of Muinuddin Chishti, the patron saint of the Mughal rulers). Brand and Lowry also argue that construction of Fatehpur Sikri (1571) was an expression of political stability as with its construction Akbar replaced the “nomadic tent-dwelling life” of his predecessors with a permanent stone structure. J F Richards (1985) too has highlighted the political and cultural ideology embedded with the buildings of FatehpurSikri. He puts forward the view that construction of the fortress–city represented a final break with the “Delhi centered” political tradition of Muslim India. Also, that the cohesive architecture and arrangement of the new capital, gave expression to the centralized administration and religious ideology that Akbar relied upon for legitimacy during the early years of his reign. Richards has also pointed out that the adjacent location of a great congregational mosque (Jami Masjid) and the elegant marble tomb (of Shaikh Salim Chishti) represented the co-existence of the two binary institutions of legal and mystic Indian Islam. Both C B Asher and J F Richards point out that by constructing the Chishti tomb

136 within the fortress complex and appointing the Chishti heirs to important imperial official position Akbar arrogated the mystical aura of the saint for his own imperial purpose. The Mughal architecture reached its climax during the reign of Shah Jahan. It was during his reign that various forms of architecture (construction of minarets, domes, geometrical forms etc.) were brought to perfection. In architectural terms, Shah Jahan’s period is known as the “reign of marble” because of the excessive use of marbles in his buildings. Through the palaces, cities, mosques, tombs and gardens Shah Jahan not only presented a dynastic image but also his own personal image as a divine and Islamic ruler. The buildings that best represent the imperial ideology of Shah Jahan are Taj Mahal and the entire city of Shahjahanabad. A paradisiacal imagery was created through the garden setting and water channels of Taj Mahal by making it a replica of the garden of paradise conforming to the Islamic belief that water flows beneath the throne of God. Although it was supposedly built in the memory of his beloved wife Mumtaz Mahal, but scholars like C B Asher and Cynthia Talbot argue it was definitely intended as the emperor’s own tomb as its official name Rauza- i Munawwar (Illuminated Tomb) shared this epithet with the Prophet Muhammad’s tomb at Medina suggesting that Shah Jahan perceived himself like Muhammad. The exclusive use of marble for this mausoleum, as point out by Asher and Talbot, was intended to evoke a sense of divine presence and thus to accord semi-divine status to Shah Jahan himself as by this time marble had got increasingly identified with the tombs of saints. The city of Shahjahanabad as the new capital of the Mughal Empire was founded by Shah Jahan (1639-48) as the earlier one i.e. Agra was getting increasingly congested with the additional reason that Delhi had traditionally been the seat of power since beginning of Islamic rule in India. The Jama Masjid (congregational mosque), situated at the highest point of the city and built on a massive scale was the largest in the Indian subcontinent at that time. The Quranic verses in Persian, inscribed on the façade of the mosque include praises for Shah Jahan. The construction of this and several other mosques by Shah Jahan therefore was an attempt to portray himself as the upholder of orthodox Islam in India. The founding of Shajahanabad, according to S P Blake (1993), was based on the symbolism of axis mundi (center of the world) as was the case with capital cities of many pre-modern civilizations. Highlighting the influence of both Hindu and Islamic traditions, Blake argues that the bow design of the city was based on ancient Hindu concept of vastushastra. The public audience hall (Diwan-i Aam) contained the marble throne of Shah Jahan which had a curved roof supported by bulbous baluster columns and the inlaid panels at the back wall of the throne represented Greek Orpheus playing the lute and taming wild animals. This was a direct metaphor for a just ruler in the form of Shah Jahan as Orpheus was considered as an epitome of justice. The scale of justice on a wall panel leading to Shah Jahan’s resting chambers was another symbol of his just rule. Amir Khusrau’s verses painted on the wall of private audience hall (Diwan-i Khas) proclaim the structure as paradise on earth. Asher and Talbot point out that arrangement of the buildings of the palace also reveal hierarchical nature of the mid-17th century Mughal court.

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Long Questions

1. How did the imperial ideology help the Mughal rulers sustain their sovereignty? 2. The Mughal paintings of the reigns of Akbar, Jahangir and Shah Jahan were embedded with imperial ideology. Discuss 3. How do the buildings of the Mughal period articulate the imperial ideology of Mughal rulers? Essential Readings:

➢ S A ARizvi (1975), Religious and Intellectual History of the Muslims in Akbar’s Reign, MunshiramManoharlal Publishers (Chapter 10) ➢ HarbansMukhia (2004), The Mughals of India, Wiley India, Blackwell Publishing ➢ J F Richards (1998), ‘The Formulation of Imperial Authority under Akbar and Jahangir’ in J F Richards (ed) Kingship and Authority in South Asia, OUP, India ➢ J F Richards (1996), The Mughal Empire, Cambridge, CUP ➢ Catherine B Asher and Cynthia Talbot (2006), India Before Europe, Cambridge University Press, ➢ Douglas E. Streusand (1989), The Formation of the Mughal Empire, OUP ➢ Catherine B Asher (1992), Architecture of Mughal India, Cambridge University Press ➢ Michael Brand and Glen D Lowry (1987)), FatehpurSikri, Marg Publications ➢ Ebba Koch (2002), Mughal Architecture: an Outline of its History and Development, 1526-1858, OUP ➢ Stephen P Blake (1993), Shahjahanabad: The Sovereign City in Mughal Inmdia, 1639-1739, Cambrigde University Press ➢ Milo C Beach (1992), Mughal and Rajput Painting, NCHI, Vol 1.3 ➢ AfzarMoin (2014), The Millennial Sovereign: Sacred Kingship and Sainthood in Islam, Columbia University Press

3.5 Reassessing Aurangzeb

Objective and Learning Outcomes: 1. The section would apprise students of traditional and modern historiographical assessment of Aurangzeb. 2. The section would make students aware of the recent researches on the policies of Aurangzeb. 3. Knowledge of recent researches would help students reassess the policies of Aurangzeb with particular reference to temples, jaziya and music. Aurangzeb, the 6th ruler of the Mughal Empire, ruled over a vast territory covering whole of the Indian subcontinent. Thus, it was during his reign that the Mughal Empire reached its territorial climax. However, it was during his reign too that the process of the decline of the Mughal Empire began with the onset of institutional crisis in the Mughal administrative system. He has therefore remained the most debated and criticised among the Mughal rulers

138 on several accounts. The manner of his acquiring the Mughal throne, his treatment towards his brothers and father, his policies impacting the non-Muslims and his notions about the nature of state; all have come under intense scrutiny by both contemporary and modern scholars. Critics have highlighted his anti-Hindu policies particularly reversal of the policy of religious toleration through adoption of Sul-i Kul by Akbar, leading to alienation of the Hindus and subsequent downfall of the empire. Sympathizers of Aurangzeb, on the other hand, have pointed out the rebellious attitude of the non-Muslims against the state leaving Aurangzeb with no other alternative but to turn to support of the orthodox sections of the Muslims and introducing Islamic puritanism in state governance. In the historiography of last two or three decades, however, rather than studying Aurangzeb in a rigid framework, an attempt has been made to analyse Aurangzeb’s policies in the background of certain political, economic and administrative problems faced by the Mughal Empire and steps taken by him to solve these problems. These studies have also revealed several aspects of Aurangzeb’ spersonality and his policies hitherto ignored or mired in the strait jacket description for or against Aurangzeb. In the light of these, there is a need for reassessment of those policies of Aurangzeb which have been put under scrutiny to declare him a bigoted Muslim ruler. Aurangzeb’s Personality Traits Alamgir (popularly known as Aurangzeb) was the third son of Shah Jahan out of the four sons (Dara, Shuja, Alamgir and Murad) all born off single mother Mumtaz who was the favorite queen of Shah Jahan. As a person he was more pious and disciplined than his brothers. All Mughal princes were given training in governance as prescribed in the classics.These texts were considered as major source of the accepted principles of justice (adl/adalat), political conduct (akhlaq) and ethical conduct(adab)the values of which were to be imbibed by the Mughal princes. But Aurangzeb was cut above his brothers in this matter. We are told that he was widely read and had learnt Quran by heart. He had the knowledge of Turkish literature and was trained in calligraphy. He was also exposed to both orthodox Islamic and liberal Sufi ideas. Thus, he was aware of the ideas of orthodox Imam Ghazali as well as liberal Sufi poets and writers like Hafiz, Saadi, Naseeruddin Tusi and Maulana Rumi. Besides, he was also well aware of the provisions of hadith (sayings of Prophet Muhammad) and Islamic jurisprudence. He tried to lead a more puritan and austere personal life as evidenced by his abstention from wine and opium and stitching his own prayer caps. As an administrator, Aurangzeb was a strict disciplinarian and took personal care of the issues of governance. Similar discipline he expected from his sons as well as officers. Justice and protection of his subjects was his idea of effective governance which he also conveyed to his sons at the time of his death. It is clear that Aurangzeb may have had a puritanical view of Islam in personal thoughts but in matters of state policy, dispensing of justice and protection of his citizens was given priority over religious ideals. Yet we find Aurangzeb taking measures which often ran counter to his administrative ideals and do seem to be going against the non-Muslims. However, these measures should not be seen as a result of the zeal of a bigoted ruler. Even though few scholars have tried to trace his bigotry from the time of war of

139 succession calling it an ideological conflict between liberalism (represented by Dara) and orthodoxy (championed by Aurangzeb) but the evidences do not support such hypotheses. The letters exchanged between Dara and Aurangzeb does suggest ideological differences between the two but it is also a fact that these differences remained confined to private letters. This is because neither could go public with their ideologiesas a composite culture had developed in India and neither could afford to spoil their chances in the upcoming contest for throne by going public with their respective ideologies. Moreover, as M Athar Ali (1997) has shown through a quantitative study thatmore or less equal support was extended to both the principal claimants to throne by the Hindu Umara (mansabdars with mansab rank of 1000 and above). J F Richards (1996) has also pointed out that allegiance of the nobles and their retainers during the war of succession was not decided by ideologies but by pragmatism and “vicissitudes” of imperial postings. As a military general, Aurangzeb was more capable than all the sons of Shah Jahan. While Dara, favorite son of Shah Jahan and unofficially chosen by the latter as his heir apparent, was never involved in any major military campaigns or administrative duties, Aurangzeb, on the other hand, was sent for several military campaigns in Balkh, Badakhshan, Qandhar and Bundelkhand and administrative responsibilities in Gujarat, Deccan and Multan. By his military actions and administrative acumen Aurangzeb had amply displayed his capabilities as the successor of Shah Jahan on the Mughal throne. But these were apparently not good enough in the eyes of Shah Jahan who had already decided to hand over the throne to Dara. He in fact proceeded to underplay Aurangzeb’s military achievement by refusing to grant permission when asked for by Aurangzeb for outright conquest of the Deccan kingdoms of Bijapur and Golconda. Shah Jahan obviously felt threatened at the achievements of Aurangzeb as it would have undermined the position of Dara. The fact that the Mughal Empire reached its territorial climax under Aurangzeb is also a testimony to his political, military and diplomatic abilities. Early Measures of Aurangzeb After taking over as the Mughal emperor, Aurangzeb took several measures which have been termed as moral, religious, puritanical and partially discriminatory. But most of these measures were connected with Muslims and very few seem to have impacted the non- Muslims. While few of these decisions may be accounted for by the personal religious beliefs of the emperor other were put in force due to exigencies of times. Before describing these measures it is important to keep in mind that enforcement of these measures was not strong (indicated by open violation of some of these) and also that Aurangzeb was not rigid about these regulations as he did give in to social pressures. Next section would deal with those measures of Aurangzeb that had direct impact on the non-Muslim subjects such as his policy towards temples, Jaziya and music that provided fodder to his critics to describe him as bigoted Muslim ruler.

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Some of the early measures of Aurangzeb included banning the custom of sijda or prostration before the ruler as he felt that this should only be performed in front of the God. In the year 1659, Aurangzeb prohibited the practice of inscribing Islamic kalma on the coins. Few scholars had argued that this measure was taken to ensure that the coins do not fall in the hands of the infidels (Hindus) and get defiled. But recent views have rubbished this argument because common coins were used by both Hindus and Muslims and it is argued that the real objective behind this measure was to prevent desecration of the kalmaas the coins can fall and come under foot. In the year 1660, Aurangzeb also forbade the practice of celebrating Nauroz (New Year) festival as it was a Zoroastrian practice and was considered as an innovation in Islam. Under the conviction that state had the authority to enforce moral code of ethics, Aurangzeb appointed officers known as muhtasibs (censors)whose main duty was to ensure that Muslims led their life as per the norms of sharia. In addition, the muhtasibs were supposed to regulate gambling and prostitution houses; look after weights and measures and enforce the ban on public consumption of intoxicants (bhang and wine). These officials however, were instructed not to interfere in the private lives of the people. Despite these prohibitive measures, contemporary European travellers like Manucci inform us that the rules were openly flouted. The next series of ‘reforms’ (beginning 1669) brought about by Aurangzeb have been termed as puritanical, economic and against superstitious beliefs. These included ban on vocal music in the imperial court (to be discussed in detail later) and pensioning off the expert musicians. But as we shall see that this ban did not have any adverse impact on the musicians or musical life of Delhi or in provinces. A customary practice of Jharokhadarshan (popular since the time of Akbar) where the emperor showed his face to the gathered crowd from a balcony was discontinued in 1669 as Aurangzeb considered this as an un-Islamic practice. A political motive behind this measure also cannot be ruled out as the failure of Shah Jahan to appear for the jharokhadarshan during his illness led to speculation and confusion prompting Aurangzeb and his other two brothers (Murad and Shuja) to begin the contest for throne against Dara. Aurangzeb also forbade the practice of tuladan (weighing of the emperor and princes against gold and silver) on their birthdays and other auspicious occasions. The weighed gold and silver were then distributed among the poor and the destitute. This was a financial burden particularly on the smaller nobles as the nobles had to supply gold and silver out of their own resources. But we are told that Aurangzeb had to give into social pressures as he was asked to follow this practice as thanks giving to God after his sons recovered from illness. Customs that ran counter to Islamic practices such as putting tika (saffron paste) on the forehead of a new raja performed by the Mughal rulers since the time of Akbar were banned. Restriction were also put on public celebration of Hindu festivals like Holi and Diwali and Muslims festivals like Muharram that involved public revelry which Aurangzeb’s puritan mind considered distasteful and also some of these raised issues of public safety as there were cases of violence during such celebrations. Years following the war of succession was

141 marked by scanty rainfall and crop failures bringing about financial crisis for the empire. Moreover, several taxes such as rahdari (transit duty), pindari (ground rent for stalls), octroi duty on tobacco and other cesses considered illegal in Islam were abolished by Aurangzeb. These steps had reduced the revenue collection of the empire. This may account for some of the austerity measures taken by Aurangzeb which included reduction in the expenditure of members of the royal family as well as attempt to replace luxury items in the imperial court with cheaper substitutes. But Khafi Khan’s (Muntakhab-ulLubab) informs us that these taxes continued to be included in the jama (total assessed revenue) of the jagirs which means that order related to abolishment of such taxes remained on paper only. Ban on writing of history has also been considered a part of the austerity measures but as recent researches have suggested that Aurangzeb not only permitted writing of history but also ensured completion of historical works. A case in point is the writing of Mirat-i Alam by Bakhtawar Khan which according to Katherine Brown (2007) was an official history allowed to be written by Aurangzeb. But when the author died before completing his book, Aurangzeb directed Saqi Mustaind Khan (author of Masir-i Alamgiri) to complete the work. Besides the above measures, Aurangzeb also took certain steps which can be called discriminatory in the Indian context. But it is also true that Aurangzeb did not hesitate in taking corrective measures when his policies proved to be detrimental to day today governance of the state. In order to promote trade activities among the Muslims, he ordered to reduce the custom duty from five percent to two and a half percent in 1665 and in 1667, through another order, exempted Muslim traders from paying any import duty. However, this proved to be harmful for revenue collection as Hindu traders also got their goods passed in the name of Muslim traders in return for some payment. Aurangzeb then had to re-impose tax on Muslim traders at two and half percent. Another discriminatory measure of Aurangzeb which again was retracted later was his order of 1671 through which Hindu karoris (officials with a responsibility to collect one crore copper dam) of khalisa (crown) land in the provinces were replaced with Muslims along with accountants (diwan) and clerks (peshkars) working under local officials. But the incompetency of newly appointed Muslim officials in revenue matters created problems in revenue collection. Subsequently, Aurangzeb had to withdraw this order too. Temples Aurangzeb’s attitude towards temples has been a subject of much discussion and debate which continues till the present day. But at the outset it should be pointed out that there were several variants of Aurangzeb’s policy towards the temples which suggests that there was no uniform policy formulated with regards to the temples. After ascending the throne, it appears, Aurangzeb wanted to remain within the framework of sharia regarding shrines of the non- Muslims.The guideline prescribed by sharia in this regard is clearly indicated in Aurangzeb’s farman to AbdulHasan in 1659 (popularly known as the Banaras Farman) which stated that “long standing temples should not be demolished but no new temples should be allowed to be built….old places of worship could be repaired since buildings cannot last forever”. This

142 guideline was followed in India since the time of Delhi Sultanate and the same was reiterated during the reign of Shah Jahan. Some scholars have argued that another part of the same farman, which directed the Mughal officials at Banaras not to interfere in the affairs of the local temples was meant to protect the Hindu temples and Brahmins from the harassment of enthusiastic officers. Following the guidelines of sharia old temples were not destroyed and only new temples faced desecration (defacing the idol and bricking up the temple walls) during the early part of his reign. But as Satish Chandra has argued that the term ‘old standing’ temples gave lot of leverage to the officials regarding its interpretation. Perhaps this may also explain the prohibitory orders of Aurangzeb directed to his officials through this farman. But as Aurangzeb started facing political opposition particularly from north India, we see a perceptible shift in his policy. As a consequence of this some old standing temples were also destroyed. Prominent among these temples were the Kashi Vishwanath temple at Banaras, Keshav Rai temple at Mathura as well as those in Thatta and Multan. The provocation leading to destruction of some these temples and erection of mosque in their place was the political opposition faced by Aurangzeb such as the Jat rebellion in the Delhi-Mathura region. Some other political factors were also responsible for destruction of these temples. The Kashi Vishwanath temple was built by Raja Man Singh (a prominent Rajput noble of Akbar’s period) and it was alleged that his son Raja Jai Singh had helped Shivaji in escaping from the prison at Agra during the reign of Aurangzeb. Similarly, the Brahmin priests of Keshav Rai temple were also alleged to have played a similar role in the escape of Shivaji. Apart from the political reasons there were some ideological issues as well. It was complained to Aurangzeb that these temples and those in Thatta and Multan attracted both Hindus and Muslims who flocked to listen to the Brahmin preachers. There was a scare that the converted Muslims who had roots in Hinduism might go back to their original religious status under the influence of these ‘wicked’ teachings. Orders, therefore, were issued to the governors to stop such practices and destroy the temples. Temple destruction in Orissa, Jodhpur and Udaipur should also be seen as a reaction to political hostilities. Thus it appears that temple destruction in certain parts of the empire was a form of reprisal and warning to the political opponents. Saqi Mustaid Khan, the author of Masir-i Alamgiri had claimed that since Aurangzeb’s motive was to establish dominance of Islam therefore he ordered the governors of the provinces to destroy all temples. But we do not have evidences to suggest that any such order was issued for general destruction of the temples. Moreover, as Satish Chandra (2007) points out that a general order of destruction of temples would have meant Aurangzeb going beyond the position of sharia as sharia did not ban non-Muslims from practicing their faith as long as they remained loyal to the ruler. Although we do not possess definite figures related to the number of temples destroyed but scholars like Richard Eaton (2003) do not put the figure beyond a dozen. Even if we consider this as an underestimate, we need to consider the fact that India was dotted with tens of thousands of temples during the reign of Aurangzeb and their survival goes against the notion of general order given by Aurangzeb to destroy temples.

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We notice another shift in Aurangzeb’s policy towards the temples in the second half of his reign. In Deccan, after the conquest of Bijapur and Golconda, there are very few instances of temple destruction despite Aurangzeb facing political opposition from the Marathas. Only two instance of major temple destruction is noticed from Deccan-temple at Bijapur (1698) and at Pandharpur (1700). Earlier Aurangzeb had visited Ellora temple in 1683 but did not order its destruction and rather described it as a “finely crafted marvel of the real transcendent artisan (God)”. But whatever be the number and reasons for destruction of the temples during the reign of Aurangzeb, it was definitely antithetical to the policy of religious toleration followed by his predecessors. As against temple destruction, we have several instances of grants given by Aurangzeb to temples, pious individuals of other religions and non-Muslim religious sects. These included grant of land along with the right to collect revenue to Umanand temple at Gauhati through a farman in 1666. Guru Ramdasgurudwara at Dehradun was given land grant and so was Vaishnava temples at Vrindavan. Jain religious institutions at Shatrunjay (Bhavnagar, Gujarat), Girnar (Gujarat) and Mt. Abu (Rajastghan) also received grants. The Jain literature heaps praises on Aurangzeb for his charity extended towards this sect. Among the religious sects, the Nath Panthi Jogis of Nagaur (Rajasthan), Jogis of Jakhbar (Punjab) and the Jangam sect (a Shaivite group) received grants. Few religious minded and pious individuals also received grants due to charitable nature of their work. Thus, Panth Bharti of Siwana (Rajasthan) received 100 bighas of land as he used to feed travellers. Lal Vijay, a Jain monk was granted a monastery (poshala) and assistance to build resting house (upashraya). RamjivanGosain, a Hindu ascetic of Banaras was given grant to build houses for pious Brahmins and holy faqirs. Mahant Balak Nath Nirvani of Chitrakoot was given tax-free land grant to support the Balaji temple. These evidences suggest that Aurangzeb was also concerned about well-being of non-Muslim religious institutions and individuals. However, Aurangzeb’s decision to recall some of these grants in 1672 and reserving them for the Muslims is also reflective of the fact that there was an attempt to limit the grants to non- Muslims. Jaziya Jaziya tax was quite common in the Islamic states right since the time of the early Caliphate. The non-Muslims in these states had to pay Jaziya in return for protection and exemption from mandatory military service. The Jaziya paying citizens were called Zimmi/Dhimmi (protected person) and were given a secondary status below the Muslims.The first Reference to Jaziya in India is to be found in Chachnama (a 14th century historical text on conquest of Sindh by Muhammad Bin Qasim) where it is reflected in the form of kharaj (land tax) and not explicitly as Jaziya. During the Delhi Sultanate, contemporary historians Barni and Afif referred to this tax as ‘Jaziya wakharaj” suggesting that it was still not a poll tax. Under the Mughals, Abul Fazl mentions about abolition of this tax by Akbar in 1564.The Reimposition of Jaziya by Aurangzeb in 1679, after more than 100 years of its abolition, is often considered as a turning point in the history of Mughal Empire in India. Critics of Aurangzeb

144 argue that this was a reversal of Akbar’s policy of toleration and was a culmination of the spirit of religious bigotry which ultimately resulted in alienation of Hindus from the empire hastening the decline of the Mughal Empire. Sympathizers of Aurangzeb, on the other hand, argue that in the midst of political opposition from the Hindus, Aurangzeb was left with no option but to seek support of the orthodox Ulema by reverting to an Islamic state in theory and in practice. However, the analysis of the Reimposition of Jaziya by Aurangzeb (that too 22 years after coming to the throne) should not be done in a narrow framework and needs to take into account several political, social, religious and economic factors that were at work before and after the Reimposition of this tax. Several explanations have been offered by contemporary and modern scholars regarding the Reimposition of this tax by Aurangzeb which include religious, economic, political, social and ideological. All these however, need to be critically analysed for the sake of an objective evaluation of the issue. A modern scholar, J N Sarkar was of the opinion that the avowed policy in Reimposition of Jaziya was to increase the number of Muslims by putting pressure on the Hindus. Few contemporary European travellers like Thomas Roll and Manucci echo the similar sentiment while arguing that Jaziya was imposed to replenish the impoverished treasury as well as to force the poor citizens to become Mohammedans. Persian contemporaries like SaqiMustaid Khan, in Masir-i Alamgiri (considered as the semi-official history of the reign of Aurangzeb) claimed that as the aim of Aurangzeb was spread of the laws of Islam and overthrow of the practices of the infidels, therefore he issued orders for collection of Jaziya from the non-Muslims of the capital and provinces. Some other contemporary writers like Ishwar Das (Futuhat-I Alamgiri) and Ali Muhammad Khan (Mirat- I Ahmadi)too are in broad agreement with Mustaid Khan’s assertion but emphasise the role ofUlema whoreminded Aurangzeb that levying of Jaziya on opponents of the true faith was necessary and compulsory according to shariat. Satish Chandra (1993), criticizing the above perceptions, argues that Hindus had been paying jaziya for the last 500 years and remained stubbornly stuck to their religion suggesting that jaziya could not have been an effective tool for conversion. He also cites the absence of proof of any large-scale conversion on account of this measure. Moreover, Chandra questions the role of Ulema in the Reimposition of this tax arguing that Aurangzeb, who himself was well-versed in sharia did not need any reminder from the ulema and that too 22 years after coming to the throne. Referring to a financial crisis of the empire, few writers have put forward economic reasons behind the Reimposition of jaziya. The author of Masir-iAlamgiri informs us that when the finances were reviewed in the 13th year of Aurangzeb’s reign it was found that expenditure had exceeded income in the last 12 years. Moreover, continuous wars in the Deccan; war in the North-East; conflict with the Afghans and breach with Rathors (Jodhpur) and Sisodias (Mewar); none of which brought any major economic gains, had put the imperial treasury to severe strain. In addition, Aurangzeb had abolished many taxes (such as rahdari and pindari) considered illegal in Islam. Considering the economic situation of the empire there was a justification for Reimposition of jaziya. According to an 18th century work, Nigarnama-i

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Munshi, jaziya was levied at 4% of the jama in khalisa and jagir lands which was not a negligible amount. But the proceeds of this tax were deposited in a separate treasury called khazana-i Jizyah and were to be disbursed for charitable purposes. Moreover, there were number of exemptions–women, children, insane, very old persons, indigent persons were exempted from paying the tax suggesting that it was a property tax and not an income tax. Based on the above facts, the Reimposition of jaziya can hardly be considered as a measure to deal with economic crisis facing the Mughal Empire. In recent days, scholars have also tried to associate political factors with the Reimposition of jaziya. It has been argued that despite several attempts, Aurangzeb had failed to achieve the desired results from his Deccan campaigns. Neither could he manage to secure an alliance with Bijapur against the Marathas nor could he contain the Marathas who in alliance with the Golconda kingdom were emerging as defender of the Deccan against the Mughal forces. By 1676, realization had dawned upon Aurangzeb that the only way to achieve success in Deccan was to abandon the limited encroachment approach (pursued since the days of Akbar) and instead go for an all-out expansion the first step of which was to isolate Bijapur and Golconda from the Marathas. However, despite several correspondences with the Bijapur ruler and hectic activities in Deccan during 1676-78 Aurangzeb had failed to achieve even this limited objective. Thus, the only alternative for Aurangzeb was to go for an outright annexation of Bijapur and Golconda. If ever Aurangzeb needed the help of the Ulema it was this moment when he was initiating a new approach towards Deccan which also included military action against the Muslim kingdoms of Deccan. Therefore Aurangzeb, displaying an outright conservative approach, thought it appropriate to reimpose Jaziya to win over the conservative Muslim opinion. But still we cannot consider Reimposition of Jaziya as an anti- Hindu measure because according to recent researches, the number of Hindu nobles at various ranks of the mansab system increased after 1679. Ideologically, the Reimposition of Jaziya represented reversion to a conservative Islamic state which may not have resulted in oppression of the Hindus but it did attempt to establish hegemony of Islam and a higher position to the Muslims among the subjects. Satish Chandra has pointed out that Reimposition of Jaziya should also be seen as a huge bribe to the Ulema as it was decided that Ulema would be given the right to collect Jaziya. A new department of Jaziya with its own treasury and set of officials (amin) to be appointed from amongst the Ulema was created. As the Ulema were facing unemployment, this measure brought a huge relief to them with the added opportunity to humiliate Hindus in the process of collecting Jaziya. Whatever be the reason for Reimposition of Jaziya, scholars in general have considered this as a regressive measure with immediate and long term negative consequences for the empire. Many Hindus in the towns were humiliated by the collectors of this tax which often led to strike (hartaal). It led to alienation of the Hindus in general and Rajputs in particular from the Mughal Empire. Jaziya was therefore used as an effective slogan against the state during the Rajput rebellion and the Jat revolt. Economically, it did not impact the higher classes but it

146 put a burden on the lower classes. For the purpose of collection of Jaziya, non-Muslims were classified into three categories according to the value of their property. Those owning annual property worth up till 200 dirhams (a silver coin introduced by Aurangzeb for the purpose of payment of Jaziya) paid 12 dirhams; those owning property between 200 to 10,000 dirhams paid 24 dirhams and those with a property value exceeding 10,000 dirham paid 48 dirhams as Jaziya tax. The people lying in the lowest income bracket such as artisans suffered the most as a result of imposition of this tax because they earned only Rupees 3 per month. This measure was also criticised by high ranking Mughal nobles and members of the royal family including Aurangzeb’s own sister Jahanara who lampooned this as a poor administrative decision which went against the notion of Sulh-i Kulwhich had been the basis of Mughal polity since the time of Akbar. The reaction to Jaziya and Aurangzeb’s insistence on retaining Hindu nobles also showed that since a composite culture had developed in India, it was not possible even theoretically, to declare India as a purely Islamic state. It is no wonder that Jaziya was first suspended in Deccan by Aurangzeb himself and then abolished all together in 1713. Music The issue of ban on music (1668-69) by Aurangzeb is yet another subject of much debate and speculation among scholars.The traditional views, largely based on contemporary writings such as Manucci’sStoria do Mogor and Khafi Khan’s Muntakhab-ulLubab, present a picture of total ban on music which was enforced strictly till the end of his reign. In support of their argument they cite a much used statement of Aurangzeb which says “Bury (music) so deep under the earth that no sound or echo of it may rise again”. It was also argued that this step of Aurangzeb brought about economic ruin of the musicians and adversely impacted the music tradition of India. Thus, ban on music is also added as another example of repressive rule of Aurangzeb. However, recent studies on this measure of Aurangzeb based on several other contemporary writings, have challenged this notion of general and permanent ban on music as well as economic impact of the ban. In a recent study on this subject, Katherine B Brown (2007) has argued that both Manucci and Khafi Khan were writing political history and they had no interest in writing history of music and also that their writing was biased against Aurangzeb and therefor any secondary writing based on these accounts are bound to be subjective.Brown, on the basis of other contemporary sources like Masir-I Alamgiri of Mustaid Khan, Masir-ul Umara of Shah Nawaz Khan and Mirat-i Alam of Bakhtawar Khan has presented an altogether different account of Aurangzeb’s personal attitude towards music and the ban order on music issued by him. Tracing Aurangzeb’s love for music and musician since early times, Brown highlights the episode (1653) of the influence of one HiraBaiZainabadi, an accomplished singer and dancer on Aurangzeb who subsequently married her. But the marriage did not last long as Hira Bai died within one year of the marriage and left Aurangzeb devastated. Manucci, using this episode, had argued that after the death of the dancer Aurangzeb vowed not to drink wine and not to listen to music again. But evidences, pointing towards Aurangzeb showing

147 continued interest in music even after ascending the throne (1658) and the fact that his favourite wife Udaipuri Mahal was also an expert musician run counter to the views of Manucci. Large number of dhrupads was composed especially for Aurangzeb by expert musicians (kalawants) and we also get evidence of Rs 7000 given as an award to Aurangzeb’s principal musician Khushhal Khan Kalawant. Moreover, Khafi Khan himself had argued that male and female dancers had dominated the anniversary celebrations of Aurangzeb’s coronation from 1659 onwards. Another contemporary source Mirat-i Alam, also praises Aurangzeb for his ‘perfect expertise’ in the art of Music. It is also a well-known fact that Aurangzeb himself was an expert Veena player. We also know for certain that largest number of Persian treatise on music was written during his reign. These evidences very clearly bring out a more than positive attitude of Aurangzeb towards music and musicians. Regarding the ban order on music, both Manucci and Khafi Khan, based on their version, had claimed that there was a general order issued prohibiting music and dance suggesting that the ban was comprehensive and strictly enforced. The famous “bury the music…” statement of Aurangzeb has been supplemented to bolster the argument of comprehensive ban on music as well as dance. But if read between the lines, Khafi Khan seems to suggest that the restriction was limited to high-profile musicians (Kalawants and Qawwals) who were traditional exponents of dhrupad and khayalsinging respectively at the Mughal court. Manucci’s own submission that Aurangzeb permitted performance of several dancing and singing by women in his palace for the entertainment of his queens and daughters goes against his own understanding of comprehensive ban on music and dance. Katherine Brown argues that the accounts of European travellers who visited India during 1670-1700 also provide evidence of music and dance performances during Hindu and Muslim religious festivals, Muslim weddings, funerals and public processions. Based on the above, Brown argues that even if there was a ban on music, it was restricted to certain types of music; it was short lived, poorly enforced and widely flouted. Brown also points out that the decision of ban on music should be seen as an act of personal abstinence on the part of Aurangzeb, a decision which was guided by his religious conscience and state matters as it was a part of Mughal male culture that music should not be permitted to interfere with matters of governance. In conclusion, Brown is of the opinion that there was no public prohibition on music during Aurangzeb’s reign and the ban was restricted only to a particular genre of music performed by elite musicians in the presence of the emperor. Also that personal abstention from music had no impact on musical life outside the Mughal court. Long Questions: 1. Was Aurangzeb’s policy towards temples, Jaziya and music guided by the spirit of a religious bigot? 2. In the light of recent researches analyse Aurangzeb’s policy towards temples, jaziya and music.

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Essential Readings: ➢ Chandra, Satish (1993). Mughal Religious Policies, the Rajputs and the Deccan, Vikas Publishing House (Chapters 9 and 11) ➢ Brown Katherine B. (2007). “Did Aurangzeb Ban Music? Questions for the Historiography of his Reign” in Modern Asian Studies, Volume 41, No. 1, pp. 77- 120. ➢ Eaton, Richard M. (2003). Essays in Islam & Indian History 711-1750, OUP, (Introduction and Chapter 4) ➢ J F Richards (1993), The Mughal Empire, Cambridge University Press ➢ Ali, M Athar (1997), Mughal Nobility Under Aurangzeb, OUP ➢ Truschke, Audrey (2017), Aurangzeb. The Man and The Myth, Penguin Random House

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Unit IV

17th CENTURY TRANSITIONS: MARATHAS

4.1 Deccan Policy of Aurangzeb

Aurangzeb’s Deccan policy was never uniform throughout his reign. Four distinct stages may be noticed in dealing with the opponants in Deccan : (i) The first stage starts with his accession and ends in 1666. (ii) The second stage covers the years from 1667 to 1681. (iii) The third stage starts with his entry in the Deccan in 1682 up to 1694. (iv) The fourth or the final stage begins in 1695 and ends with the death of Aurangzeb in 1707. First stage of the Deccan policy (1658-1666) But at the same time it may be pointed out that the entire question of launching an aggressive policy in the Deccan cannot be viewed in isolation with the preceding events. Shahjahan was keen to ensure a smooth functioning of the imperial administration in Khandesh, Berar, Balaghat and Ahmadnagar territories. That is why he deputed Aurangzeb to lead military campaigns against the Deccan states for the purpose mentioned above. And to begin with when Aurangzeb became the emperor he was chiefly interested with the problem of clearly defining the political boundaries of the Mughal Deccan. But as far as the Marathas were concerned, Aurangzeb right from the beginning was not prepared to accord them the same status was given to the Rajputs because they did not belong to traditional ruling families. The Marathas appeared to him just as trouble makers and to chastise them he deputed Shaista Khan. Shaista Khan was himself a great supporter of the forward policy. Therefore, he was enthusiastic about Aurangzeb’s plans in the Deccan. However, it appears that Shaista Khan’s move lacked adequate preparation. Moreover, he had no real grasp over the peculiar geographical and political conditions of the Deccan. To put it more blatantly the entire campaign was based on recklessness. Hence’ Shaista Khan not only suffered personal humiliation at the bands of the Marathas but his ill-prepared adventure ended in a miserable failure. For some time after this set-back sustained by the Mughals at the hands of the Marathas there was not much military activity in the Deccan. These days were perhaps utilized by the Mughals in engineering a well calculated plan. The growing political power of the Marathas under the leadership of Shivaji compelled Aurangzeb to take timely action. To give a concrete shape to his designs Aurangzeb nominated Raja Jai Singh as the Viceroy of the Deccan. Raja Jai Singh was directed to continue an aggressive policy.

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Raja Jai Singh started his campaign in a systematic way. In fact he showed more maturity in comparison to the earlier officers sent by Aurangzeb to conduct the affairs in the Deccan. He not only applied the military tactics but made big use of diplomacy and other methods including money to weaken the position of the Marathas. Many of the Maratha chiefs-were enticed by Raja Jai Singh and they agreed to join the Mughal camp. The defection of many of the Maratha chiefs combined with evergrowing defeats in the military field compelled Shivaji to sign the treaty of Purandhar. Thanks to Jai Singh’s efforts the expansionist policy of Aurangzeb at this stage was crowned with success. But soon it received two setbacks. (i) Firstly Jai Singh in spite of his best efforts failed to capture Bijapur. (ii) Secondly, the escape of Shivaji from the imperial court at Agra gave a rude shock to Jai Singh’s plans. Both the factors mentioned above along with the expenditure incurred on the military campaigns forced Aurangzeb to abandon his expansionist policy. For the time being he was satisfied with some territorial gains. Thus, in the first stage, the deccan policy of Aurangzeb was a partial success. Second stage of the Deccan policy (1667-1681) The period between 1667 and 1681 saw the discontinuation of Aurangzeb’s expansionist policy. In this period the Mughals followed a defensive policy. Jai Singh’s failure in annexing Bijapur was an eye opener for Aurangzeb. He perhaps realized that the Deccan could not be included in the Mughal empire without adequate military preparation and sufficient financial resources. And at this juncture, however, the Mughal state was not in a position to meet the requirements of an expansionist policy. It is also to be noted that during this period the Mughal state was confronted with various problems in the northern India also. It is during this period that agrarian discontent took the shape of armed uprisings. In 1669 the Jat peasants under the leadership of Gokula rebelled and the imperial sources took nearly a year to suppress them. Again the Satnamis rose in rebellion in 1672. Further after the death of Jaswant Singh Aurangzeb’s attention was diverted towards the Rajputana. These were the important factors which further put a check on an expansionist policy in the Deccan during the period, 1667-1681. However, the discontinuation of the expansionist policy was by no means an end to all the military activities in the Deccan. Except for the first few years, i.e., from 1667 to 1669 the Deccan continued to witness many bloody battles. Particularly, the Marathas under the leadership of Shivaji took initiative in this direction. From 1670 to 1680 Shivaji continued to follow an aggressive policy against the Mughals. For all these years the Mughals were faced with a hopeless situation in the Deccan. Increasing hostilities of the Marathas made life difficult for them. Lack of good leadership

151 and above all the financial difficulties had a demoralizing effect on the Mughal army. Moreover they could not expect much help from the North. Shivaji was quick enough to exploit the situation. This was most opportunate time for him. He not only regained the control of many of the forts which he had to surrender after the treaty of Purandhar but increased the number of attacks on the Mughal territories. Even a distant place like Surat was not spared. Shivaji plundered it twice. Moreover, his military raids were followed by the exaction of the Chauth. Against Shivaji the Mughals were not in a position to renew an aggressive policy. Circumstances had forced them to adopt a purely defensive line of action. Even in this poiicy they miserably failed. The Mughals were more keen to find out a saving device rather than meeting the serious situation thus developing in the Deccan. Many of the Mughal commanders were in secret collusion with the marathas. These factors, therefore, positively helped the Marathas to emerge as a strong political force in the Deccan. Moreover, it should also be remembered that the Marathas had the advantage of getting support from Bijapur and Golkunda. These states were deadly against the Mughals and thus gave all encouragement to the Marathas to create difficulties for the Mughal forces. Aurangzeb, however, wanted to keep these political opponents away from one another. Consequently, when Bijapur was facing internal crisis Bahadur Khan was directed by Aurangzsb to attack Bijapur in 1676. But this attempt was not successful. In utter disgust Bahadur Khan was recalled by Aurangzeb. He was replaced by Diler Khan as the Viceroy of the Deccan. Diler Khan, in order to justify his appointment as the Viceroy of the Deccan, took the quick initiative of making an attack on Golkunda in 1677. It was a sudden attack on Golkunda, but it proved to a futile exercise in adventurism. Not only he failed to capture Golkunda but it was followed by a “disastrous retreat”. However, peace was concluded with Golkunda. The terms of the peace treaty were favourable to the Mughals. In 1678 and again in 1679 Diler Khan invaded Bijapur but failed to achieve his aim. For the next two years or so Mughals remained satisfied with the status quo. More so because the relations between the Mughals and the houses of Marwar and Mewar started worsening. Aurangzeb concentrated his resources on these two Rajput states. But the situation took a dramatic turn with the escape of his son Akbar to the Deccan. Akbar was given shelter by Shambhaji. Aurangzeb realized and perhaps correctly, that if no time action was taken the situation might go out of his hands. Consequently, he marched towards the Deccan. Third stage of the Deccan policy (1682-1694) The years between 1682 and 1694 saw the revival of the expansionist policy on an unprecedented scale. Aurangzeb was determined to knock down all his political enemies in the Dcccan. This time he was not engaged in a military compaign just to restore the Mughal prestige or to put pressure on the political rivals for snatching certain concessions from them

152 but to launch an aggressive policy with the sole intention of annexing all the territories of the Deccan. No doubt Aurangzeb embarked on a gigantic task. For obvious reasons Aurangzeb took the Marathas to task, and he made vigorous attempts to inflict defeat on them. For the first three years the Marathas remained the sole, concern of his military, activities. But soon Aurangzeb realized that without the eclipse of Bijapur and Golkunda the Maratba power cannot be crushed. Hence, he turned towards Bijapur, which ultimately fell in 1686. Within a year, the victory at Bijapur was followed by the fall of Golkunda in 1687. Both these kingdoms were annexed to the Mugbal empire. The annexation of these kingdoms was followed by renewed rapid military activities against the Marathas, which finally resulted in the capture of Shambhaji in 1689. This was the climax of Aurangzeb’s achievements. The year 1689 made him the supreme master of the Deccan—a unique feat which non of his predecessors could achieve. Commenting on these events Jadunath Sarkar remarked: “The years 1688 and 1689 were a period of unbroken triumph to the Emperor. His armies marched East and South to take possession of the forts and provinces of the annexed kingdoms of Bijapur and Golkunda. Thus, Sagar (the Berer Capital), Raichur and Addoni (in the east), Sera and Bangalore (in Mysore). Wandiwash and Conjeveram (in the Madras Karnatak), Bankapur and Belgfaoan (in the extreme south-west), were captured, and to crown all, Shambhaji was captured along with his entire family. As the Maratha chronicle says of 1689. ‘This year the Mughals took all the forts.” Fourth stage of the Deccan policy (1695-1707) The days of glory for the Mughals in the Deccan did not last long. Soon Aurangzeb saw himself in the midst of a deep crisis. “The saddest and most hopeless chapter of his life now opened”. From 1695 onwards the Marathas had started emerging as a formidable enemy of the Mughals. Rapidly they had increased their power and in the coming few years they had become the most ‘dominating factor of Deccan polities. Their area of military operation extended from western coast to eastern coast. Entire Deccan was in flames. Aurangzeb never expected that the situation would take such an adverse turn. He was pretty sure that once all his three political opponents (rulers of Bijapur, Golkunda and the maratha kingdom) were smashed he would be the sole master of the Deccan. In the case of Adilshahis of Bijapur and Qutbshahis of Golkunda Aurangzeb’s calculations proved to be correct but this was not true in regard to the Marathas. In the absense of any effective central figure the Maratha chiefs themselves took the responsibility of defend- ing their interests. In their struggle against the Mughals the Maratha chiefs did not stand alone. The toiling peasantry of the Deccan, which was ruined because of the opperessive agrarian system of the Mughals and due to the constant warfare in the Deccan turned against their new masters. They preferred to be with the petty Maratha chiefs in order to meet their common enemy. This changing character of the opposition was bound to frustrate the

153 expansionist policy of Aurangzeb. Constant warfare and troubled condition other parts of the Mughal empire besides the aggravating economic crisis made it impossible for Aurangzeb to consolidate his military gains in the Deccan. The last days of Aurangzeb were spent in frustration and disappointment. His entire calculations had misfired. He miserably failed to give any sensible direction to his policy. An aimless policy was pursued. In order to regain the lost forts and territories he mobilized the entire military resources. But whatever he could gain in the process lasted for a short time. The authority of the Mughal state in the Deccan was eroded beyond recovery. Fall of the Mughal Empire The decline of the Mugbal Empire has been a subject of controversy among the scholars of medieval Indian history. They hold different views on this complex problem. We have been told that Aurangreb’s religious policy was responsible for the collapse of the Mugbal empire. There are other historians who think that the “suspicious nature” of Aurangzeb was responsible for this tragedy. And still there are a few historians who have discovered in the climate of India an answer to this controversial problem. Lastly, Aurangzeb’s conflict with the Rajputs and his annexation of Bijapur and Golkunda have been depicted as a great political blunder on his part which ruined the Mughal empire. The above mentioned views are open to several objections and are no longer taken seriously by most historians of today. The historians who held these views were the product of the days when in our country the writing of history was in a very backward stage of its development. They confined their study mainly to relatively unimportant aspects of our history. For them, history was nothing but a narration of the political and personal achievements of the ruler and the nobles. A section of Indian historians was misled by the communal interpretation of the history of India by the British historians, who deliberately introduced the policy of divide and rule in the domain of Indian history. But thanks to the efforts of nationalist and Marxist historians we are in a better position to study and understand our history. Notable amongst them are Dr. Tara Chand, R. P. Tripathi, Mohammad Habib and Dr. Kunwar Mohammad Ashraf. Recently some historians exposed the view projected by the communal historians— both British and Indian. In fact, they have started a new movement which for the first time seriously challenged the imperialist and communal interpretation of Indian history. Some of them are Irfan Habib, Satish Chandra, Tapan Raychaudhury, Athar Ali and Harbans Mukhia. Especially the research works13* of Irfan, Satish Chandra and Athar Ali have a direct bearing on important problems connected with the decline of the Mughal empire. They have made a brilliant attempt to show the dominating role played by the social and economic factors in

13* 1. Prof. Irfan Habib : The Agrarian System of Mughal India. 2. Prof. Satish Chandra : Parties and Polities at the Mughal Court : 1707-40. 3. Dr. Athar Ali : Nobility under Aurangzeb.

154 creating a political situation which resulted in the decline of the Mughal empire. Indeed, no serious student of history can ignore their opinions. After haying discussed some of the controversies on this problem we would like to bay attention to some important political, social and economic factors which caused the decline of the Mughal empire. A. Political Factors

• Conflict with the Marathas As rightly pointed out by Professor Irfan Habib the “ Marathas “constituted the greatest single force responsible for the downfall of the Mughal Empire”. The early seventeenth century saw the rise of the Marathas. By the middle of the seventeenth century the Marathas had acquired a prominent place in the politics of the Deccan. Under the leadership of Shivaji they emerged as a powerful political force. In 1674 Shivaji made the formal declaration of becoming an independent king and laid the foundation of Maratha State. Though by 1689 Aurangzeb succeeded in capturing almost all the forts which were under the possession of the Maratha chiefs and their leader Shambhaji but this victory lasted for a short duration. By 1695 the Marathas not only regained their power but became a real menace to the Mughals. The changing position of the growing strength of the Marathas alarmed Aurangzeb who took many steps to consolidate the position of the Mughals in the Deccan. But whatever he could devise “petered out before the onslaught of the Marathas”. The local population and native chiefs started swelling the armies of the Marathas. The popular support thus gained by the Maratha chiefs virtually made them formidable, and it virtually became impossible for the Mughals to carry on their administration. The Deccan was plagued with chaos, and the days of the Mughal rule were numbered. Aurangzeb frantically mobilized the military and economic resources of the Mughal empire to avert his rout in the Deccan but it was too late. After his death, the Marathas redoubled their efforts. They soon established themselves as the dominating force in the Deccan. The casualty was of course the Mughal empire. The conflict with the Maratbas not only caused the Mughals their prestige and military glory but gave a heavy blow to the economic resources of the Mughal empire. In fact, the Deccan became a white elephant to the Mughal treasury. This in turn had an adverse effect on the fortunes of the Mughal empire, and this helped the Mughal empire to witness its fall.

• War of Succession Since ancient times wars of succession are noticeable phenomena in the history of India history of ancient and medieval world. The Mughal period also witnessed many wars of succession. The war amongst the four sons of Shah Jahan is well known to the students of

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Medieval Indian History. The contemporary historians do speak about its many sided effects on the Mughal State. But at that juncture the Mughal empire was too strong to be dislodged by a single factor. However, it was not true in the case of the successors of Aurangzeb. By that time the Mughal empire, because of the deepening economic crisis, exhausted its strength. Every single battle fought under these circumstances brought further ruin to the Mughal empire. Within a short time (1707-1710) a number of wars were fought over the question of succession. The result was than these wars had shaken the very foundation of the Mughal Empire.

• Over-expansion of the Mughal Empire The emergence of monarchy witnessed the lust for territories in history. The Mughals were no exception to this phenomenas. In fact, they inherited a craze for expansion. Right from the establishment of the Mughal rule attempts were made to conquer new lands. Babar and Akbar made a big headway in this direction. But the process of expansion reached at its peak under Aurangzeb. Aurangzeb succeeded in establishing perhaps the biggest empire in Indian history. However, expansion without consolidation was meaningless. The existing circumstances made it clear to him that he had neither sufficient economic resources nor an efficient bureaucracy to administer such an extensive empire, in spite of his best efforts he could not do proper justice to the conquered territories which in turn weakened his position even in those areas where the Mughal rule was much consolidated. The result was that the Over expansion of Mughal empire created more difficulties that it was able to cope. Consequently, chaotic conditions prevailed all over the Mughal empire. And thus was prepared a fertile ground for the forces of disintegration.

• Weakness of Administration In spite of the fact that Aurangzeb worked hard to keep the administration intact and personally also devoted himself without any break to discharge administrative responsibilities he failed to avert its break down. Oppression, tyranny, corruption, slackness and inefficiency became the chief characteristics of the day to day administration. The contemporary historians and foreign travellers give ample information about the high-handedness of the provincial governors, faujdars and zammdars. Bhimsen, a noted historian of Aurangzcb’s reign, gives a vivid account of the actual state of administration. Referring to the Deccan he points out: “All administration has disappeared—the realm has been desolated, nobody gets justice, they have been utterly ruined. The ryots have given up cultivation; the jagirdars do not get a penny from the chiefs...Many mansabdars in the Deccan, starving and impoverished, have gone over to the Marathas.”

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In Northern India also the Mughal administration could not keep its earlier performance and was failing again and again to rise to the occasion. The huge expenditure and ceaseless wars in the Deccan had an adverse impact on the administrative efficiency in the northern provinces. The result was that anarchy raised its head in this region also. The governors and faujdars failed with their ‘contingents and incomes’to maintain the imperial authority in their territories. The situation was ripe for the immediate tall of the empiie; but it was the iron will of Aurangzeb and the legacy of the past which somehow kept the administration intact. However, after the death of Aurangzeb the entire imperial structure started crumbling. And once the administration was paralysed the collapse ot the Mughal empire became nevitable.

• Foreign Invasion The prevailing conditions encouraged the foreign invaders to hawk upon the crippling Mughal empire. Nadir Shah was the first to take advantage of the situation. His invasion in 1739 forced the Mughal Emperor Muhammad Shah to accept a humiliating treaty. Muhammad Shah was compelled to surrender a sizeable section of the north-western region of Mughal empire to the ferocious invader. But more than this, the invasion of Nadir Shah exposed the growing helplessness and weakness of the dying Mughal empire. The centrifugal forces were bound to get benefited from this state of affairs. The governors, the faujdars and the local chiefs redoubled their efforts to increase their influence. They continued to pay lip service to the Mughal Emperor but, in reality, they became the actual masters of their territories. The process of disintegration was almost complete. And whatever little remained was shattered by invasions of Ahmad Shah Abdali. His victory at the third battle of Panipat (1761) reduced Mughal Emperor into a symbol of past glory. For all practical purposes the collapse of the Mughal emperor was a reality. B. Social and Economic Factors Till recently the role played by the social and economic factors in shaping history was ignored or underemphasized by our historians. Controversies and arguments generally revolve around political factors. But with development of scientific outlook our historians have started recognizing the importance of social and economic forces in moulding the history of any society. In fact, without understanding the socio-economic realities of a given period it is impossible to draw a sensible lesson from the political events. The study of the political factors connected with the decline of the Mughal empire remains meaningless if we fail to examine the decisive role played by the socio-economic factors. In this connection, we will throw light only on two aspects namely, the crisis of nobility, and the agrarian crisis.

• Crisis of the Nobility It has been often argued that one of the chief causes of the collapse of the Mughal Empire-was the alien characterof the governing class. This view is not correct in view of the

157 fact that the Mughal nobility consisted both of the foreign and native elements. Perhaps in the entire history of mankind no ruling class was so much heterogenous in its racial composition as was the Mughal nobility. The main racial groups of this nobility were the Turanis. Iranis Indian Muslims, Rajputs and Marathas. Even the foreigners who originally came from outside this country settled down in India and had no ties with their original places. Thus, to call them foreigners is absolutely incorrect. The Mughal nobility was the pillar of strength to the centralized bureaucratic structure of the Mughal empire. The nobility contributed to the growth of an extensive empire. More than this its contribution to build a composite culture was very significant. But in the second half of the seventeenth century it found itself faced with an acute crisis. Due to the scarcity of the jagirs and over all economic problems the social status of the Mobility was the first casualty. The nobles had to maintain a high standard of living to keep up their social position in the society. But without the flow of adequate income the task of maintaining their position was quite impossible. Status must be maintained irrespective of the steps taken in this direction. When such was the state of affairs a cut throat competition was bound to follow. Any mean was considered justified if it resulted in meeting the financial requirement of the nobles concerned. In the process the entire energies of the nobles were spent in intrigues, counter-intrigues, underhand means, conspiracies and manipulations. All this resulted in sapping the vitality of the nobility. Once this phenomenon became obvious the collapse of the Mughal empire was inevitable.

• Agrarian Crisis The strength of the Mughal state rested chiefly on its military power. Those responsible to maintain it were called the mansabdars. The mansabdars were expected to keep contingents which were mainly composed of the cavalry. In’lieu of this service the state was obliged to pay the mansabdar either in cash or in jagir (land assignment). This makes it obvious that a close “relationship existed between the military power of the Mughal’s and the land assignment system (jagirdar system). No political system can exist without economic power. And in an agrarian society the Mughal state was bound to depend on the income received from the land. The mansabdars realised their income from jagirs by way of land revenue. The land revenue was fixed by the state. The Mughal state allowed the peasant to keep with him ‘only the barest minimum needed for subsistence’. The result was that on the one hand the ruling class lived in great splendour and comfort, while on the other hand the peasants passed their days in “the utter subjection and poverty”. In the later years of Shahjahan’s reign the state demand was increased to fifty per cent of the total produce. Some relief might have been gained by the peasants on account of the rapid rise in the prices of basic commodities, but since, the market system was controlled by the

158 intermediaries the peasants were hardly to get much relief from the soaring prices. In fact the increase in revenue demand brought them very near to starvation. Not only the high demand on the peasants had worsened their conditions but there were other factors which made their life more miserable. Let us draw your attention to the fact that a jagir was in possession of Jagirdar for a temporary period. This temporary or uncertain occupation of Jagirs made the jagirdars more interested in their immediate gains rather than to care about the cultivation and cultivator. And, naturally, this callous attitude of the jagirdars resulted in the ruin of both. One more factor which brought a spate of misery for the peasants of Mughal India was the operation of the jagirdari system. The mansabdars who were in the grip of financial crisis or found theimelvcs unable to manage their jagirs, started farming out the jagirs to the highest bidder. The jagirdari system is quite noticeable during the reigns of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb but it was during the rule of the later Mugbals that it became universal. The effect of the jagirdari system on the peasantry has been ably shown by Noman Ahmad Siddiqi and Satish Chandra. The jagirdars were interested only in realizing revenues from the peasants. Most cruel methods were applied by the jagirdars to squeeze the revenue from the peasants. In fact, the jagirdari system was nothing more than a plundering raid on the meagre resources of the peasants. Besides, the peasants were harshly treated by the officials employed by the jagirdars or the state. Two quotations from Bhimsen and Khafi Khan may be cited to make this clear: Bhimsen remarked : “...... There is no limit to the oppression of these men...... of their oppression and cruelty what may one write? For no description can suffice.” Khafi Khan pointed out: “... ..The cruelty, oppression and injustice of the officials, who have no thought of God, has reached such a degree that if one wishes to describe a hundredth part of it, it will still defy description.” Such conditions of high revenue demand, cruel behaviour of the jagirdars and officials, were bound to produce a reaction in the peasants. Many of them stopped cultivation and left their fields. The result was as pointed out by Khafi Khan: “...... the country becomes devastated every day...... ” But a more noticeable phenomenon was the growth of “armed resistance” by the peasants. The peasant revolts in the medieval period were a world-wide phenomenon. In Europe, the peasant revolts of England and Germany are well-known. In Asia, the peasants also revolted against the oppressive agrarian system. Abbasids had to face a number of peasant uprisings. About China, we are informed, “the gigantic scale of such peasant uprisings and peasant wars in Chinese history is without parallel in the world”.

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In India too the peasants raised the banner of revolt against the Mughal state in the seventeenth century. The revolts of the Satnamis, the Jats, the Sikhs and Maratbas during the reign of Aurangzeb were, according to Irfan Hibib, peasants uprisings. The high revenue demand, the high handedness of jagirdars and the officials and number of other related factors forced the peasants to launch an armed struggle against the tyranny of the Mughal state. Once started these revolts had shaken the very foundation of the Mughal Empire. In order to save it from the disaster entire military resources were mobilized to crush the revolting peasants. But all in vain. The Mughal Empire had to accept the verdict of history. Ultimately, it collapsed. But the result was not surprising.

• Failure of Military Strength The Socio-economic causes could not but effect the military strength of the Empire. The army of which the Mughals were so proud did survive for a long time dispite its many inherent defects. The very fact that the soldiers looked upon the mansabdar and not the Emperor as his chief gave the army a weak feudal Character. Revolts among the officers became frequent under the Later Mughals. Like the bureaucracy, the army too fell prey to evil habits. The Mughal artillery was inferious to the Maratha tactics of warfare. It was no match for the Europeans. The lack of finances did not allow any payment of salaries. For some nobles it was impossible to maintain these full contingents because of financial reasons. The civil wars certainly dealt a death blow to the possibility of improving the situation because brilliant soldiers and great commanders lost their lives in them. We may conclude by saying that it was not just one cause which led to the decline of the Mughal empire. It was the outcome of several forces internal and external. Also, it was a long-drawn process.

4.2 Mughal Administration

The Mughal emperors established a comprehensive administrative system in India. In the existing administrative machinery, which they inherited from their predecessors, the Sultans of Delhi, the Mughal emperors certainly introduced many new features. The most important position was occupied by the Central Government in the administrative set up of the Mughals. 4.2.1 The Central Government The Emperor The pivot of the entire administrative machinery in Mughal India was the Emperor. He combined in himself all civil and military powers. He was the commander-in-chief, the chief executive, the highest judge against whose decision there was no appeal, and the chief legislative authority. He made all important appointments throughout the Mughal empire. He levied whatever taxes he wanted to and spent whatever had been collected, as and when he liked. Being not answerable to any earthly authority, the Emperor held all strings of

160 administration in his hands. Thus, the Mughal Emperor was no doubt a despot both in character as well as in practice. The Emperor held court at least five days a week. He also appeared daily at the salutation balcony or jharokha till Aurangzeb discontiuned this practice. On the occasion of the jharokha-i-darshan the subjects of the Emperor were supposed have to unhindered access to him in the courtyard below the balcony. Petition could be submitted by the people and they who could expect expeditious justice then and there from the Emperor. The Emperor met his high officers, the Mir Bakshi and the Diwan, somtimes the Khan-i Saman in the private apartment, which was called the Ghusal Khana. Akbar originally admitted only a few trusted persons to this apartment. Subsequently this rigidity was waived. In addition to the Vazir and Mir Bakhshi, some key nobles of the Imperial court were also permitted to join its deliberations. The successors of Akbar continued this practice of transac- ting important state business in the Ghusal Khana. The bulk of public business of the Mughal government was however, transacted in Diwan-i-Khas-o-Aam and this may be called a Court of Commoners as it was open to all. It was a court of justice, an executive council, a legislature and defence council rolled into one. Here the representatives of independent rulers and agent of high dignitaries were granted audience by the Emperor. On assumption of office, on transfer and while passing through the capital all high officers were expected to seek the royal permission to attend it The Emperor occasionally reviewed the troops stationed at the capital and inspected the stores and work hope (Karkhanas). Aurangzeb effected some other changes. A public darbar was held in the forenoon and selected audience in the afternoon thus splitting the work into two separate meetings distinguished as Diwan-i-Aam and Diwan-i-Khas respectively. The court, in practice, moved with the Emperor. Naturally a camp office accompanied him wherever he went. Therefore, the daily schedule of the Emperor was quite systematic and strenous. Even when the Mughal empire was in the process of decline and the efficiency and working of administration was fast dwendling one find the aged Aurangzeb performing his daily routine with utmost zeal. The Ministers No monarch, even the most absolutist, has ever been able to rule his state unassisted. Ministers and ministeries were the need of the hour. The cerdit for properly organising ministeries at the centre goes to Akbar. These officers could decide certain problems on their own, but for others they had to take imperial orders. Attempts were sometimes made by interested parties to approach the Emperor directly. The court records of Aurangzeb at least show that such attempts were seldom successful. Such representations were usually referred to the appropriate ministry for its recommendation.

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The Mughal Emperor had the following ministeries to help and to carry on day to day work: (a) The Vakil : The office of the Vakil seems to have come into prominence under the Mughal rule when Akbar was a minor and Bairam Khan acted on his behalf as his deputy or Vakil. The office of the Vakil gradually lost its significance. After Bairam Khan many persons were, appointed to this coveted post of the Vakil but with the exception of Asaf Khan none seems to enjoy political powers. In fact it became an honorary office. (b) The Vazir : In the course of development the Vazir assumed a prominent position among the ministers of the State and took away many of the powers enjoyed by the Vakil. Since the finances of the state were placed under his control he was called Diwan-i-ala also. In this capacity he dealt with all papers relating to revenue and decided cases connected with organisation, assessment and collection of revenue. In shaping the policies of the government he seems to have greater say in comparison with other ministers. (c) The Mir Bakhshi : He is wrongly regarded as the Paymaster of the Army. As Ibn Hassan remarks making payment to the army was “not a part of his regular and permanent duties. He was concerned with the financial matters only when the army was on active service”. Thus during the peace time when the army was not deployed for campaigns and battles it received salaries from the office of the vazir. Thus, Mir Bakhsi was not entrusted with the disbursement of salary. Otherwise duties of the Mir Bakhshi were far more extensive. The Mir Bakhshi was the head of the military department. He kept records of all appointments, promotions, demotions, leave granted, advances made and realized. He arranged for the payment of salaries in cash and by Jagirs i.e. authority to collect a specified amount of land revenue from a specified areas of land after the Diwan or the Vazir had sent the appropriate orders to him. He was the chief establishment officer who passed all the salary’bills. On the battle-field, he acted as the chief military advisor of the Emperor. Every province had provincial bakhshi. (d) The Khan-I-Saman or Mir Saman : He was incharge of stores, supplies, public works, royal industries aad commerce. He met all the needs of the Emperor and the Imperial palace. He supervised public works, organised and ran Imperial workshops. The Khan-i- Saman or Mir Saman was responsible for the quality of all that they produced. Robes of office and Honour were supplied by him to all important public servants before they could assume office. It is also to be noted that all important officials “papers were required to be countersigned by the mirsaman.” (e) The Sadr : The offices of the Sadr the chief Qazi.and the .chief Mufti are often separately mentioned, but in practice, the Sadr combined in his person the office of the chief Jagirs settle of disputes. On rare occasion, however, we come across names of separate holders of these offices. Usually it is the Sadr acting in one or the other capacity.

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The Sadr occupied important position in the early years of Akbar’s reign but in the subsquent period the power of this oflice was much curtailed. Ibn Hasan, the well-known authority on the Mughal administration thus writes : “His (Sadr) powers, from the administrative point of view, were curtailed first by the internal arrangements of the administrative machinery by which all grunts of lands by the sadr passed through the hands of all other ministers, secondly, by restrictions imposed on the use of the power of making such grants and thirdly by the creation of provincial sadrs.” During the reigns of Akbar’s successors the administrative powers of the Sadr remained in regard to the distribution of land grants to the poor, religious people etc. The Sadr was also the head of the judiciary. But in this respect-also his authority suffered because of the kings’ “holding weekly courts regularly” and paying more personal attention to judicial work. Besides the ministers there were many other important officers like the following : (a) The Imperial Newswriter: The imperial News writer was the head of the intelligence agency which was responsible for gathering information from every part of the Empire. The newswriters in every province sent news and intelligence to the Imperial Newswriter. He also received the reports of the newswriters that accompanied the military expeditions. He read the reports sent by them— or such extracts as he thought relevant—in the Court or passed them to the Diwan (Vazir) if they had first to be discussed in the private audience chambsr of the Emperor. He took the orders of the court as they-were passed there and read them out the next day for confirmation. (b) The Superintendent of Posts: This incumbent organised a postal service for the distribution and communication of Royal orders and for bringing to the Court the news-letters and intelligence gathered by news writers of various sorts. (c) The Chief Muhtasib : The Chief Muhtasib also functioned as the Inspector-General of Weights and Measurer in addition to being the Chief Censor. Under Aurangzeb, his functions as a censor overshadowed his work as the Inspector-General of Weights and Measures. His main duty now become the enforcement of the religious policy of the Emperor. As the list of things and acts ‘unlawful and forbidden’ expanded, so did the functions and powers of this officer. As a censor, he was set above all public servants even the military commanders. No wonder, than that the public servants did not like his prying into their private lives and public conduct and that there are many instances of occasional friction between the high ranking officers and the Muhtasib. The fact that all these ministers and officers held their offices at the sweet will of the Emperor, and they were answerable to him alone undoubtedly restricted their authority, initiative and personal effort. Nonetheless they were not mere non-entities. Everyone of them had some support in the ruling group of the Empire. Hence, their advice could not be

163 summarily disregarded. However, in the last analysis, everything ultimately depended on the strength or weakness of the soverign. The Administration of Justice The Emperor was the fountain of the administrative authority, including the dispensing of justice. Accordingly, all the Mughal rulers fixed one day in the week for this purpose. Thursday was fixed in the time of Akbar. Tuesday was fixed in the case of Janangir. Wednes- day was allotted during the rule of Shah Jahan. Aurangzeb continued this practice. Furthermore, the Emperor was the highest court of justice which tried both civil and criminal cases. He was of course assisted by the Qazi. Besides it was the Darogha-i-Adalt who presented petitions to him. When authoritative interpretation of law was necessary, the issue was referred to a bench of Qazis for opinion or it could also be referred to special Bench constituted for the purpose. When there was an appeal the Emperor presided it over court comprising the Qazi-ul-Quzat and a few other Qazis and this court gave its virdiet both on questions of law and fact. The Sadr or Qazi-ul-Quzat was the chief justice of the Empire. It is he who administered the oath of accession of the sovereign and order Khulbah to be read in the name of the new sovereign. He also had power to try original criminal and civil suits. He even supervised the working of the provincial courts. 4.2.2 The Provincial Administration As in many other fields, once again one must recognise the administrative skill of Akbar, who organised a uniform pattern of administrative framework at the provincial level which proved to be sound, enduring and efficient. In this set-up he had made adequate provisions for local administration. The Empire was divided into provinces in 1594. These are: 1. Kabul 5. Agra 9. Bengal 2. Punjab 6. Oudh 10. Malwa 3. Multan 7. Allahabad 11. Gujarat 4. Delhi 8. Bihar 12. Ajmer With the expansion of the Mughal Empire its territories were expanded to the South, and subsequently the newly conquered territories were divided into provinces. Three new provinces were created : Berar, Khandesh and Abmadnagar (subsequently known as Daulatabad).

Orissa seems to have been created out of Bengal under Jahangir. Kashmir was carved out of Kabul, Sind out of Multan, and Bidar out of Ahmadnagar under Shah Jahan.

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Aurangzeb added Bijapur and Golkunda. Qandhar was under the Mughals for some time as a separate province but it was ultimately lost to Iran in 1648. Thus, though officially there were twenty-two provinces in the Empire, in fact these did not exceed twenty-one at any one time. Every province was headed by a governor and necessary provincial administrative paraphernalia. Under Shah Jahan when a Royal Prince was appointed the governor of more than one province separate administrations continue under deputy governors. This happened when Dara the eldest son of Shah Jahan) was the governor both of the Punjab and Multan. The Mughal territorial claims in the south were modest to begin with. But at one southern kingdom after another was swallowed by the surging tide of Mughal imperialism it was thought necessary to create province in place of every state - or even part of a state annexed to Mughal territory. Ahmednagar was even split into two provinces, re-creating Bidar which had been conqurred by Ahmadnagar earlier. These southern provinces do seem to have been governed by a separate set of officials, even though very often only one governor was appointed to hold them. When Aurangzeb himself was in the Deccan, during the last twenty-five years of his reign, the whole area was administered at an emergency footing as the Emperor was engaged in a life-and-death struggle in that peninsula. Measures to Ensure the Integrity of the Empire Akbar’s predecessors had never thought it safe to create a unit of administration as large as a province for fear that its governor might become too powerful. After some bitter experience. Sher Shah had to redivide the province of Bengal into smaller units. When Akbar created his provinces, he guarded against the possibility of the governors becoming too powerful. The Governor and the provincial Diwan were made independent of each other; both of them took-their orders directly from the Emperor and could therefore act as a check on each other. The military forces stationed in a province had to look to the provincial bakshi for almost every other matter connected with their prospect in the services. His representatives accompanied every expedition and supplied in their capacity as newswriters an independent account of affairs. Combining in himself the office the provincial newswriter and the bakshi its holder could as yet another check on an ambitious governor. Further, Akbar did not allow the governors to be permanently attached to their provinces. He transferred governor long enough in a place to harbour rebellious designs. To cap it all, the Emperor frequently moved from one province to another, at times on a military mission and at others on an administrative tour. These tours reminded his official as his subject that there was a ‘live’ Emperor above them. Under Shah Jahan and Aurangzeb the custom of appointing a governor to hold charge of more than one province destroyed one of the important safeguard instituted, by Akbar. Aurangzeb’s preoccupation in the Deccan, for twenty-five long years, left the North neglected. Payment by land assignments or the jagirs increased. And, sometimes, office- holders discovered that they had been cheated as they could not collect the amount due to

165 them, from their Jagirs. It was. thus, natural that the integrity of the Empire was undermined, and the authority of the Emperor weakened. During the last years of Aurangzeb’s reign his hold over the provincial administration suffered a serious set-back. Sometime after the death of Aurangzeb in 1707 many provincial governors in the North had virtually become independent of the Central authority. Without formally repudiating the suzerainty of the Mughals Emperor, they, to all intents and purposes, exercised the full authority within their domains. (i) Provincial Officers Besides the Subedar or Nizam (governor) every province had a diwan or Bakhshi— who also acted as the provincial newswriter a Diwan-Buyutat representing the Khan-i Saman and a provincial Sadr or Qazi. The diwan and the bakshi of the provinces did not take their orders fiom the Subedar in the discharge of the duties of their respective departments. They were three officers of equal standirg though the governor usually drew a higher salary and acted as the representative of the Emperor in he province. Every province was divided into sarkars or mahals which were subdivided into paraganas. The latter was the lowest unit of administration. Every sarkar was under a Faujdar, who was assisted by a karori or amil, representing the Diwan. Every Sarkar had a kotwal at the district headquarters who functioned as the chief of the police and kept law and order. Also there was a Qazi. The Imperial workshops or Karkhanas were mostly located at the headquarters of the sarkar and functioned under superintendents who worked under the provincial representative of the Khan-i-Saman. The paragana was mainly a revenue unit under a Tahsildar or Assistant Collector of Revenue. He was assisted by Qanungo and one or mere Chaudraris. The village Muqad dam paid the land revenue to the Tehsildar at the pargana who was helped by adequate staff for keeping an account of the amounts due receipts and arrear. Paraganas with a corsidereble Muslim population usually bad a Qazi. A Shiqdar was either a Tehsildar known by his pre- Mughal title or a lay judge and magistrate.

No government official seems to have been stationed in the village. The Muqaddam was probably the head of the local Panchayat. A Patwari kept record of cultivation and revenue on behalf of the community. (ii) Local Administration of Justice At the provinces there were different types of law courts. Governor’s (Nizam’s) Court The court of governor exercised both original and appellate authority. For original suit he generally himself constituted the court. In these suits he was engaged not just to rely upon the testimony of the witness or oaths, but he must make every effort to discover to truth. An appeal from his verdict lay with the appellate court at the centre. While hearing appeals from the subordinate courts he was assigned by the Qazi-i-Subah.

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Qazi-i-Subah’s Court His court was actually the head of judicial administration at the provincial level. He too had both original and appellate authority. His judicial duties were numerous and his work was of a delicate nature. Many officers were attached to his court and these were Mufti Muhtasib, Daroga-l-Adalat, Mir Adl, and Waqal Nigar. Diwan-i-Subah’s Court This court dealt with the revenue cases and also entertained appeals against the Amil’s orders. There were courts available at the various subordinate levels such as adalat, pargana exercising original civil and criminal authority and the panchayat courts at the village level. Cities had their own Kotwall which dealth petty municipal affairs. Essential Readings: ➢ Gordon, S. (1993). The New Cambridge History of India: The Marathas, 1600-1818. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ➢ Wink, Andre. (1986). Land and Sovereignty in India: Agrarian Society and Politics under the Eighteenth Century Maratha Svarajya. Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 51 – 65. ➢ Grewal, J.S. (1986). The New Cambridge History of India: The Sikhs. Delhi: Cambridge University Press. ➢ Singh, Chetan. (1991). Region and Empire: Punjab in the Seventeenth Century. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

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Unit V

ART AND ARCHITECTURE IN MEDIEVAL INDIA Introduction Art and architecture is not just a study of forms, techniques, ideologies or aesthetics. As an important aspect of socio-cultural history, the discipline has a role in the larger processes of state formation; of forms of authority; legitimization and control. The built places and all other art forms are active components of culture, society, power and politics. Art forms have their own specificities and are central to any political-social formation. Architectural spaces are interactive living spaces, possessing a social quality and are vital in the study of any civilization.

5.1 Qutb Complex

The coming of Islam: Continuity or Rupture? India has a rich tradition of art and architectural forms. You have already studied some of these, like the various regional temple stylesand other built forms in early and early medieval India. However, from 1192 onwards, new ‘Islamic’ architectural forms of mosques, tombs, madrasas (Muslim religious schools), inns (serais), gateways and gardens were introduced into the architectural vocabulary of the Indian sub-continent, after the conquest of north India by the Ghurids. The local regional traditions responded to these new impulses and by all accounts, Sultan Muizzud-Din Ghur’s Turkish slave, Aibak’s construction of the first congregational mosque (Quwwatul-Islam mosque, 1192-93) in Delhi marks the beginning of one of the most prolific periods of Indo-Islamic architecture, culminating under the Mughals in the 16th and 17th centuries.

The Qutb mosque was not the first mosque to be constructed on the Indian soil. Trading Muslim communities in Daibul-Banbhore, Sindh (8th century) and Bhadreshvar, Gujarat (mid-12th century) before the conquest had been building their religious structures. The mosque in Delhi was followed by the construction of another congregational mosque in Ajmer, the Adhai-din-ka-Jhompra (1199). This too was built by Aibak for his Ghurid masters. Similarly with the expansion of Delhi Sultanate, mosques came up in other areas of north India as well. But what draws our attention to these new places of worship is in their profuse use of re-cycled material from destroyed temples. The re-use of temple pillars to erect the Qutb mosque, in the wake of the conquest, was later repeated for the Ajmer Adhai- din-ka-Jhompraand can be seen in later structures as well in the course of Turkish expansion. The visible iconic evidence of re-use of temple spolia and from the hyperbolic narrative of contemporary Persian texts, these mosques have become sites of sectarian contestations. In this context, concerns have been raised whether the Ghurid conquest then can be termed as a ‘Muslim invasion’ of India, creating a rupture in India’s cultural landscape.However, recent

168 works have suggested that it was no encounter of monolithic cultural identities. There were no unitary ‘Muslim’ communities, fractured as they were within intra-factions; equally fractured were the indigenes with varied religious differences.It has been shown that the immediate post–conquest period was followed by adjustments and hybridity in methods of governance. Coming to the context of architectural spaces, Hindu temples were not easily convertible into mosques. You have seen that the temple is marked by a deepsanctum sanctorum (garbhagriha) with a circumbulatory passage (pradakshina). The need of a mosque is an open courtyard with a qibla (direction of prayer) wall. During Islam’s expansion elsewhere, it was not difficult to convert large halls of churches, basilicas, synagogues and fire temples into mosques by simply realigning them to make them suitable for communal prayer. But the cloistered spaces of a temple, with its deep seated sanctum sanctorum, did not lend themselves to their easy translation into mosques. This led to easy ‘wrenching off’ of the structures, while saving the spolia for re-use. At the same time the need to hurriedly put up a place of worship may in one way explain the devastation of temples. But we need to explain this further. In this context, we need to note that temples in pre-modern India were not just religious centres butwere centres of power as well. The close nexus of religious centres and political authority had existed at all times in all state formations. As symbols of authority of the defeated kings, the places of worship were the first to be appropriated by any invading power, a practice followed extensively in pre-Turkish India as well. Numerous examples can be cited of demolition and plundering of rival Hindu, Buddhist and Jain shrines as records of accomplishments of Rashtrakutas, Chalukyas, Paramaras, Cholas and Kashmir rulers in early medieval India. In many instances, the spolia was re-used for new religious spaces as well. Richard Eaton’s writings have shown that the expansion of the Delhi Sultanate was characterized by selective demolition of temples that housed the tutelary deities of defeated ruling kings. Razing of architectural monuments and replacing them with one’s own, including religious structures, was a part of medieval warfare; referred by Oleg Grabar as the “symbolic appropriation of the land”. The new structures became political and ideological statements of the conquering powers. In pre-modern states, similar inter-religious tensions are recorded in the Islamicate world as well. Mahmud Ghazni, a Sunni, in the wake of his conquests demolished Isma’ili mosques in Multan (1026).Karramis (a Sunni sect) in Nishapur conflicted with rival Shi’is, destroying their mosques in eastern Islamic world during the 11th and 12th centuries. There were conflicts documented among rival Sunni factions as well. New forms and Decorative Motifs The new forms of arcuate architecture comprising of true arches, domes, vaults and niches was made possible by the use of masonry of lime and mortar. All these were introduced in the novel structures of mosques, tombs, minarets, seminaries, inns and gateways whose

169 construction was patronized by the new Turkish rulers. Geometrical decorative motifs, stucco and inlay work, splendid calligraphy from the larger Islamicate world came to adorn the buildings of the regions that came under the sway of the Delhi Sultanate. A process of assimilation and integration was set in motion and further innovative forms in mosque, sculpture and other architecture were experimented. Fresh ideas were assimilated from Iran, Afghanistan and West Asia, only to become more marked under the Mughals with landscape architecture and influences from Europe. Organization of Building Practices These novel experiments were carried out in an environment of continuity. Like in the political and economic arrangements in the aftermath of the conquest, evidence shows there was continuity of building practices as well. Needless to say, workforce would have come from the local population. That indigenous labour force was employed for the Qutb mosqueis seen in the Hindu names of shilpis (sculptors, architects or skilled craftsmen) and sutradharas (chief masons) that appear as graffiti on the Qutb Minar, the adjunct minaret of the Qutb mosque. It is further seen in the invocation to Vishwakarma, the Hindu patron-deity of craftsmen and architects in a 1369 Sanskrit inscription on the minaret of the Qutb mosque. In some instances, the nomenclatures would have changed, as for example, according to Barry Flood,the mutawalli who provided the guidelines for the layout of the mosques and kept the record of accounts would have replaced the brahmin priest, who acted as an architect of the temples, the acharya or sthapaka. The mutawalli would have hired the master-mason, the local sutradhara, who in turn would have supervised the numerous masons, cutters, layers, embellishers and other craftspeople from various indigenous guilds. The whole building activity was very labour intensive. Barani’s mentions 70,000 workers for the buildings of Alaud-Din Khaljito erect them in two or three days. Mughal sources too mention a large work force in employment. Mobilization of such large resources would have involved a fair amount of supervision and bureaucratization. Finally, rarely Sultanate or even Mughal monuments are inscribed with architects’ names but we do know some names from literary sources. General Observations Before we begin with the discussion on the first set of buildings under the Delhi Sultans, certain aspects need to be contextualized. To begin with, we need to keep cognizance of the fact that these ‘Islamic’ forms of mosques, tombs, arches and domes do not mean that there is something called a monolithic Islamic art. Islam in its expansion (7th-19th centuries) interacted with local traditions of ethnic and social diversities everywhere, thus creating in its wake characteristically regional hybrid structures everywhere. However, there are factors of unity, arising from the normative force of Islam, that makes Islamic art Islamic and gives it a universal appeal.

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The Muslim place of worship is universal in the sense it has no specific liturgical requirements except to indicate the direction of prayer (qibla) towards Mecca. The other normative aspect is the communal nature of prayer, arising from its egalitarianism. This absence of any strict requirements makes it more receptive to absorb local traditions and forms, and India provided a rich architectural repertoire. Then there is the symbolic and decorative role of Arabic script, calligraphically rendered, which characterized the buildings. And finally there is the normative aspect of rejection of sculpture or figural depiction in Islam. Certain other aspects need to be underlined. The medieval world was witness to a high mobility of merchants and artisans. Ideas and techniques travelled with the people resulting in a process of adaptation and assimilation, making specific identities and cultural affiliations almost impossible to decipher. As we shall see in the following discourse, there are no specific cultural identities assigned to monuments, as there is no ‘Muslim arcuate’ or ‘Hindu trabeate’. Arches are used in temples and pillar and beams are used in ‘Muslim’ buildings. The eclectic Indo-Islamic style that developed as a result of constant dialogue between two cultures produced prolific structures, the story of which unfolds first with the Qutb complex. The Qutb Mosque (Quwwatul-Islam mosque, 1192-93) and the Qutb Minar Mosque or masjid (place of prostration) is central to the religious life of Muslims. It universally has some requirements: a qibla wall, indicating the direction of prayer towards Mecca and a niche in its centre as the mihrab. Sometimes later in the Islamic world, a screen or maqsura was thrown in front of the mihrab to cordon off the area for the use of the royalty. A dome or qubba’ before the mihrab usually surmounts the structure. In addition, Friday mosques have a mimbar, the pulpit from where the leader of the congregation pronounces the Friday sermon. The courtyard or sahn accommodates the people and usually has a water- basin in the middle. A minar or a tower from where the muezzin gives the call to prayer was square, spiral or fluted in shape. Their numbers could also vary. Mosque architecture in medieval India, while following these basic requirements, represents a variety of forms, varying from region to region and under different dynasties. We shall now discuss the Qutb mosque. Construction under Aibak and Iltutmish The Qutb mosque, also called the Quwwatul-Islam mosque or the Masjid-i Jami’, the first royal mosque is a simple rectangle (214 x 149 feet) in the Chauhan citadel of Qila Rai Pithora (Fig. 1). Aibak began its construction soon after the conquest (1192). Built on the plinth of an earlier temple, it was extended twice in the succeeding reigns of Iltutmish and Alaud-Din Khalji. The foundation text in naskhi scripton the eastern main gate mentions its construction from the spolia of twenty-seven Hindu and Jain temples, each costing 20, 00,000 deliwals.

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Figure1: Qutub Mosque (Source:https://live.staticflickr.com/574/23591111960_4a68575cf3_b. jpg) Aibak’s original layout comprised a colonnaded qiblaliwan (prayer chamber), four bays deep, following an Arab hypostyle type mosque. The eastern side colonnade or the riwaq is three bays deep, while the northern and southern riwaqs are two bays deep (Fig. 2). The mosque’s four corners have raised compartments as mezzanine storeys, earlier thought to be for the women. But according to Barry Flood, the north-west and south-west ones are more likely to be muluk-khanas, the royal enclosures that first appeared in Mahmud Ghazni’s mosque in his capital and later for Ghurids in Afghanistan.

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Figure 2: The Colonnades of the Mosque (Source:https://previews.123rf.com/images/heavyrobbie/heavyrobbie1205/heavyrobbie12050 0014/13602127-decorated-columns-of-qutb-complex-mehrauli-new-delhi-india.jpg) The pillars of the mosque are temple columns sculpted with the usual Shaivite, Vaishnavite and Jain images, but often defaced. The roofs too have indigenous motifs of kirtimukha (radiant lion face), lotus, kalash (pot of water) and figures of yakshas and yakshis (nature- spirits).These roofs of flat slabstaper to shallow corbelled conical domes, following the ‘Hindu’ trabeate construction principle (Fig. 3). And this is not all. Ten incarnations of Vishnu are placed facing the outside on the southern wall of the mosque. Scenes from the birth of Krishna are depicted on the wall-panel of the northern side. Further it seems original stones from the temple debris were picked up to assemble the complete lotus motifs that were put on the colonnade ceilings. It is interesting, according to Barry Flood that the motif kirtimukha, standing for auspiciousness with talismanic qualities, appears more than thirty times on the trabeate lintels and unaccounted number of times on the pillars that support them. This selective use of iconography from pillaged material is also seen at the contemporary Ajmer mosque. The structures don’t appear to be assembled in a hurried way.

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Figure 3: Mosque Pillar (Detail) (Source:https://www.indiacitywalks.com/wp-content/uploads/2016/04/IMG_7549.jpg) A red sandstone screen of arches, a maqsura, comprising of five arched openings was thrown in front of the prayer chamber sometimes in 1199, perhaps to make it more ‘Islamic’. Most of it is in ruins today. But from a reconstruction it can be conjectured that the central larger one (50 feet in height) was flanked on each side by two smaller arches. Above the flanking arches was a kind of clerestory having series of four smaller arches, one over each of these side arches. The arches are corbelled and not ‘true’ and meet at the pinnacle in an ogee ‘S’ curve, like the Buddhist chaitya arch. The ogee arch makes the screen that is of much height look light and delicate. Creepers in spiral form with florals contrasting with calligraphic panels of Quranic verses are carved on the entire red sandstone surface of the arches, adding to its beauty (Fig. 4).

Figure 4: The Screen of the Mosque (Source:https://smarthistory.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/Mosque-pillar-screen.jpg)

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In 1220’s, Iltutmish erected an iron pillar from a Vishnu temple in the mosque’s courtyard. Re-erection of antique pillars belonging to past great rulers was a pre-Turkish commemorative practice of appropriation for legitimization in pre-modern states. Adjoining the mosque is a red sandstone minaret, the Qutb Minar, Delhi’s most famous landmark. Begun by Aibak but completed by Iltutmish, the minaret was originally 4 storeys high. The fifth was added by Firuz Shah Tughluq, when he repaired its fourth storey in 1368. The tapering structure, which is 46 feet in diameter at the base and 10 feet at the summit, was originally 238 feet in height. Aibak built the first storey that has wedge shaped flanges alternating with circular scallops. The second storey by Iltutmish has a circular scalloped surface, while the third is stellate wedge shaped,also built by Iltutmish. Plain circular surfaces with incised marble form the fourth and fifth storeys, the fourth being also built by Iltutmish (Fig. 5).

Figure 5: Qutb Minar (Source:https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/c/c0/Qutb_Minar_2011.jpg /200px-Qutb_Minar_2011.jpg)

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This changing pattern of the fluted storeys adds to the beauty of the Minar. Eulogies of conquest and Quranic inscriptions cover the entire surface in a band like fashion that is laid over vivid hues of red sandstone. The minaret has its prototype in the Ghurid minaret of Khwaja Siyah Push in Sistan, in the tradition of the architectural practice of constructing towers and minarets in the course of expansion. The most decorative parts of the Minar are the encircling balconies that go right around the structure, while dividing each storey. These balconies are supported by aningenious work of stalactite bracketing of small arches, reminiscent of the cusped stone tracery of temple ceilings (Fig. 5). The corbelled arches, conical domes and screen embellishment of the Qutb mosque and the embellishment of the Minar for certain was accomplished by the indigenous workforce who were used to doing temple carvings. The name, Fazl ibn Abi’l-Ma’ali is inscribed on the mosque screen as well as it appears on the first storey of the minaret. He was probably the supervisor under whom the labour force of stone cutters, carverers and masons worked. As mentioned earlier, invocation to Vishwakarma, appears here and the inscription on the fifth storey gives the name of one Nana Salba, son of Chahada Dev Tala, as the master-mason under whom the repair and additions were carried out in the reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq in 1368. Another nagari inscription on the lowest storey calls the tower, the victory tower (vijaystambh) of Sultan Ala ud-Din Khalji. Under Iltutmish, colonnades were further extended to the north, south and east of the complex (1229-30) with added pillars, a flexible feature of Arab hypostyle design. The Minar was brought within the precinct of the mosque. The Iltutmish pillars are plain shafts with equally plain capitals. The screen too was extended with three more arches, equally plain with no ogee. The arches still haven’t evolved into true arches (radiating voussoires) and remain corbelled here as well. However, the more ‘Islamic’ Kufic and Tughra styles of calligraphy cover these arches. Extension under Ala ud-Din Khalji The second phase of extension of the Qutb complex came much later under Ala ud-Din Khalji. By extending it towards the north and east, he made it twice the size of Iltutmish’s. But not much remains today, except its fairly well preserved southern gateway, the Alai Darwaza. That the complex was close to the Khalji is apparent from the presence of incomplete remains of a much more ambitious and a loftier minar in black stone in the complex. This was probably conceived by him as a sequel to the original red Minar. Going by the existing foundations of the extension and these two surviving structures, the Khalji extension would have certainly been far more ambitious. The Alai Darwaza The southern gateway to the mosque, the Alai Darwaza (1305, Fig. 6)) displays a fresh wave of influences from Syria and Iraq. For the first time, a new method of stone masonry is seen

176 in this structure. The use of 2 alternating courses of wide stretchers and much narrower headers into the rubble resulted in a much firmer interlocked bond for walls. The Mongol expansion had led to displacement of artisans from central and west Asia, who would have brought in new techniques of masonry, forms and motifs to enrich Delhi architecture. One can see this much more determinative techniquelater in Mughal architecture. The Alai Darwaza is a cubical structure in red sandstone with marble incised work. It is 55 feet on each side in plan. The middle of each side is pierced by a doorway of spear-headed fringes of the boatkeel arch. This pointed horseshoe arch is reminiscent of the Great Mosque at Cordoba. Fresh impulses from the larger Islamicate world are assimilated here. This is further seen in the wall surfaces of two storeys of vertical upright rectangular panels of perforated stone windows that flank these doorways. The vertical bands with marble trimmings complete the beauty of these flanking wall surfaces on the outside of the structure (Fig. 6). The interior walls too are attractive with their arabesque patterns carved in low relief. The naskhi inscriptions of the structure proclaim the Sultan’s greatness, his association with the famed Alexander the Great and his religious piety.

Figure 6: Alai Darwaza (Source:https://www.sahapedia.org/sites/default/files/styles/sp_inline_images/public/15_16.j pg?itok=haGqZTDj

The Darwaza is also distinctive because of its very successful use of the ‘true arch’ (radiating voussoires) in its inside. It appears here as a squinch arch, employed in the transition zone where the circular octagonal rim of the dome has to transform into the square rim of the hall.

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Through an ingenious use of successive recessed squinch arches, forming a cluster of pointed arches, the weight of the domed ceiling is successfully transferred to the square hall below. The principle used here, as for the dome and other arches of the building is the method of radiating voussoirs (true arch) and not corbelling, as seen in the adjoining mosque. The indigenous artisan by now had mastered the new Saracenic arch. 5.1.3.2 Tomb of Iltutmish (1235) Located on the north-west corner of Iltutmish’s extension is his tomb, a square plan of 42 feet on each side. Open on three sides of north, south and east, its exterior is plain except for some patterned borders on the entry gateways (Fig. 7). It once had a shallow dome surmounting it that collapsed or probably was left unfinished, because of the wider span that it had to roof but was disproportionate and its remnants can be seen today lying around. But the interiors of the structure are very ornately embellished. Its red sandstone walls have marble insertions and trimmings with Quranic calligraphic panels in Kufic, Tughra and Nastaliq formats. The other eye-catching feature of this early tomb is the mihrab on the western wall that resolves into three receding mihrabs with marble inserts.

Figure 7: The Tomb of Iltutmish (Source:https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/1/1d/Tomb_of_Altamash.jp g/220px-Tomb_of_Altamash.jpg) Among the other structures at the Qutb complex, there is a much ruined building that is ‘L’ shaped with blocks of rooms and halls. Conjectured to be the ruins of a seminary, the interiors make use of pendentives, instead of the squinch arch in the transition zone. Another dilapidated structure here, also built by Ala ud-Din Khalji, is a tomb, widely thought to be the Sultan’s. These structures are in the Seljuk tradition. A later octagonal Lodi tomb of Imam Zamin with latticed screens and some late Mughal era structures like a garden, a mosque and a serai comprise the other buildings of the complex.

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Conclusion Interpreting the Qutb complex: Multiple Narratives The re-use of temple material to construct the first royal mosque in India after the Ghurid conquest has dominated the multiple narratives regarding this important monument. This has generally followed two streams. In the first and more in circulation among the general public, the complex has been widely read as the Quwwat-ul Islam masjid or the ‘Might of Islam’ mosque. A mighty Islam with its ideology of iconoclasm, leading to social fissures is implicated in these writings. However, Sunil Kumar’s essay on the Qutb has shown that the phrase, Quwwat-ul Islam actually never occurs anywhere in the mosque’s inscriptional programme, nor it does in any contemporary Persian writings. According to him, instead it was corruption of the name, Qubba’-i Islam, (sanctuary of Islam), sometimes used for Iltutmish’s Delhi in the 13th century. This phrase later in the late 18th and early 19th centuries came to be used for the Sufi saint Qutbud-Din Bakhtiyar Kaki (d. 1235), the revered patron saint of Delhi. The adjoining minaret was the saint’s staff (Qutb sahib ki lath) that pierced the sky to give stability, order and shelter to the mortals on earth. In popular cosmology it was the saint and not the mosque which was the Qubbat-ul Islam, the sanctuary of Islam. And to honour his charisma, the adjoining minaret was named the Qutb Minar. But in the realm of popular culture, the term Qubbat-ul Islam was transformed into Quwwat-ul Islam or the ‘Might of Islam’ and came to be used for Aibak’s mosque. This in turn fitted well with the military persona of Aibak, buttressed by the use of temple spolia to construct the first mosque. The second stream, a more positive reading of re-cycled material looks at the architectural and iconic evidence of the monument. Here the debate between the colonists and nationalists centres on the extent of indigenous and foreign influences that are seen in these structures. In this paradigm, the Qutb complex is read as a beginning of a ‘Hindu-Muslim’ synthesis in art, a movement towards unity and fusion. It is a start of a new vocabulary of Indo-Islamic architecture, of assimilation and accommodation of technical and aesthetic co-operation of Muslim architect masters and Hindu craftsmen masons. As a final word in this context, it is interesting to mention that in the selective use of certain motifs like the kalash, lotus and the kirtimukhas in the portals of the Qutb mosque, a certain active cultural interaction is seen between two cultures rather than a passive acceptance of forms in a hostile environment. To further conclude, the significance of the complex is evident from the form of the Qutb Minar that was often imitated and integrated in later Sultanate monuments. Smaller replicas of the Minar appear as engaged turrets in the architecture of Begampuri, Khirki, Bara Gumbad and Qila-i-Kuhna mosques. Provincial architecture too imitated the tapering Minar in its buildings. Shahjahan as well modelled a hunting tower, the Hastsal Minar (1634) in Delhi after the lowest storey of the great Minar.

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Long Questions 1. Discuss the various architectural features of the Qutb complex. 2. What new architectural features were introduced by the Turks in India? Illustrate your answer with a case study of the Qutb complex. Short Notes 1. Qutb Minar 2. Qutb Mosque 3. Quwwatul-Islam mosque 4. Alai Darwaza Essential Readins ➢ Sharma, Y. D., Delhi and its Neighbourhood, ASI, Delhi, 1982 (3rd print). ➢ Sharma, Y.D and J. A. Page, Qutb Minar and Adjoining Monuments, ASI, Delhi, 2002. Selected Readings ➢ Brown, Percy, Indian Architecture: The Islamic Period, D. B. TaraporevalaSons and Co. Pvt. Ltd., Bombay, 1942 (3rd edition). ➢ Asher, Catherine B., Delhi’s Qutb Complex: The Minar, Mosque and Mehrauli, Marg Publications, Mumbai, 2017.

5.2 Vijayanagara (Hampi)

Introduction Hampi, the capital of Vijayanagara is a UNESCO World Heritage Site. It has some 1000 odd monuments scattered over a large area, some standing and some ruined. The geographical terrain of the site comprises of riverine flats, hills and plenty of granite rock. The rich materiality of the area, located on the northern end of the empire combined with the site’s mythical and sacral associations with Shiva and the Ramayana tradition from early pre- Vijayanagara times. This made the area especially attractive for the new capital to come up ofthe newly founded Vijayanagara kingdom. The carefully chosen site’s sacral topography, one can further say, extended well beyond its ‘urban core’ of 10 square kilometers. In fact, the sacral and the temporal often overlapped in the larger metropolitan Vijayanagara landscape of roughly around 350 square kilometers. The structures here are material representations of Vijayanagara’s imperial ideology and its strategies of legitimization and control.

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Plan of the City Hampi was a city planned on a grand scale. Recent researches by George Michell, John M. Fritz and others have documented that the city comprised of roughly three zones: the Sacred Centrealong the south of river Tungabhadra in hilly areas; a second broad zone, south of it, the ‘urban core’ with the Royal Centre; and in between these two came the third zone, the agricultural zone marked by an irrigation canal (Fig.1). The sacred zone has religious structures belonging to pre-Vijayanagara times, like the Virupaksha shrine besides others. The later urban core, because it essentially came up in imperial times has no such pre- Vijayanagara shrines. Also to be noted is, keeping in view the researches by Michell and Fritz that these sacral and royal zones are not strict absolute categories. For interestingly, the Royal Centre too has some 60 ruined temples, establishing the fact that no strict categorizations regarding the sacral and royal were really adhered to in conceiving the plan, space and function of the new capital city.

Figure 1: Plan of Hampi (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/Map1.gif)

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The sacral area has temples, among others, dedicated to Krishna, Virupaksha, Tiruvengalanatha (Venkateshvara / Srinivasa), Vitthala, Ranganathaand Kodandarama. The centrality of religious shrines in the ideological underpinnings of Vijayanagara is evident from the names of surrounding localities of several temple complexes. These areas were named after the shrines or temple deities in their vicinity; the area thus having a separate identity. The area around the temple of Virupaksha on the riverfront was called Virupakshapura and the one around the Krishna temple on the north of the dividing irrigation canal was called Krishnapura. Sometimes the residential areas had quarters named after the king, who had patronized their construction. Inspite of presence of large number of Shaivite and Vaishnavite temples, archaeological evidence throws up a cosmopolitan character of the imperial city. Religious pluralism can be seen in the remains of tombs, mosques, gravestones and cemeteries that are found on the eastern edge of the urban core. The two southern suburbs of the city, Kamalapuram and Kadirampur too were Muslim quarters. We know Vijayanagara employed Muslim soldiers in its armies and Muslim artisans and merchants were a regular part of its population. Besides these Muslim quarters, there is evidence of Jaina quarters as well in the south-east of the Royal Centre (Fig. 1). Excavations under the Vijayanagara Research Project have shown that fronting all the principal temples were long paved roads. These were lined on both the sides by various structures of houses, ware houses and shops. Remnants of these buildings can be seen today in roughly hewn stone pillars, beams and roof slabs that are strewn around. Some of these buildings would have been two-storied structures. The walls were originally of plastered wood or rubble and were capped with wooden and thatched roofs. A 16th century inscription refers to the road beginning in front of the Hazara Rama temple as a ‘big bazaar street’. That Vijayanagara was a commercial centre is also testified by the presence of four large bazaars that were located in the Royal Centre. The city’s fortified walls and shops with their merchandise have been graphically described by the Portuguese traveller, Domingo Paes (1520). Vijayanagara, in much of its history was constantly at war with her neighbours, so it is not surprising that massive walls of stone-clad packed earth surrounded the core and suburban areas of the capital. Recent research has established that some 650 square kilometres were encircled by these defensive walls with bastions, ramparts and watch posts. The ones in the royal area are as high as 10 meters and are particularly thick. Catchment basins and water reservoirs were built in between these rings of walls. These walls therefore, served people’s daily needs and were a part of Vijayanagara’s militaristic pursuits as well. The city had extensive waterworks as well. Several water aqua-ducts are archaeologically documented. The royal area comprised of palaces, women’s quarters, baths, stables and several religious shrines, the most spectacular being the Hazara Rama temple for royal worship. Wells and tanks are found alongside remains of Chinese porcelain and other pottery all over in the larger metropolitan area of Hampi, thus confirming widespread urban habitat.

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Temple Architecture General Observations Vijayanagara rulers were great patrons of temples and shrines of both Shaivite and Vaishnavite deities. Temples dedicated to Virupaksha, a form of Shiva, the patron-deity of Hampifrom pre-Vijayanagara times continued to be built, although the later dynasties patronized Vaishnavism and shrines came up associated with the Ramayana tradition. Under the Tuluvas, cults from other parts of the kingdom too were incorporated in the capital in order to integrate their sanctity for legitimization of the state. The inclusion of new cults and continuation of older cults and temples resulted in intense temple building and kings and the elite increasingly patronized them, as the temples became larger and more ornate. Among the early imports into Vijayanagara city were the cults and shrines of Mallikarjuna of Srisailam and Kalahastishvara of Kalahasti, all important Shaivite dieties from outside the capital. Krishnadevaraya installed the image of Balakrishna, brought from Udaigiri fort of Gajapatisin a shrine in Krishnapura in the Sacred Centre (1514). The Tiruvengalanatha temple (1534) housed the image of Venkateshvara from Tirumalai and atleast 8 more temples are dedicated to this Vaishnavite diety. Similarly many temples dedicated to Ranganatha (form of Vishnu) of Srirangam too are found on the site. The cult of Vitthala, imported from Pandharpur, by 16th century is seen in the great Vitthala temple in the Sacred Centre. The grandeur of the temple rivals the temple of Virupaksha here. Both these were enlarged with additions a number of times. The suburbs, to the south of the core area of Hampi too had shrines, most important here being the Pattabhirama temple. Elements of religious pluralism in the capital city can be seen in the worship shrines of minority religious communities. The remains of atleast 6 Jaina temples are documented in the eastern side of the Royal Centre in the Jaina quarters. Among the well-known example is the Ganagitti temple (1386), dedicated to Kunthu Jinanatha. The structure follows a later Chalukya style but is overall a characteristic Vijayanagara creation. Most of these temples are situated along the main roads that lead from the Royal Centre to the river and beyond. Mosques, tombs and gravestones are found in the north-east end of the urban core in the Muslim quarter of the city. A dated mosque here belongs to the year1439. Stylistic Development and Characteristics Early Vijayanagara temple architecture in and around the capital adhered to contemporary regional forms of southern Deccan, where Hampi is located.The early shrines, like the 14thcentury Virupaksha temple at the Royal Centre and some other smaller shrines in the southern part of the site mark the ‘Deccan style’ of Hoysalas and Kakatiyas. However, by early 15th century, a distinctive Vijayanagara style, combining elements of the more southern, the Dravida style of the Cholas, Pandyas and the Deccan evolved through assimilation and adaptation. The preferred material for standardised construction was granite and its local variation, rather than schist that had been used earlier. But not all temple-building activity at

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Vijayanagara conformed to this Tamil-zone inspired manner, variations persisted following regional practices or specific needs of legitimization. It is interesting that under the Aravidus, Chalukyan architectural material was reused in structures at Hampi; a need was felt in the 16th century to invoke the Chalukyan imperium. Distinctive features of the Vijayanagara style include the pradakshina (high walled walkaways around the central shrine), sculpted basements of structures, ornate pillared mandapas (assembly halls) with huge double-roll cornices and gopuras (lofty temple gateways set in high walls). The Vijayanagara pillar characteristically consists of base mouldings topped by square sections alternating with multi-faced, usually octagonal bands. The middle band usually has different number of facets from those immediately above and below. From the bottom of each square section, at the corners, hang heavy drop-like pendents, while from the top rise huge nagapadams (small oblong leaf shaped projections) at the corners. The middle of the pillar is usually a figural sculpture. The corbel or bracket of the Vijayanagara pillar is simple with a distinctive pendent drop. This column, derived from Pallava cave templesis very versatile, as aptly put by George Michell. When the height of each square is elongated into a rectangle, the pillar is rendered tall, slender and elegant; if left into a square, it is short and massive and then tends to stand for embodiment of power and stability. These pillars have elaborate bases, cornices and entablatures and often show rearing yalis (a mythical animal, part lion, part griffin) or horses, always mounted, surging forward. Strangely, the motif of horses witharmed riders is not found in the architecture of the capital city. Some Key Temple Complexes The Virupaksha shrine, dedicated to Shiva is one of the oldest temples of Hampi where worship is still offered. The shrine had existed in pre-Vijayanagara times in the Hemkuta hills, located in the Sacred Centre. Sangamas built it to splendid heights, as an offering to the patron-deity of their capital. The temple was enlarged and built with new innovative structures several times during the course of Vijayanagara history. Krishnadevaraya added an open mandapa with ornate pillars to the edifice in 1510. The outer pillars of this structure are composed of clusters of flute shaped colonettes, a characteristic Vijayanagara feature, while the middle piers on each outer side take the form of yalis. The pillars at the corners have sculptures of double yalis with riders and yalis also adorn the pillars of the inner hall. Two pillars of the inner central hall are very distinctive in the treatment of their shafts that are entirely covered with stone relief work. A huge wall dripstone covers the roll cornice as part of the roofing (Fig. 2). A pyramidal gopura with a barrel-shaped roof was as well added to the mandapa to its eastern side. In addition, also in the Tuluva period, a ceremonial avenue with roads, shops and stores on either side was appended to the front of the temple.

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Figure 2 : Mandapa Addition, Virupaksha Temple(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/VirupakshaInte.jpg) The Krishna temple, built by Krishnadevaraya (1516) to commemorate his victory over the Gajapatis is a typical early example of the Vijayanagara imperial style. In plan, the sanctuary is surrounded by a passageway with an enclosed inner mandapa with side porches. A second, outer square mandapa, open on three sides is also a part of the temple plan. The walls of the passageway and the mandapas have regularly placed pilasters that create alternating projections and voids / recesses. The projections in turn have deep niches with sculptures framed by smaller pairs of colonettes with shallow pediments. The voids or recesses have pilasters standing in pots (kalash) that are embellished with bands and fringes. The pyramidal tower of the vimana (the main shrine in the Dravida tradition) is of brick and plaster and was originally painted to match with the granite below. The top roof is hemispherical in shape. Earlier perhaps similar domical roofs capped the mandapas and the subsidiary porches. An example of a typical Vijayanagaragopura is the entrance gateway to the Pattabhirama temple (16th century) on the outskirts of Hampi. The gopura here is a rectangular structure with a central passageway. The pyramidal shaped tower of diminishing storeys is made of brick and plaster with timber insides. A barrel-vaulted roof (shala roof) caps the tower, the ends of which are marked by horseshoe-shaped arches. All these features have their origins in the Tamil Chola-Pandya tradition. In certain conventionalized and expanded form, the mode became the official style of the empire in not just its Tamil zone but also in the Telugu and the Kannada zone. However, regional styles continued to persist in the hilly areas of the western Kannada and in the coastal zones of the Kanara. As the Vijayanagara imperium unfolded during the course of 15th and 16th centuries, increase in royal power came to be accompanied by increase in the size of the temple area. Lofty temples were built with highly ornate pillars and pilasters in spacious mandapas and gopur as became increasingly distinctive, as the temple rituals and activities increased. We shall discuss two more key temples to illustrate the point. The Hazara Rama temple, not of any big dimensions but one of the finest, in the heart of the Royal Centre was built for courtly and ceremonial rituals and may have served as a private chapel for Devaraya I. It was further expanded by Krishnadevaraya (1520). The structure in its layout conforms to the Vitthala and the Dravida temple style but some features are noteworthy here. It is contained within a rectangular compound, the outer walls of which are embellished with relief carvings. Columned verandahs without towers form the entrances on the east and north (Fig. 3). The columns here have double capitals that are capped by overhanging eaves. Figural sculpture

185 adorns these pillars. The vimana, occupying the centre of the courtyard is square with soft carvings. Here are pilasters capped with pediments that are typical of the Vijayanagara style. The projections and deep recesses are embellished with pilasters and colonettes, sometimes standing in jeweled pots. Sculptures in the niches have not survived, but narrative carvings cover the wall surfaces. The brick and plaster tower over the sanctuary is a pyramidal shape that is topped with a kuta(dome-on-square) roof.

Figure 3: EntrancePavillion,HazaraRamaTemple(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/ HazaraInterior.jpg) There is an adjoining square mandapa here in the complex, approached through porches on three sides. The doorways are flanked by basement mouldings that are exquisitely carved with lotus petals, jeweled ribs and miniature animals. The unusual design of the four central polished granite pillars with curved lotus brackets and effusively sculptured blocks are distinctive. A secondary shrine to the north of the complex with two small rectangular sanctuaries is also a part of this temple. The climax of architectural activity at Vijayanagara is best represented by the Vitthala temple (Fig. 4). The Vitthala’s construction began with Devaraya II (1422-46), was expanded by Krishnadevaraya (1513) and further expanded in subsequent reigns. It is more ornate than the Hazara Rama. It stands in a courtyard of 152 metres by 94 metres with three towered entry gateways on the north, south and the east. The central structure, dedicated to Vitthala is 7.6 metres high. An outer open mandapa, appended to the main shrine in 1554, is its most magnificent part. This ardha-mandapa (open pillared pavilion), perched on a plinth of 1.5 metres height has an ornate basement adorned with a frieze of horses and attendants, niches with figures of gods, elephants and yali balustrades that flank the access steps on the three sides. The outer piers have groups of slender flute shaped colonettes surrounding the main shafts, fashioned ingeniously from a single block of stone. The structure is capped by finely shaped double-curved ornamented rolled eaves, a borrowing from the Deccan, a typical Vijayanagara feature. The 56 pillars, each 3-6 metres high are hewn out of solid blocks of

186 granite. Each of these piers takes the form ofa delicately carved pillar, at times comprising of divinities in their various animated forms or rearing animals, mythical or half natural. Over these pillars rest immense bracket supports, combined with heavily carved entablatures. The ceilings comprise of deeply recessed lotus designs.

Figure 4: Interior, Vitthala Temple (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/VithalaDark.jpg) Another notable structure within the enclosure, but detached from the main temple in the south-east is the kalyanamandapa (marriage pavilion) with 48 ornately carved pillars. Its outer piers have pairs of rearing beasts in the middle of each side and clusters of colonettes at the corners. Ornate brackets support the pillars inside and the lotus designed ceiling completes the beauty of the structure. An exquisitely carved monolithic temple ratha (chariot), standing in the courtyard of the precinct is another architectural marvel that further enhances the beauty of the complex (Fig. 5). The walls of the structure have pilastered niches and colonettes at the corners, a typical Vijayanagara feature. The brick and plaster tower with a hemispherical roof is no longer preserved.

Figure5 : The Ratha, Vitthala Temple (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/vitthala-2-3b.jpg)

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The Hampi temple experiments were repeated in the rest of the major regions of the empire. Ingenious examples, in no way inferior, can be seen at Vellore, Kumbakonam, Kanchipuram and other places. The ‘Horse Cart’of the Ranganatha temple at Srirangam (16th century) is a perfect example of the rearing horse motif that in no uncertain terms represents the culmination of extravagant Vijayanagara style. Palace Architecture General Observations As compared to temples, which have survived in abundant numbers, palace architectural examples are far less in number. This is because of the perishable material that was used to construct them. The repeated sieges and wars too would have caused much damage. Another problem that researchers face is that palaces of this time lack any precise historical context. Most of them were expanded over long periods of time, resulting in complex building histories. Also it is very difficult to assign precise functions to these structures. But certainly one fact is clear that these are not religious structures and for certain belong to the realm of pure civic architecture. They are examples of royal and elite activity, as their architectural forms disassociate them from any religious functions. As anywhere else, these royal settlements in pre-modern states are all set in fortified settings. We have already mentioned about the massive stone walls, earthern ramparts, moats and huge gateways that mark the plan of Hampi. Similar pattern is seen in other fortified sites of Gingee, Chandragiri, Penukonda and Vellore. Among the gateways, a fine example is a one, south-eastof the Royal Centre that has a large dome raised high on four pointed arches (Fig. 7). Another example, from the north-east, has an upper façade with arched openings and a parapet. These domed and arched features are derived from the neighbouring Bahmanid architecture.

Figure 6: Domed Gateway (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/DomedGate.jpg)

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Stylistic Development Recent archaeological findings have found that the earliest civil structures at Vijayanagara use a combination of permanent and perishable materials for construction. Foundations were laid out with granite blocks without any use of mortar. The floors of these structures used plaster while walls made use of rubble, faced with brickwork. Timber was used for supporting columns and tiles were employed for roofs of the structures. Needless to say, only the masonry parts have survived. These surviving parts indicate halls on square or rectangular plans, supported by columns. Some residences, most certainly of the nobles, had ascending floors and were arranged in ‘U’ shaped formations. The residences probably had one or more small chambers on topmost floors, linked by narrow corridors. These courtly structures were probably capped by pyramidal towers and had a profuse use of columns in verandahs and porches. Foreign visitors testify to sumptuous use of semi-precious stones and ivory panels inset into walls and pillars. Glittering metal covered the cornices and finials of these structures. None survive today. Interestingly, in one of these ‘palaces’ in the north of the dividing canal, Chinese porcelain pieces have been found. A second building tradition discerned at Vijayanagara is inspired by the Bahmani sultanates. These second group of buildings are of crudely cut stone blocks set in thick mortar and veneered with plaster, a solid masonry that explains their comparatively better preserved condition. The Lotus Mahalis one of the best preserved examples of this group. It makes use of arches, often cusped to frame doorways, niches and windows. At times these arches support the domes and vaults of the Lotus Mahal. Geometric and foliate patterns in stucco are used as decoration on plastered walls. All these are derived from Indo-Islamic Bahmanid features. However, this borrowing was not a simple straightlift, instead ingenuity is seen in a blend of temple architectural and Bahmanid features. A new synthesis is seen in double- curved eaves, pyramidal towers with ribbed finials and plaster sculptures from temple architecture, blended well with arches and domes. This architectural blended idiom, closely identified with royalty, was repeated in other royal centres of Penukonda and Chandragiri. Sacral and the Temporal: The Royal Centre at Hampi-Vijayanagara The Royal Centre lies on the western half of the urban residential core area, located south of the Sacred Centre. According to Michell and others, the site is divided by tapering granite walls into a number of irregular interlocking enclosures. These enclosed areas are entered by gateways and linked by small doorways. The Hazara Rama temple stands at the middle of these enclosures; and it is around this temple that the courtly structures are arranged. According to John M.Fritz, the Ramachandra temple is central to the planning of the city. It provides the symbolic and the spatial node around which all structures are enclosed. The temple is the nucleus of the Royal Centre, from which the king’s authority emanated outwards to the city and the empire. The temple is also the focus of the road system of the city, as many major roads converge around it. The north-south axis of the temple divides the Royal Centre into an eastern zone of royal performance and a western zone of royal

189 residences. At the same time, it axially aligns the temple with important structures that include audience halls, ceremonial platforms, pleasure pavillions, residences, stores and stables. The temple wasthe centre of king’s public and private life. The king and God were the focus of Hampi-Vijayanagara, and the rayas were conceived as Rama incarnate. This relationship was further emphasized by the Ramayana reliefs that are depicted on the inner face of the enclosure wall of the temple. And the interesting part is that they appear along with five courses of royal pageantry on the outer face of the same wall. The Hundred-columned hall in one of the enclosures is one of the earliest structures in the Royal Centre, south of the Rama temple. It is some 40 metres square with ten rows of ten column footings, probably intended to support timber posts that no longer exist. Access from three sides is provided by steps with stone balustrades. It had an upper storey in timber that again no longer exists. A later addition of a longer flight of steps approached it. A pile of rubble on the west side, suggesting a chamber, in all probability was the seat of the Raya or some authority. Abdul Razzaq, the horse trader and emissary, describes one such hundred- columned hall and if this structure is the same, then this is one of the earliest examples of audience halls extant in South Indian palace architecture. Within the same enclosure are smaller pillared structures, built closed together and cluster around the Hundred-columned hall. There are also here two large ceremonial tanks, further south and east. One of them is stepped, faced with green schist derived from southern Maharashtra region (Fig. 7). Inscriptions on the stone blocks suggest that they were fashioned at another place before being transported and assembled at these sites. Excavations have found remnants of aqua-ducts and channels that supplied water to these tanks.

Figure 7: Stepped Tank (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/StepTank.jpg) The most striking of all ruined structures of Hampi are the ceremonial platforms, and the most spectacular of them is ‘The Great Platform’, today called the Mahanavami Dibba (Fig. 8). It is located in the north-east corner of the enclosure and perhaps erected in the early days in 14th century. This unique platform covers a floor area of 5,300 square feet and rises by 3 stepped square terraces with slightly sloping granite walls to a height of some 40 feet above. It has a base measuring 11,700 square feet. In the 16th century, it would have been topped by another level that was supported by wooden columns, though not extant now. The blocks are covered with shallow carvings, depicting royal activities (Fig. 9). The style is bold and lively and with a rugged element. Stairs on three sides lead up to the platform. The western face of the structure is clothed by schist slabs, put at a later date, maybe under Krishnadevaraya. The

190 mouldings, carvings and niches with royal figures and animals here are reminiscent of temple architecture of 16th century.

Figure 8: The Great Platform (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/Kings_Platform1.jpg)

Figure 9: Royal Hunt (The Great Platform) (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/Hunting.jpg) Many of these features of ‘The Great Platform’ correspond to the House of Victory, described by Domingo Paes. It is possible that the Vijayanagara royals conducted their rituals of tutelage and received homages around these ceremonial platforms. These structures were sites of celebration of the grand festival of Mahanavami as well. The Ramachandra temple, the Hundred-columned hall and ‘the great platform’ are mentioned in the descriptions of the Mahanavami festival by 16th century travelers to the city. In this context, it is apt to call Vijayanagara both a ritualistic and an administrative centre, where sacral and temporal arenas overlapped.

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Outside the enclosure of the Hundred-columned-hall and the Mahanavami platform, to the south-east corner is a bathing pavillion, the Queen’s Bath (Fig.10). Derived from Bahmanid examples, the structure consists of arcaded corridors arranged on four sides of a square water basin, with balconies of arched openings overlooking the water tank. Domes and vaults appear in the corridors. The exterior is plain, many structures being removed from here. A small moat surrounds the structure, with a chute for transporting water into the central basin. An aqua-duct nearby testifies to a planned water system.

Figure10: Queen’sBath(Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/QueensBath.jpg) Among the structures whose function remains ambivalent is the best preserved Lotus Mahal, mention of which has been made. The two-storeyed pavilion on the north of ‘the great platform’ is situated in the north-east quadrant of the Royal Centre (Fig.11). It has double projections on each side and a staircase is added to its north-west corner. The top consists of nine multi-tiered pyramidal towers with ribbed finials. Piers with cusped arches support the vaults that are overhung by double-curved eaves. The richly decorated exterior has plaster friezes of birds, botanical motifs of stalks, petals, stylized roundels and figures of yali.

Figure11: Lotus Mahal (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/Images/Lotus%20MahalJMF.jpg) Within the same enclosure as the Lotus Mahal are some embellished courtly residences: two such structures have been identified. One such in the north-west corner is a rectangular vaulted structure conjectured to be guards’ quarters or better still a treasury, arsenal or a gymnasium. All these monuments were overlooked by watch-posts set in surrounding walls. Another celebrated structure at Hampiare the Elephant Stables (Fig. 12), situated beyond the Lotus Mahal to the east. A long line of 11 vaulted chambers, accommodating one or two animals face the spacious parade grounds to the west. The arched entrances and flat domes are Bahmanid, while the 12 faced vaults with ribbed finials with which the domes alternate are indigenous devices. The domed ceilings use lotus petals from the temple tradition. The structure is a perfect blend of various traditions.

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Figure12: Elephant Stables (Source:https://www.penn.museum/sites/VRP/images/ElephantStble.jpg) New excavations have discovered numerous residential structures within the enclosures in the western half of the Royal Centre, clustered together and identified as noblemen’s quarters. Mention has been made of the stone basements of these houses, having three tiered ascending mouldings and arranged around an open court in ‘U’ shaped formations. The courtly features here in this area are an octagonal pavilion and a nine-domed reception hall. A short distance from these structures is a water structure with an irregular octagonal plan. The Vijayanagara palace model did not confine itself to the capital city alone. It came to be seen in other parts of the empire as well from late 16th and early 17th centuries. Examples can be seen in Penukonda, Chandragiri and later in the imposing ceremonial halls at Tanjavur and Madurai. Conclusion To sum up, according to George Michell, three stylistic processes can be discerned in the art and architecture of Vijayanagara. These processes at work are not mutually exclusive but are overlapping and interacting movements. The first process looks backwards to past forms through a conscious archaism. This revivalist tendency is best seen in the temple vimanas from Chola, Pandyan times that remained conservative in most examples. The second process looks at new forms and types; it looks forward. This is seen in the evolution of temple gopuras and mandapas. As the religious-ritualistic activities increased with kingly power, larger and larger temples were built with lofty mandapas and gopuras. We discussed some of these innovative forms. Improvisation is the key in the third process that resulted in stylistic synthesis, as seen inpalace architecture, where influences came in from Bahmanids or even from larger Indo-Islamic traditions. These influences are seen in the forms and techniques of arches, domes, corbels, embellishments and use of solid masonry. These ‘Muslim’ building techniques, forms and decorative motifs were assimilated and adapted andnever just borrowed. They were successfully integrated in the architectural vocabulary of Vijayanagara.

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Long Questions 1. Write an essay on the Vijayanagara architectural style. 2. Discuss the main features of Vijayanagara temple architecture. 3. Discuss the palace architecture of the city of Hampi-Vijayanagara. Short Notes 1. Plan of the city of Hampi 2. Hazara Rama Temple 3. The Vitthala Temple 4. MahanavamiDibba 5. The Royal Centre at Vijayanagara Bibliography: Essential Readings ➢ Devakunjari, D., B. Narasimhaiah, Hampi, ASI, New Delhi, 2007. ➢ Fritz, John M., George Michell, Hampi, Jaico, Mumbai, 2014. Suggested Readings ➢ Fritz, John M. and George Michelle (eds), New Light on Hampi: Recent Research at Vijayanagara, Marg Publications, Mumbai, 2001. ➢ Michell, George., Architecture and Art of Southern India, Vijayanagara and the Successor States, The New Cambridge History of India, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1995.

5.3 Fatehpur Sikri

The Palace-Dargah of Fatehpur Sikri (Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=palace+dargah+of+fatehpur+sikri&biw) (To see the palace dargah of Fatehpur Sikri visit: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5ipZ6hIjaFQ)

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Fatehpur Sikri (1570 - 85), the new capital city of Mughal emperor Akbar (1556 - 1605), was founded around the hospice of Shaikh Salim Chishti, the Sufi saint of Sikri, a small hamlet, some 38 kilometres, west of Agra. According to the contemporary Persian sources, the emperor shifted his capital from Agra to honour the Shaikh, through whose intercession he had been blessed with an heir, the future Jahangir. Just as earlier, his father Humayun’s tomb was placed near Shaikh Nizam ud-Din Auliya’s Chishti dargah (a Sufi shaikh’s tomb or shrine) at Delhi, so did Akbar make another Chishti shrine, the site of his new capital. The palace, the public areas, and the religious structures of the Jami mosque and the khanqah (the Sufi hospice) were combined together in this enigmatic city. The khanqah must have become a dargah at the demise of the saint (1572). The city was however, abandoned within 15 years, because of the political exigencies that prompted the Mughal capital to move to Lahore or as some hold, the move came because of lack of water supply. Built on a rocky ridge, 3 kilometres long and 1 kilometre wide, the city is surrounded by 11 kilometres of wall, except on the south where there was a lake. Structures are made of the locally quarried red sandstone, called the Sikri sandstone. Roughly the plan of the city follows the naqsha-i manzil, the layout of the imperial destination/camp, as described by the court historian Abul Fazl, when the emperor was on the move and how his dwelling was laid out in chintz, cloth and props. But the identification and original purpose of most buildings of this camp in stone, remains in question till today. The names the structures bear today were invented for the benefit of 19thcentury European visitors by the local guides. Also, it is possible, the buildings did have many functions as in traditional pre-modern societies there is little to separate the private spaces from the public, as the buildings were adapted to serve many functions. The palace complex with the religious structures makes up the main city but besides these, the city had dwellings of nobles, baths, serais, a bazaar, gardens, schools and workshops. It was more than a simple royal residence, was an economic, administrative and an imperial base. The khanqah, situated on the west, is the highest point on the ridge, the focal point of Akbar’s city of victory (Fatehpur). Inside this sacred place, in the courtyard stands the lofty Jami Masjid, entered from three sides. Its southern portal is the enormous gateway, the Buland Darwaza. The courtyard of the mosque contains the tomb of the revered saint. Beneath this courtyard are water reservoirs, connected to the lake on the southern side. The Buland Darwaza, towering to a height of 54 metres, was built in 1573, to commemorate Akbar’s victory of Gujarat, and then Sikri began to be called as Fatehpur Sikri. The Quranic inscriptions on the gate allude to a promise of a paradise to true believers. The purpose of the gate, in this sense befits an entrance to a khanqah much more than a victory gate. The Jami Masjid is situated on the west side, the qibla (direction of prayer) being the west, to face Mecca, as required. An inscription on the mosque’s east facade states that it was built in 1571 - 72 by the Shaikh himself. Interior inscriptions give the date 1574, probably that of completion. Measuring 89 by 20 metres, the mosque must have been at that time the largest Mughal mosque. The exterior is a high central pishtaq (a high arch or a portal), flanked by

195 delicately arched side wings. A row of small chattris (free standing canopy turret) lines the eastern edge of the roof. Multiple arched openings, resting on slender pillars are reminiscent of pre-Mughal Mandu and Chanderi mosques. The superstructure too, seems modelled after these mosques, only difference being that here there are small chattris, instead of small domes. The facade overall is pre-Mughal but the pishtaq, a Timurid feature is a Mughal innovation. In the interior, the main prayer chamber is just behind the high pishtaq. It is ornamented with white marble inlaid into red sandstone to form intricate geometric patterns. Painted arabesques and floral motifs with a use of polychrome and gilt suggest the intricacy of Timurid prototype once again. Such embellishment is known from Lodi and Sur times but never with such sophistication. Side wings that flank the central bay are composed of multi- aisled trabeated bays and a double-aisled pillared verandah. The slender pillars here are like the ones at Jahangiri Mahal in Agra fort. Akbar himself swept the floors of this mosque, read the khutba (Friday sermon) himself in 1579, and inspite of the orthodox ulema (the religious custodians of Islam), a few months later issued a declaration (mahzarnama), assigning himself powers to decide even religious matters. The portals of Fatehpur Sikri became the ground for the emperor to play his imperial vision of consolidating his unfettered authority and establishing a rule based on the still nascent concept of Sulh-i Kul(peace with all), the basis of his power, on which rests his lasting legacy. Shaikh Salim Chishti’s tomb was completed almost a decade later in 1580 - 81, after his demise in 1572. The white marble dargah, jewel like, is a single domed building of 15 metres square. A passageway runs around in the interior to facilitate circumambulation. The outer walls of this Gujarat derived structure are composed of intricately carved white marble screens (jalis). This feature is earlier seen at Shaikh Ahmad Khattu’s tomb at Sarkhej, Gujarat. Beautifully carved serpentine brackets support the deep eaves (chajjas) that encircle the shrine and its projecting south entrance porch. This pre-Mughal tradition was derived from Indo-Islamic architecture of Gujarat, Mandu and Chanderi. The screens and the multi- coloured stone flooring, similar to the one at Sarkhej, were donated by one of Akbar’s nobles, who had served Gujarat. There is a possibility that artisans may have come from Gujarat to build this tomb. Among the non-religious structures at Sikri, the palace complex lies to the southeast of the mosque. This part was clearly planned, for the palace is axially and geometrically related to the khanqah. Geometry here serves as a metaphor for Akbar’s control and power. The Hathiya Pol, or Elephant Gate, at the southern end was the main imperial entry point. Here was a drum house (naqqar khana) and a large serai. As one enters inside, there is access to both the mosque side and the palace quarters, including the Daulat Khana-i Khass o Amm (Public Audience Hall), an important administrative building. At the foot of the Hathiya Pol is a minaret, the Hiran Minar, considered to be a hunting tower. Derived from Iranian prototypes, the structure with its protruding stones was probably a mile post (kos minar). The Daulat Khana-i Khass o Amm to its west was entered by a long road, lined with shops. This

196 secular complex faces the other religious end of the Jami Masjid and the dargah, the two focal points of Akbar’s empire. The structure is a simple pillared flat-roofed verandah. In the central west side is a projection for the emperor’s seat. Behind on the west side, between the Jami and the Public Hall are the rest of the private palace structures, most of whose functions are unidentified. One of these structures is the Anup Talao, a square pool in whose centre is a pavilion, where the emperor may have sat to have religious discussions or the tank was filled with coins, which were distributed by the emperor. Surrounding the tank is Turkish Sultana’s House, almost surely wrongly named so. It is distinguished by a rich tapestry of carvings of intricate geometric patterns, trees, flowers, vines, birds and animals, again reminiscent of Timurid prototypes. The floor level ornamentation indicates that people here sat and not stood like in the Public Audience Hall. On the south edge of Anup Talao, is a multi-storied building, called the Khwabgah, the imperial sleeping chamber. Traces of figural painting and calligraphy can be seen on its walls. One of the painted verses proclaims: ‘the adorner of the realm of Hindustan’, thus confirming the building’s imperial association. The top storey of the pavilion is a central rectangular block, earlier seen at his fort in Allahabad. Immediately to the south of the Khwabgah is the Daftar Khana, or the Records office. It has an open window that overlooks the terrain below. This was Akbar’s Jharokha (a small projecting window/balcony supported on brackets), in which he showed himself daily to the public at daybreak. A small square building, with a pillar shaft in its midst, named the Diwan-i Khass (Private Audience Hall) has evoked much speculation among art historians. Its location, just behind the Public Audience Hall, and aligned with the Jharokha, indicates it might have been the Private Audience Hall. The exterior is like the rest of pavilions but the interior with an elaborated carved pillar in the centre is unique. Its capital is composed of similar serpentine brackets, as in the Saint’s dargah. These brackets, fuller at the top than at the bottom, support a circular platform on top, which is connected to each corner of the building by stone slab walkways. A narrow path, running around connects these walkways. Akbar probably sat on this platform. Some believe that here he projected himself as the Hindu/Buddhist chakravartin, the universal ruler, presiding over all and sundry. However, the eclectic mind of the emperor developed later, after much of Fatehpur Sikri was constructed. As a matter of fact, this is the phase when he looked more towards Islam, both orthodox and popular to draw his legitimacy. Most likely the emperor sat on this platform to project himself as the dominant figure of the empire, its axis and pillar. To the west of this area are small multi-storied trabeated structures. Often they are assumed to be Akbar’s residences for his queens and nobles. Most probably, they housed only princes and women of the household, for all of them are linked to the Khwabgah by covered screened passageways. The tallest of these is the Panch Mahal of five tiers with a large chattri. Pierced

197 stone screen can be seen on its facade, hence would have been meant for imperial women use. The structure looks to be a pleasure pavilion, with its open spaces for cool breezes. The largest among these trabeated structures is today called Jodha Bai’s Palace. This might have been the first palace to be constructed because it directly leads through a once covered passage to the Hathya Pol, the main imperial entrance. The building encloses a courtyard, entered by an arched gate. The rooms of the interior are trabeated, and covered with Gujarat type ornamentation. The brackets atop recessed niches in the walls are like the temple and mosque niches of Gujarat. Similarly the hanging bell and chain motif carved on many pillars has precedents in the Hindu and Muslim architecture of pre-Mughal Gujarat and Bengal. The so called House of Birbal, one of Akbar’s courtiers, inscribed with the date 1572, is also in the vicinity. A phrase that follows the date says: ‘royal mansion of initiation’’, suggesting that its purpose was not residential, but ceremonial or even administrative. The carved ornamentation here as well goes back to pre-Islamic as well as Sultanate architecture. The employment of both ‘Hindu’ and ‘Muslim’ forms by the emperor in the architecture at Fatehpur Sikri has earned for the complex, the epithet of ‘Sulh-i Kul(peace with all) in stone’ - a ‘Hindu’-‘Muslim’ synthesis in stone, running parallel with his eclectic policy of universal toleration. Art historian, Ram Nath, while searching for the sources of Sikri structures has elaborated on the influence of indigenous motifs, ornamentation, local roofs and pillar types, derived from domestic architecture, on the architecture of Fatehpur Sikri. The ‘Hindu’ forms from Gujarat and Jamuna-Chambal region (Delhi, Agra, Dholpur, Gwalior and Malwa) were harmoniously fused with ‘Islamic’ ones to create the perfectly blended Fatehpur Sikri structures. These influences, argues the author, should be seen against the backdrop of the patron’s own eclectic personality. However, we have already mentioned that it is difficult to assign monolithic identities to cultural forms. There is no ‘Hindu’ trabeate nor is there a ‘Muslim’ arcuate. Both the types of buildings used both the systems of construction and ornamentation. Also, Akbar’s choice of a style that would appeal to all regardless of sectarian differences may not have been consciously done at this time because his future policy of universal toleration was still in its formative years. Nonetheless, it certainly speaks volumes for the man that he chose the best from all parts of India and put it all together in a consolidated form. The assimilation of regional forms should also be judged against the backdrop of his earlier policies when he abolished many discriminatory laws against the non-believers. Most historians today look at the shift to Fatehpur Sikri and its architectural forms in a wider context. To Monica Juneja, Fatehpur Sikri was conceived of as a microcosm of the Mughal Empire through reuniting within its spaces a distillation of visual and structural forms that had once belonged to regions brought under the imperial umbrella. She further interprets the complex as flexible, as one open space opens into another, with no central visual control. There is no consummation, no arriving at a point. The functions of the structures are flexible

198 too. It was a manifesto of an empire in the making that had architectural features from all over. For Michael Brand and Glenn D. Lowry, Akbar and his planners focussed on two structures, the mosque, containing the jewel like tomb of Shaikh Salim and Akbar’s imperial palace. The two were ‘ideologically linked’ and ‘formally related’ through the layout of the city and the design of its principal buildings. Beyond these were laid the rest houses, gardens and villas. Fatehpur Sikri and its environs was a 300 mile long corridor running from Agra to Ajmer in the west. In Ajmer, was located Shaikh Muin ud-Din Chishti’s dargah, to which the emperor made annual pilgrimages. The new capital represented a formal point of connection between the older political and spiritual poles of Agra and Ajmer, and Akbar, in situating and designing the city, clearly stated that the spiritual basis for his rule was Islamic. The authors further argue that the new city was an expression of political stability and military victory. The Hall of Private Audience, sometimes identified as the Ibadatkhana, the House of Worship, symbolized the new order of social harmony that Akbar was trying to promote. John F. Richards interprets Fatehpur Sikri against his larger discussion of imperial authority under Akbar and Jahangir. In the first two decades Akbar established his infallible spiritual authority, to make his person the metaphor for the empire. Part of this campaign was to reject Delhi as the seat of power. At this time he built the forts of Agra, Allahabad, Lahore, Rohtas and Attock. Fatehpur Sikri too is a part of that, as it represents the final break with Delhi in 1571, while its forms represent the orthodox religious ideology that he relied on for legitimacy. He combined the mosque and the dargah, legal and mystical Islam into his political authority, against the backdrop of the mahzarnama that gave him unfettered authority. Eventually these forms of Islam were further subordinated to his authority when the sons of the Shaikh were recruited in the imperial service and were not made heirs to the shrine. The Sikri years saw assimilation into his political authority the orthodox and popular Islam, symbolized by the combination of palace and the mosque and the dargah. The abandoning of Sikri led to a change in ideology as well, from religious to more imperial for his legitimacy, as orthodoxy was given up after 1580. Finally, Richards sees Sikri as a secure common post to mobilize forces west towards Rajasthan and Gujarat, and if need be to the east to tackle the Afghans. For Richards, the move to Sikri was to lend an Islamic (in all forms) religious basis to his sovereignty and a political need of a military corridor. Attilio Petruccioli sees a grid system behind the planning of Fatehpur Sikri, though he observes an incongruity within that grid. To him, the romantic association of Fatehpur Sikri and it foundation with the need to honour the saint needs to be shelved. For Petruccioli, Sikri was a political operation to achieve two aims: an attempt to centralize the court and to uproot the nobility from its stronghold of Agra. Fatehpur Sikri is a residential city, a gilded prison for the court, with a lack of military defences here. This was to keep the nobility firmly under control. Petruccioli further sees the city as representing ‘cultured architecture’ in a vernacular style, where tradition piece by piece was put at a higher level. To him the Sikri ‘new style’ was just this, an expanded scale architecture of an imperial ideal and not quite like the

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European Renaissance style which was based on intrinsic factors and configurations that coalesced in a movement.

Buland Darwaza, Fatehpur Sikri, Agra (Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=palace+dargah+of+fatehpur+sikri&biw)

Sheikh Salim Chisti Dargah (Fatehpur Sikri, Agra) (Source: https://www.google.co.in/search?q=sheikh+salim+chishti+dargah&rlz) Glenn D. Lowry is concerned with the rigid alignment of the city’s structures that are east to west or north to south, while the ridge itself is aligned southeast to northwest. This means the

200 terrain is better suited for a diagonal layout but the structures are rigidly aligned following the cardinal directions. The seat of the emperor in the Diwan-i Khass o Amm is oriented to the west. From contemporary sources, it seems the Hall was also a site for prayers till 1582, after which public prayer in the court was abolished. This would mean the people, when they faced the qibla to pray, they actually faced the emperor. The emperor here then symbolically became the qibla of the empire and the city became the setting for articulation of the imperial vision of himself as the master of the physical and spiritual worlds. Lowry further argues that the palaces located between the Diwan-i Khass o Amm and the Jami Masjid are caught between the dual forces of these structures, the two poles of the empire, spiritual and temporal. They are in the middle ground between the formal and spiritual needs of the empire. They are a theatrical setting on a microcosmic level, to enact this vision. The microcosmic is completed by the macrocosmic parallel in Fatehpur Sikri’s position as a royal corridor between the two poles, the temporal Agra and the spiritual Ajmer.

Jama Masjid, (Fatehpur Sikri, Agra) (Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=jama+masjid+fatehpur+sikri+agra)

Diwan- i-Khas (Fatehpur Sikri, Agra) (Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=diwan+e+khas++of+fatehpur+sikri&biw)

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Jodha Bai Palace (Fatehpur Sikri, Agra) (Source:https://www.google.co.in/search?q=jodha+bai+palace+of+fatehpur+sikri&biw) 5.4 Medieval Indian Painting

Miniature Paintings The advent of Islam and the spread of Islamic influence, initiated a new period in Indian history---the medieval period. It also had a direct impact on the realm of painting. The pattern of large scale paintings, which had dominated the scene, was replaced by the miniature painting during the 11th and 12th centuries A.D. The miniature paintings are small paintings. They were often part of manuscripts written at the time and illustrated the subjects of the manuscript. Thus, a new kind of illustration was set during the period under review. Painting during the Sultanate Period There are very few illustration, which can be ascribed to the Sultanate period (13th century -15th century A.D.), e.g., the Bustan manuscript, the illustrated manuscript Nimat Nama painted at Mandu during the reign of Nasir Shah Khalji. NimatNama represents early synthesis of indigenous and Persian style, though it was latter which dominated in the paintings. Another type of painting known as Lodi Khuladar, flourished in the Sultanate domain of North India, extended from Delhi to Jaunpur. Mughal Painting Medieval painting is, largely represented by the Mughal School, which developed during the period of the Mughal empire (16th -19th centuries A.D.). Renowned for their brilliant colours, accuracy in line drawing, detailed realism, intricacy and variety of themes – the Mughal paintings were a class by themselves. It was distinct from all other styles and

202 techniques of Pre-Mughal and Contemporary art. Contrary to Delhi sultanate, the Mughal paintings were more popular and widespread. There were several factors responsible for it – urbanization, better administrative system, exclusive patronage by the rulers and nobility, synthesis of cultural values and tradition of Central Asia, integration of Mughal economy with world economy, etc. In fact painting became a widespread source of livelihood during the rule of Mughals. The Mughal paintings reflect two types of cultural tradition – ‘high culture’ and ‘popular culture’. The notion of ‘high culture’ is equated with the sophisticated elite class with an exclusive taste and high culture products are not shared by the ordinary people as they are expensive, artistic and intellectual creations. The ‘popular culture’ is usually equated with the common people and products of ‘popular culture’ are common, cheap and easy to understand. In the context of Mughal empire, the ‘high culture’ was exclusive domain of Mughal emperors, their nobles who gave exclusive patronage to the artists, whereas, the ‘popular culture’ was associated with aspirations, norms, customs of the general Mughal society and in spite of lack of patronage, it continued to survive, for example, the bazaar paintings. The Mughal painting did not develop in vacuum. It had clear influence of different tradition of contemporary world, namely, Persian, Timurid, Mongolid, Chinese and European. The diffusion of these styles with the indigenous style created a new living tradition of painting, popularly known as Indo-Sino-Persian art. Initially, the Mughal style of painting had dominant Mongolid characteristics but gradually the Mongolid elements diminished and the Indian characteristics came to the forefront. Thus diffusion of various styles led to creation of a new cultural element. The Mughals used paintings as a tool of display of political power, imperial ideology, authority, status and economic prosperity. The Mughal paintings were very rich in variety-in terms of themes and colours. Some of the themes were- illustration of battles, scenes from court life, wild life, hunting, portraits, etc. Rich use of colours obtained from precious stones, metals like gold and silver-were also hallmark of the Mughal paintings.

• Development of the Mughal Painting-Babur to Aurangzeb Although, no works of art can be associated with Babur (A.D. 1526-30), the founder of Mughal dynasty in India, still his ideas which were reflected in his lively autobiography (Waqiat– i – Baburi) was responsible for setting the mood for future Mughal art. The first documented patron of the Mughal painting was Humayua (AD 1530-1556). His visit to Safavi court in A.D. 1544 was crucial to the history of art, as to the empire. It was here that he admired brilliant paintings of Shah Tahmasp’s artists. He invited Safavi artists, Mir Sayyid Ali (a pupil of Bihazad, popularly known as Raphael of the East) and Abd Us – Samad to join his court in Kabul in A.D. 1549. Of the two, Mir Sayyid Ali, a brilliant designer of arabesque was the sharpest but it was with flexible and adaptable Abd Us-Samad that a relatively longer, productive phase of the Mughal art began. In other words, it was he

203 who adjusted his Safavi style to fulfil the growing desire of the Mughal ruler for accurate portraiture and anecdotal reportage. One of the most famous Mughal painting, ‘The House of Timor’ is considered as a work of Abd Us-Samad.This picture on cotton is a major monument of early Mughal art and its grandness, magnificent colours reflect Humayun’s royal taste. It was brought up-to-date by the later Mughals, with addition of portraits of three generations of Humayun’s heirs. The element of naturalism is apparent in this work. The ruler with whom development of Indo-Sino-Persian art should actually be associated is Akbar (A.D.1556-1605). Without Akbar, the Mughal art would have been known only to the specialists. Akbar’s project made Mughal painting amazingly Indian in character-reflecting his personal regard towards the culture of India. He was the first monarch to establish in India, an atelier under the supervision of two Persian masters, Mir Sayyid Ali and Abd Us-Samad. There were about two hundred and twenty five artists in Akbar’s atelier, majority amongst who were Hindus. The system of working, initially, was collaborative but later artists also began to work at individual level. Akbar’s inclination towards painting is reflected in Abul Fazal’s Ain-i-Akbari, which has a separate section on the art of painting. A large number of artists thronged his court, such as, Mir Sayyid Ali, Abd Us-Samad, Farukh Beg, Khusrau Quli, Jamshed, etc. Akbar had special admiration for Hindu artists, particularly, for Basawan, Lal, Kesu, Mukund, Daswanth and Haribans. Although illiterate, he had strong passion for books, particularly the illustrated ones. Tutinama or Tales of Parrots (a Persian book of fables) shows formative period of Akbar’s studios in about A.D. 1560, when the newly hired apprentices were being trained under Tabriz masters. Among its two hundred and fifteen miniatures, many show Persian and indigenous influence from various parts of India like Rajasthan, Deccan, etc.There was a clear synthesis of linear style of Persian painting with a dynamic, vibrant palette of indigenous painting. The most distinguished artistic project from Akbar’s reign is the Hamzanama, series of giant pictures on cotton, describing the fabulous adventure of Amir Hamza, an uncle of the Prophet. An important category of Akbar’s paintings is formed by illustrations to the volume of literary classics and historical manuscripts. The earliest surviving illustrated historical manuscript is a dispersed the Baburnama of about A.D. 1589. Another noteworthy manuscript of this sort is Akbar’s own copy of the Akbarnama. It contains details of contemporary history in its most illustrious form and the illustration of different event fully matches textual description. While Mughal manuscript painting is acclaimed as the work of art, it has much value also as a documentary evidence for the medieval period. Depiction of courtly and ordinary life, portrayal of men of different strata, illustrations of festivals, etc. bear testimony to social and cultural practices during the medieval period. The Akbarnama’s intricate compositions also show the European influence especially in treatment of space, light and shade. Apart from these illustrated manuscripts, there were also many independent compositions like landscapes, portraits, animals and other specific subjects in the form of Muraqqa (album) paintings. Akbar’s painters preferred highly polished, hard, creamy paper and were expert in making pigments from earth, animal matters, metals, minerals. For example, Basawan was admired for his use of golden pigment and Indian colours like Peacock blue, red, etc. Thus,

204 replacement of flat effect of Persian style by roundedness of Indian brush and European principle of foreshortening in proper perspective changed the nature of the Mughal painting. The Mughal painting reached its zenith, during the reign of Jahangir (A.D. 1605- 1627). Soon after his accession, Jahangir greatly reduced the staff of royal studio and concentrated his attention on a small number of favourite artists. This step spread the Mughal style far and wide. Jahangir’s artists developed their own style, which was quite distinct from the artists of the early Mughal period. Akbar’s outgoing objectives; purposeful encouragement of painting was replaced by a more powerful vision. Use of harmonious designs, softer colours, and fine brushwork became important part of the style. A shift was seen, not only in techniques but also in themes. The school of Jahangir was noted for its love of nature. A number of subjects from animal and bird life were painted during this period. The emphasis was on naturalism but there was also a keen desire to reveal the innate beauty. He particularly encouraged paintings depicting events of his own life, individual portraits. Every illustration showed Jahangir as a serene and untroubled ruler, enjoying full control over the empire. Divine nature of kingship was a popular theme, during Jahangir’s period and was projected through symbolic representation in which European motifs like globe and hourglass played an important role. Manuscript illustrations were almost given up but there are few exception like the Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri. The painting ‘Chain of Justice’ not only has a physical, political dimension but also a psychological dimension. It portrays Jahangir as a ‘just ruler’ having a firm belief in the secular tradition. In many of the paintings of Jahangir era, the ruler is seen sitting near a Jharokha. This is an example of adaptation of local Rajput practice. Muhammad Nadir, Muhammad Murad, Abul Hasan, Mansur, Bishandas, Manohar, Govardhan were some of the important artists of Jahangir’s age. Govardhan was noted for portrait of saints, musicians where as Mansur was famous for painting birds and animals. Jahangir’s passionate and connoisscurly interest in painting, however, was not pursued by the later Mughal rulers. Tradition continued under Shah Jahan (1628-58 AD) but on a limited scale as he was more inclined towards architecture. Harmonious blend of colours, aesthetic sense, realism which were traits of Jahangir’s style was replaced by the decorative style. Special attention was given to the art of border making and lavish use of golden and other rich pigments. Although, Mughal painting continued to develop technically, it however became static, cold and stereotyped. Painting lost its liveliness and was confined to the durbar (court). Themes like musical parties, lovers on the terrace and garden, etc. abound in the Mughal paintings of this period. Even in the illustrated copy of the Padshahnama, preference was given to the durbar scenes, while in a few outdoor scenes the expressions were weak and dull. Bichitr, Balchand, Payag, Muhammad Nadir, etc. were some of the important artists at the court of Shah Jahan. The decline of painting, which began in the period of Shah Jahan, became distinct in the reign of Aurangzeb (A.D. 1658-1707). Painting was essentially a court art-loss of royal

205 patronage, closing of the royal ateliers did contribute further to its decline but at the same time it did not stop altogether. It became confined to the studios of nobles, princes of royal blood and was less naturalistic in comparison to the court paintings. Being closely based on the Mughal style, these are often termed as sub-imperial paintings or bazaar paintings. This form of painting was inexpensive, less time consuming and meant largely for common man who used it for decorative purpose. However, the technical qualities of the Mughal style were sustained. Aurangzeb’s portrait with Shaista khan and a hunting scene are among the finest Mughal paintings of this period. Later Mughals did not possess the spirit of Jahangir. A brief revival was noticed during the reign of Mohammad Shah (A.D. 1719-48). By the time of Shah Alam (A.D. 1759- 1806), the art of Mughal painting had lost its glory.

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Readings : ➢ Asher, Catherine B. (1992). The New Cambridge History of India, The Architecture of Mughal India, Part 1, Vol. 4, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 39-98 (Ch.3, “The Age of Akbar”) ➢ Koch, Ebba. (2001). Mughal Art and Imperial Ideology: Collected Essays. Delhi: Oxford University Press. pp. 1-11 & 130-162. ➢ Desai, Vishaka N. (1990). “Painting and politics in Seventeenth Century North India: Mewar, Bikaner and the Mughal Court”. Art journal vol. no.4, pp.370-378. ➢ Verma, Som Prakash. (2009). Interpreting Mughal Painting: Essays on Art, Society, and Culture. Delhi: Oxford University Press.

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Unit VI

SOCIETY, CULTURE AND RELIGION

6.1 Bhakti Movement

Introduction Background of the Bhakti Movement The post-Harsha period saw the rapid decline of Buddhism. This development gave ample opportunities to the Brahmans to revive their power and to re-establish their hold on the Indian society. The Brahmans now onwards started emphasising and even creating new distinctions in the society. In every form of temple-priestly daily behaviour distinctions tended to become rigid. Every attempt was made to convert the existing socio-religious pattern into a paradise for the high castes especially the Brahmans, while on the other hand, such conditions were created that the life for the common people became quite unbearable. Besides the economic plight they had to suffer the agony of social discrimination. In the field of learning and education, the Brahmans had established their complete hegemony. In fact education was exclusively used not to enlighten the human mind but to support the privileged positions of the Brahmans and to deprive the common people of any say in the existing order. Such conditions were bound to stir the mind of the thinking people. They started registering their protests against the social evils. In due course mounting protests became more pronounced. Firstly, some of the enlightened Brahmans were quick enough to notice the social decay and they did not have to wait long to realize that ‘Hinduism’ could not be saved in the existing form. Besides a new awakening spread to other sections of the society also. Many leaders emerged from the lower classes to raise the banner of protest against the prevalent system. In this process the legacy left by Buddhism and the introduction of Islam proved significant. The teaching of Islam with its emphasis on the unity of God and equality of man had one significant influence on the leaders of the Bhakti movement. Prof. Irfan Habib rightly points out that these saints “picked up their ideas from the ideological store of Hinduism and Islam.” The medieval period of Indian history saw the emergence of a number of reformers, who may be placed in three categories: (i) The representatives of the first category were those who confined their work only to the religious sphere.

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(ii) The second category contains the reformers who extended the scope of their activities to the social sphere also. However, these reformers operated within the framework of Hinduism. (iii) The reformers of the third category were those persons who totally rejected the existing socio-religious order and suggested an alternative path. First Category Perhaps the most important of the first category was Shankaracharya (788-820). He laid emphasis on strict monoism (one God) and propagated the teachings of the Vedas. He tried to give simple appearance to Hinduism by rejecting many rituals and ceremonies. However, he suggested no change in the existing social order which was based on the caste-system. In fact he defended it. Hence Shankara’s popularity was restricted to the upper strata of the society. He, therefore, failed to attract the common people, who were the victims of the caste system. Vallabacharya (1579-1531), who was born of a Telegu Brahman family, may also be placed in this category because his teachings were more or less confined to the religious sphere. He preached Suddha (pure) mononism (advaita). Second Category The reformers who belonged to second category were aware of the urges of common people both in the religious and social spheres. Therefore, they made a vigorous attempt to reform the religious well as social aspects of the society. Consequently, they stood against the monopoly of the Brahmans over the religious activities of the Hindus. They also pleaded for the rejection of ritualism and ceremonies and tried to make religion as simple as possible. They showed a direct way of approaching God without the help of the priests through bhakti (devotion). The basis of their devotion was love of God and his creatures. Since the central point of all their devotion was love of God and his creatures, this movement has been styled by the scholars as the bhakti movement. The leaders of this movement were called santas or saints. Because of the fact that their approach to religion was simple, direct and emotional, and at times also rational they were bound to attract the common people. Moreover, their all- out attack on the caste system made them very popular in the lower sections of the society. Some of the important saints of this movement were Jananeshwar, Namdev, Ramananda and Chaitanya. Third Category The leaders of the third category were most popular saints like Kabir and Nanak. Like the socio-religious reformers of the second category they also exposed as well as attacked the hegemony of the Brahmans and the evils of the caste system. But still they were distinct from others since they showed the courage to detach themselves from the existing religious framework. They rejected both Hinduism and Islam and made a bold attempt to carve out

213 new paths, which ultimately led to the develpment of organised socio-religious orders of Kabir Panthi and the Sikhism. Bhakti—Love of God Almost all the saints were saturated with the love of God, Bhakti, or love of the Divine. According to some ancient scriptures recommend three paths for the emancipation of the soul: (Path of Knowledge), Karma Marg (Path of virtuous deeds), and Bhakti Marg (Path of love for God). It is believed that by following any one of these paths, man can be released from the meshes of ignorance and that the emancipation of soul thereby is possible. But those who followed the path of bhakti believed in direct approach. A Bhakta needs no temple or church, no scriptures or priestly class for establishing direct relationship with God. Love of God alone can help him to establish direct communication with him. Muslim sufis also believe in this principle. It is to be noted that the Muslims (Arabs) came to Southern India as traders and merchants earlier than the Turks came as conquerors to Northern India. Influence of Islam and of Sufi ideas made its appearance in south India first. These new ideas were bound to influence the teachings of many Bhakti saints of southern India. The intermingling of the ancient concept of Bhakti and Sufi cult of communion with the Divine produced a type of cultural-cum-religious renaissance which first emerged prominently in Maharashtra. As M.G. Ranade points out that the preachers in Maharashtra, “were calling the people to identify Ram and Rahim and ensure their freedom from the bonds of formal ritualism and caste distinctions, and unite, in common love of man and faith in God.” The saints of the Bhakti Movement Now we turn our attention to the role and achievements of some of the noted saints. But before that it should be kept in mind that it was not their love of God but their firm stand against the caste system which made the Bhakti movement popular among the masses. Particularly with the advent of Kabir and Nanak Bhakti movement touched a new height. Vallabhacharya Vallabhacharya (1479-1531) is said to have been born in 1479 at Benaras of a Telegu Brahman parentage. He is regarded as a great exponent of the Krishna cult of Vaishnavism. Besides he enjoyed very good reputation as a scholar. He produced a number of works in Sanskrit and Brijbhasha. Some of his works are: Vedanta Sutra, Sidhant Rahasya, Subodhini. The teachings of Vallabhacharya as pointed out earlier, were confined more or less to the religious sphere. He strictly adhered to monoism and the central point of his teachings was one personal and loving God. He considered Krishna as the highest Brahaman and source of the highest joy. This attainment was possible through dedicated bhakti which should be full of intense love. He insisted on the complete identity of both soul and world with the Supreme

214 spirit. He also advocated renunciation. Vallabhacharya attracted many followers because of the emotional appeal of his teachings. He died in 1531. Namdeva Namdeva is considered to be one of the most significant figures of the Bhakti movement. He is rightly regarded as a great socio-religious reformer. Though born in Maharashtra he contributed hymns both in Marathi and Hindi. His teachings, which turned the minds of man from the priest-ridden rituals to freedom of love, spread all over India in the fourteenth century. He gave Bhakti Movement a social goal. Unlike Shankara and Vallabhacharya, he talked about the problems of the people which they were bound to face in a caste-ridden society. Namdeva was opposed to idol-worship and he openly declared: “Vows fasts, and austerities are not all necessary, nor it is necessary for you to go on pilgrimage...... Realise a fondness for the feet of Hari.” Namdeva also stated that both Hindus and Muslims were blind in insisting upon worshipping in temples and mosques, as man for God’s worship needed neither temple nor mosque. Namdev categorically said: “The Hindu is blind and so is the Musalman. The Hindu worships in the temple and the Muslim in the Mosque : But Nama offers his worship to Him who needs neither temple nor mosque.” Namdeva attacked caste distinctions. He also insisted on the upliftment of women, mutual toleration and reconciliation between diverse creeds and religions like Hinduism and Islam. His message had great appeal for the masses. Among his disciples many of whom became saints in their own right, were Brahmans, Marathas, the outcaste Mahars, women and also some Muslims. About the date of birth or death of Namdeva there is a lot of controversy amongst the scholars. According to Macauliffe he was born in 1270. Bhandarkar and Carpenter do not agree to 1270. According to their opinion Namdeva was born in the 14th century. Still there are other scholars who think that he was born in the 15th century. Ramananda

In Northern India the pioneer leader of the Bhakti movement was Ramananda. Regarding the date of birth and death of Ramananda there is difference of opinion amongst the scholars. But one thing is certain that he was not born earlier than 11th century. He was a follower of Ramananuja (1017-1137), the celebrated Vaishnava philosopher. Ramananda forcefully preached against the formalism and superstition of the orthodox religion. Perhaps he was the first to use Hindi or Hindvi as the medium of his instruction and preachings. He was a Vaishnava who worshipped Vishnu in the form of Rama and Sita. Though he did not denounce the caste system yet he admitted into his new sect people without caste distinction.

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His disciples, therefore, came from all the castes and from both sexes and even his following crossed religious barriers and Muslims also became his disciples. His twelve disciples included Kabir (weaver), Sena (barber), Dhanna (jat peasant), Ravidas (cobbler) and Padmawati (woman). Chaitanya Chaitanya (1486-1534) was a child of his age. It is, therefore, necessary to say a word about the social life of Bengal at that time. As in the rest of northern India Turkish rule had been established. There was, as elsewhere, development of understanding between the Hindus and the Muslims. Hindus offered sweets on the Muslims shrines and the Musalmans responded with similar gestures. Sultan Husain Shah (1493-1519) was the originator of the cult of Satya Pir to which both the Hindus and the Muslims were attracted. It sought to unite the Hindus and the Muslims. Satyapir soon came to be regarded, as the name of a deity who came to be venerated and worshipped members of both the communities, Hindus and Muslims. With this record of amity and goodwill there were social tensions for the lower strata of society which groaned under the tyranny of the ruling class. But the lower classes suffered also from caste system and religious narrow-mindedness. Thus the state of Hindu religious society was most unsatisfactory. On the one hand there was the worship of Chandi i.e. Durga with all its concomitant sacrifies and tantrism of a debased and sensuous nature. On the other hand, society was suffering from religious narrow mindedness, pride of pedigree, superstition and excessive ritualism. It was in this above-mentioned social set-up that Chaitanya was born in 1486. His parents were Jaganath Misra and Sachi Debi. They belonged to a high class Brahmin family. Chaitanya received good schooling. At the age of eighteen he married. He setup a school on the banks of the river Bhagirathi and started his life as a teacher. But he was disgusted with the prevailing conditions and left his school. He went to eastern Bengal where he held many debates on philosophical subjects which added to this scholastic reputation. At Gaya, Chaitanya met Ishwar Puri, a Vaishnava saint and preacher. Ishwar Puri initiated Chaitanya into the Bhakti cult. Chaitanya returned home at the age of twenty three completely imbued with the love of Krishna. He began to pass most of his time in Sankirtana or singing in worship of the Lord. Chaitanya’s kirtans won him hundreds of adherents from all sections of society, castes and religions. Two years later, he took sanyas and started a round of travels both in the north and the south of India. He stayed for some time at Kashi and Mathura. The last eighteen years of his life he passed at Jagannath Puri. Chaitanya’s leading principle was devotion to God, the supreme Being. But he did not conceive of God as a non-arthropomorphic (non-human being i.e, nirguna), but a saguna manifested in the charming personality of Lord Krishna. Chaitanya’s God was a personal being full of grace and love for his creatures. He calls Him Bhagwan or more often, Hari. According to Chaitanya Bhakti and love are best exemplified by the mutual love of Radha and Krishna. The way to salvation lay in prapti or complete surrender to Him. Through a number of stages man could reach close to God. The

216 first stage was shanti or quite contemplation. The next was a dasya or service to Him. In the third stage of sakhya, the devotee felt a friendly dearness to him. The next two stages were of vatsalya or love like that of a child for its parents and madhurya the all engrossing love of a lover. Chaitanya thought there was joy in life, for this was tila or playground of God. Each devotee has a place in Lila. In existence there is no misery, for existence is not maya. Once the devotee feels that everything is apart of his sport, his attachment to wordly objects would automatically slacken and his soul would be liberated. In this process of liberation Chaitanya gives great importance to Guru. Again, like the other contemporary saint-thinkers, he was against asceticism or renunciation.

Chaitanya was also a social reformer of his age. He condemned all caste distinctions. He insisted; “Learning these temptations and the religious systems based on caste, the true Vaishnava helplessely takes refuge in Krishna,” Even when he was a school teacher, he used to visit the huts aad houses of the lowliest and the poorest. He accepted all types of people, and a number of Muslims became his followers. On his way from Vrindaban to Kashi he even won ten Pathans to his Bhakti cult. Chaitanya was fearless in his attacks on those who stood for orthodoxy and fanaticism. He condemned the ritualistic system of the Brahmans. Equally strong was his condemnation of the Qazis. Kabir About the dates of Kabir’s birth and demise there is a good deal of controversy among the scholars. But it seems to be most probable that “he lived towards the close of the fourteenth and the beginning of the fifteenth centuries.” Perhaps Kabir was born in a Brahmin family at Varanasi. Since his mother was a widow he was abandoned on the street from where he was picked up by a Muslim couple: Niru and Nima, who were weavers. Kabir adopted the profession ofhis new parents and continued to earn his bread from weaving. He also had a wife and led a family life. Kabir was a sensitive person, and, therefore, he found it difficult to accept the social conditions prevailing around him. At this juncture he came into contact with Ramanand and became his disciple. But soon he made a distinct place for himself by giving shape to his ideas which were rich in social content. Kabir’s ideas gave a new dimension to the bhakti movement, which became more social than religious in his hand. By providing a new social orientation to the Bhakti movement Kabir made it popular amongst the toiling people. According to Kabir, there is only one Supreme Being although he is called by different names like Ram, Rahim, Allah, Hari, Khuda and Govind. Although God, according to Kabir, was without shape or form, he was the supreme object of love. He declared that God and soul were identical and there was no distinction between the absolute and the devotee. The devotee, therefore, needed no temple or mosque or pilgrimage to reach him. Idols, avtars, pandits and ulama were superfluous; for the devotees love for God was enough. Union with

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God could be realised through intense devotion (Bhakti) and guidance of a Guru who could guide the devotees to the correct path. For union with Him there was no need to renounce the world or to seek retirement in solitude. The Kabir preached a simple religion which had a special appeal for the masses. To both Hindus and Muslims Kabir taught respect for the living creatures, abstention from violence and bloodshed, renunciation of pride and egoism. “If you say that I am a Hindu,” he declared, “then it is not true, nor I am a Musalman...... Mecca has verily become Kashi, and Ram has become Rahim.” However, Kabir was not a follower of either Hinduism or Islam. He kept himself above Hinduism and Islam. In fact he rejected the Vedas as well as the Quran. Kabir said : “Vedas and Koran are traps laid, for poor souls to tumble in.” Kabir wanted to remove all distinctions based on caste and creed. Kabir thought that blind faith and ignorance were responsible for rifts and strifes, and, therefore, he vehemently attacked blind faith, ignorance, and superstitious beliefs of both the Hindus and the Muslims. There is a large number of sayings of Kabir in which he castigates leaders of both these religious communities for their ignorance and fanaticism. He also criticized blind faith in the scriptures, idol worship, pilgrimages, ritualism, polytheism and the like.

Kabir makes a scathing criticism of the practices of Hinduism in the following words: “There is nothing but water at the holy bathing places and know that they are useless, for 1 have bathed in them. The images are all lifeless, they cannot speak, I know, for I have cried about to them. The Puranas and the Karma are mere words, lifting the curtain I have seen. Kabir gives utterances to the words of experience, and he knows very well that all other things are untrue”. Again Kabir blasts Islamic practices and attacks Qazis (judges) in the following words: “The five prayers which the Musalman offers are all useless, because their prayers are a mere outward show and sham while they have some other thoughts all the time in their mind. By making a show of religious deeds, the Qazi deceives the poor people and does them harm instead of good.” While the above-mentioned criticism by Kabir of the practices of Hinduism and Islam is self-explanatory but it speaks highly about the man who could dare to come out so boldly in a society which did not have a high level of social consciousness. He did not care for the consequences while asserting his views on social evils and hegemony of the pundits and ulama.

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Kabir was really a supreme figure of the Bhakti movement whose radical ideas not only exerted considerable influence on the people of his time but continue to inspire us our times also. Nanak Nanak (1469-1539) was born (According to popular belief, he was born in Katik, October-November, but historians do not accept it) on 15 April 1469, at the village of Talwandi in Sheikhpur district (now in Pakistan). He acquired some knowledge of Punjabi, Hindi and Persian, but had no deep desire for traditional learning. He longed to know the Truth. With a view to enriching his experience of human life he toured extensively. It is claimed that he even visited Ceylon and Mecca. In these tours he was accompanied by Mardana, a Muslim by birth; it is said. Kabir’s teachings had a profound impact on Nanak’s thinking. However, his meeting with Kabir is doubted by Prof. Harbans Singh. Still it can not be denied that there is much common in them. Both tried to carve out a distinct path free from caste system, rituals and priesthood. On several social issues they evolved a rational attitude. Nanak died on 7 September in 1539 at the ripe age of seventy. The Muslims erected a tomb and the Hindus a shrine in his memory. Both these have since been swept away by the waters of the river Ravi. Nanak’s Janamsakhis say that the first words uttered by Guru after his revelation were, “There is no Hindu, there is no Musalman.” These words also spell out his mission. It was Nanak’s determination to keep himself above the religious differences of the Hindus and the Muslims. He did not look at religion as a weapon to divide people. Rather he presented religion in a humane framework, He said: “When he has established his goodwill for all, O Nanak, will he be called a Musalman.” Again Nanak said : Religion lies not in empty words. He who regards all men as equal is religious. He stood for “the essential integrity of humanity,” Guru Nanak laid emphasis on the oneness or unity of God and he conceived him as Nirguna (attributeless) and Nirankar (formless). This Absolute Supreme could be understood, there could be no difference between his creatures—Hindus and Muslims. It could also help in eradicating superstitious beliefs, polytheism and idol-worship. Nanak used the name of Hari, Ram, Gobind, Allah and Khuda for his Diety. To the Muslims his advice was: Make kindness the mosque, sincerity thy prayer-carpet, and what is just and lawful thy Quran”. The teachings of Guru Nanak were direct and simple, he strongly condemned the superstitions of both the Hindus and the Muslims, he attacked the caste-system of the Hindus. Caste system was regarded by him as being against the will of God. He explicitey preached that “class and caste distinctions are just so much nonsense, that all men are born equal.” Again Nanak expressed his noble ideas in the following words: “I am lowliest among the lowly:

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Nanak is with the lowly and has nothing to do with rich.” Nanak further says: “God’s eye of mercy falls on those who take care of the lowly; Nonsense is caste, and nonsense the titled fame. What power has caste? Nobody is without some worth” With the passing of time Sikhism became a full-fledged religion with its own Prophet, i.e., Guru Nanak, a Book i.e. the Adi Granth, latter on popularly known as the Guru Granth Sahib and a Church (Gurudwara). Nanak’s pure and serene life, his humility and forbearance won for him many Hindus and Muslims as his sincere disciples. Although in the course of the next two centuries Sikhism saw many changes, yet in its essentials it continued to bear the indelible impress of Guru Nanak’s teachings. Finally we end our discussion on Nanak by quoting Dr. Gopal Singh. “For him, there were no final truths except those that answered the questioning of man- every man- through the ages. He never considered himself either the final messenger of God, or an exclusive one. And therein lies his eternal glory.” Conclusion The saints of Bhakti movement gave to the people a simple religion with emphasis on the unity of God. The soul was his part, which constantly strove to establish a communion with him. The path of salvation lay in Bhakti. Salvation could be achieved through intense devotion and by all without distinction of caste or creed or religion. These saints advocated a middle path of life. True bhakti lay neither in excessive attachemt to the world, nor by renunciation from it. This was a simple creed which everyone could follow, The contribution of these reformers in the religious field was significant. But still more important was their work in the sphere of social life. The humane teachings of Bhakti movement had a great appeal for the masses. It showed the futility of meaningless conflicts when the essence of all religions was the love of God. By showing a path of direct communion with God, it struck at the exploitation of the masses by the priestly class. The attacks of Kabir and Nanak on the superstitious beliefs of both the Hindus and the Muslims opened the eyes of the masses and created awareness in them to understand their exploitation by the vested interests, and also paved the way for equality based on the solid foundation of amity and brotherhood. These saints were against fanaticism and therefore attacked Ulama and Pandits for creating an atmosphere of superstition in their respective religious communities. Kabir boldly said: This Mahadev, that Muhammed, this Barahma, that Adam,

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this a Hindu, that a Turk, but all belong to earth.” Again Kabir says: “he lives from age to age, who drops his family, caste and race.” Equally important was their effort to reform the existing social conditions. Their attacks on polytheism and pilgrimages helped to check expensive rituals and ceremonies. Their attack attracted the people on the caste system released a new social consciousness in the belonging to lower masses and particularly the people belonging to lower castes castes saw in the movement a ray of hope for raising their status in the caste-ridden society. Many of them joined the movement and some of them became its prominent preachers also. One of the disciples of Kabir was Dhanna, an ordinary peasant. The other well known disciples of Kabir were : Sain, a barber and Raidas, a cobbler. The Bhakti saints were men of high character. In addition, many of them had travelled widely and extensively. Guru Nanak is said to have visited most of the important places in India and also Ceylon, Arabia and Iran. Chaitanya similarly travelled in most parts of India both in the north and the south. On their travels these saints met people of all shades and opinions. This further helped them to widen their mental horizon. The saints of bhakti movement not only raised the social consciousness of the contemporary people but made a significant contribution in the development and enrichment of their languages. In medieval India Arabic, Persian and Sanskrit were cultivated in the institutions of Islamic and Hindu studies. However, Sanskrit, Arabic and Persian were not understood by the masses and what was written in these languages was read by the educated elite, that is, microscopic minority. But the message of these reformers was delivered in the simple language of the common people. Their common medium of communication and recitation was unaffected poetry as is seen from Sant Kavya in Hindi Language and literature. There is no doubt that Hindi got a definite shape at the hands of Sant kavis like Kabir and Raidas. Similarly the Vaishnava poets of Bengal, Maharashtra and Gujarat contributed a lot to the development of their regional languages. In the Punjab, a new script, e.g., Gurumukhi was developed. In the end our discussion may be summed up quoting professor K. Damodran. “The bhakti movement attained varying degrees of intensity and sweep in different parts of the country. It appeared in a variety of forms also. Yet, some basic principles underlay the movement as a whole— first, recognition of the unity of the peoples irrespective of religious considerations; secondly, equality of all before God; thirdly, opposition to the caste system;

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fourthly, the faith that communion between God and man depended on the virtues of each individual, and not on his wealth or caste; fifthly, emphasis on devotion as the highest form of worship; and, finally, denigration of ritualism, idol worship, pilgrimages, and all self-mortifications”. Prof. K. Damodaran further opines: “The bhakti cult recognised the dignity of man and denounced all class and caste distinctions and social tyrannies rampant in the name of religion.” Giving the assessment of the bhakti movement Prof. K. Damodaran remarks: “The Bhakti movement, however, had its own limitations. It is true that, through mass prayers, dances and community singing, the personality of the saint inspired the creative energy of the people. It awakened the masses to a new consciousness and generated popular impulses to action. It considerably weakened the caste and religious exclusiveness of feudalism and gave an impetus to anti-feudal struggles. All this is true. But the impulse for religion is essentially through emotion and not reason. It is, therefore, incapable of either making a rational investigation of the social problems or giving a rational solution to them. The Bhakti movement, for all it did to awaken the masses, failed to grasp the real causes of the maladjustment in the social and economic set up and to offer a radical cure to human suffering.”

6.2 Sufism

After the conquest of northern India by the Ghorids in the 12th century, Delhi became the capital of the Muslim rulers in India and at the same time Ghazni lost its former glory and was subsequently deserted. Consequently, the dignitaries, the intellectuals and enlightened class of people migrated from Ghazni to Delhi which was turned in to an important and a big centre of Persian learning. From this period onwards, Persian flourished in Delhi and beyond. When Mongols under the leadership of Chenghez Khan ravaged the Perso-Islamic world, there was a continuous exodus, from these regions, of poets, Sufis, jurists, scribes along with artisans, courtiers and other men of note, who sought asylum in relatively peaceful conditions in India. The Persianized traditions of these groups came to be implanted deeper in the north Indian milieu. In the meantime, a large number of dedicated Muslim missionaries from Persia and Central Asia as well as other Islamic lands were active in India. Most notable among these were Persian or Persian speaking Sufi mystics, whose saintly bearing and passionate preaching were important elements not only in the conversion of many Indians to Islam but also in the spread of Persian language and culture. They also laid the foundation for a number of Sufi orders (silsilahs). Persian lyric poetry has always been popular with the Sufis as a symbolic expression of their love of the divine and their longing for union with God. Thus the Sufi brotherhoods and their hospices (Khanqahs) also became instruments for cultivating

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Persian poetry among the Indian Muslims. Sufi conversations (malfuz), letters and discourses on religious practice were all written in Persian. The sultans of Delhi of the 13th, 14th and 15th centuries, extended generous patronage to Persian scribes, writers and poets along with the men of piety, through revenue grants such as imlak, auqaf, idrarat, wazaif etc.The royal patronage to Persian continued even after the disintegration of Delhi Sultanat in the Muslim kingdoms of Kashmir, Gujarat, Bengal as well as in the North Deccan under the Bahmanids. They helped extend Muslim rule and with this Persian language and culture, to most part of the sub-continent, as far east as Bengal and as far south as Hyderabad. Although for the most part, these dynasties were not ethnically Persian, they were so culturally and thus became propagators of Persian language, literature and the way of life. Persian language and literature in India was further enriched by the contribution of great Persian poets of Indian origin. Besides Abul Faraj Runi and Masud Sad Salman (of Lahore), who were pioneers in introducing Persian literature in India, there were many others, who played no small part in providing a sound base to the Indo-Persian literature. One of the eminent Persian litterateurs in those days was Tajuddin, a Persian poet of Indian origin. He was a native of Delhi and lived there during the reign of Sultan Iltutmish. The other two Persian poets of the indigenous origin, whose accounts are available, were Shihabuddin and Aminuddin. The former was a native of Badayun while the latter belonged to Sanam situated in the vicinity of Patiala. In succession to these two poets, there appeared on the scene, two great mystic poets Khwaja Hasan Sijzi Dehlavi and Amir Khusrau Dehlavi, both of whom were closely associated with Chishti Sufi hospice of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Besides their significant contributions towards the growth of Indo-Persian literature, their poetry is also noted for its sense of universal Sufi message, transcending religious and sectarian differences. Thus, the Persian writers in India were either settlers from Central Asia or children of those settlers who spoke Persian as their mother-tongue or first language. Explaining the cultural situation in which Persian became an important literary language for people coming from different parts of the Islamic world to India, Mohammad Wahid Mirza opines that the common language of these people was the same (Persian) and these early settlers laid the foundation of the Indo-Persian culture, that was to find its perfection in the 16th and 17th centuries under the great Mughals. Essential Readings : ➢ Charlotte Vaudeville. (2007). A Weaver named Kabir. Delhi: Oxford University Press. ➢ Schomer, Karine and W.H. McLeod. (Eds.). (1987). The Sants Studies in Devotional Traditions in India. Delhi, Motilal Banarasidas. ➢ Hess, Linda. (1983). "The Cow is Sucking at the Calf's Teat: Kabir's Upside-Down Language."History of Religions vol. 22, pp. 313-37.

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➢ Hawley, John Stratton. (2005). Three Bhakti Voices, Mira Bai, Kabir and Surdas in their Times. Delhi: Oxford University Press. ➢ Manushi (1989). Special Issue. Nos. 50-51-52 (Jan-June). (Madhu Kishwar, Ruth Vanita and Parita Mukta articles on Mirabai.) ➢ Digby, Simon. (1986). “The Sufi Shaikh as a Source of Authority in Medieval India”. Purusartha (Islam and Society in Medieval India) vol. 9, pp. 57-77. ➢ Eaton, Richard M. (1974, 2000). “Sufi Folk Literature and the Expansion of Islam,” History of Religion vol. 14, pp.117-127. (Also available as Essays on Islam and Indian History. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.189-199.) ➢ Pinto, Desiderio S.J. (1989). “The Mystery of the Nizamuddin Dargah: The Account of Pilgrims” in Christian W Troll (ed.) Muslim Shrines in India. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.112-124. ➢ Lawrence, Bruce B. (1986). “The Earliest Chishtiya and Shaikh Nizam al-Din Awliya.” in R E Frykenberg, (Ed.). Delhi Through the Ages. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp.104-128.

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Unit VII

ECONOMY AND INTEGRATED PATTERNS OF EXCHANGE

7.1 INDIAN MERCHANTS IN OVERSEAS TRADE (8th TO 15th CENTURIES)

The long standing economic image of Indian subcontinent as totally agrarian, especially in the context of early medieval period, has changed considerably in the historical researches of recent past. These researches show that there was an active non-agrarian sector of the traditional economy though it remained ‘firmly rooted to overarching agrarian material milieu’.14 Sustained scholarly efforts also show that urbanization, craft production and trade were quite visible in India up to c. AD 1300. Economic historians, roughly from the middle of the 1980s, have highlighted the significance of Indian Occean in the trading activities and linkages of India in the oceanic trade net-work. Their researches have successfully negated the widely believed stigma that Indians were averse to seafaring in order to retain their ritual purity, and such attitudes were available in the normative Brahmanical law books, and at the most, these were probably applicable only to the priestly community. On the contrary we find the existence of a ‘commercial economy that incorporated many societies of Eurasia and Africa’ and its economic impact was not insignificant in any way. Material milieu of Indian society of was undoubtedly agricultural and bulk of the Indian population was engaged in agriculture, yet trade (vanijyd) was also recognized as one of the major ingredients of economic life from remote times. India’s role in the maritime network of Indian Occean was substantial. The central position of India in the Indian Ocean It may be pointed out here that in respect of maritime trade India enjoyed a unique position on three counts: one, it had a vast landmass; two it was surrounded on three sides by the Indian Ocean; and lastly it had, along with Sri Lanka, a central position in Indian Ocean which undoubtedly dominates the sea-face of Asia. Indian Ocean occupies almost 20% of maritime space. It includes in it two important sea-lanes in the west - The Red Sea and the Persian Gulf - and washes the sea coast of Africa. The eastern sector of Indian Ocean is marked by the Bay of Bengal (but not the Java and the China Seas), and it stretches up to the Antarctica in the south. In spite of the fact that the Atlantic and the Pacific Oceans are larger than the Indian Ocean, it is the Indian Ocean which has acted as a bridge amongst numerous communities of Asia and Africa over a very long period of time. This association has yielded far reaching results especially in the context of maritime trade and has projected Asia as one of the leading maritime zone of the world. It has also been instrumental in establishing unity between the maritime space and its related landmass. The maritime historians have taken keen interest in delineating India’s position in the Indian Ocean affairs and establishing the maritime linkages in this maritime space.

14 Ranabir Chakravarti, Visiting Faraway Shores: India’s Trade in the Western Indian Ocean, in Rajat Dutta’s, p.

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The historiographical gap in trade history

The existing historiography suggests three broad strands or areas of academic interests:

(1) The maritime linkages of Harrapan civilization (c. 2500BC -1750 BC) with Sumer and Akkad through the Persian Gulf. (2) India’s flourishing sea-borne commerce with the Roman empire through the Res Sea (late 1st century BC to AD 250) (3) The changes in India’s maritime situation owing to the involvement of European trading Companies in the Indian Occean.

One may notice a historiographical gap for the maritime history of the period ranging from 8th to 15th centuries; a period which witnessed a transition from early medieval to medieval. It may be pointed out here that this period is considered as a period of crisis in social, economic and political spheres. According to some prominent historians of feudalism, such as R. S. Sharma, this period especially from 500 to 1000 AD marked the emergence and consolidation of self sufficient, enclose and stagnant village economy which was not favorable to trade, especially long-distance overseas trade. The paucity of trade led to urban decay and the attendant ‘monetary anemia’. Although they agree that there was a revival of trade including the maritime trade in India from 1000 AD onwards. This concept of sharp decline in the overseas commerce in early medieval India has given view to the relatively languishing role of India in the trade of Indian Ocean. This formulation was contested by K. N. Chaudhury. According to him written evidences bring out an entirely different image of the overseas trade in the eighth and ninth centuries and reflect that trade was not languishing during the early medieval period as has been assumed by the historians of feudalism. Indian merchants not actively participated in the Indian Ocean commerce; they played an important role in it.15 Sources for the history of overseas trade during 8th to 15th centuries A large number of Sanskrit inscriptions and indigenous literary texts, Arabic and Persian accounts, Chinese texts, the account of the Italian traveller Marco polo (late thirteenth century), and the letters of the Jewish merchants trading with India provide information for the history of overseas trade for the early medieval period. However, the information offered by these sources should be cautiously handled which is ‘hardly adequate, often scattered and stereotyped and offer little statistical data’ and these sources belong to the category of ‘qualitative sources’. However, this fact does not in any way undermine their importance as source of history of the Indian overseas trade during the period under review. The letters of Jewish merchants, known to us as Genizah documents, are particularly important in this regard. They highlight the activities of travellers of India (musafirun ul Hind), which generally belonged to the trading community. These letters ‘enable us to hear the voices of

15 For details see Ranabir Chakravarti, of cit. p.

226 the merchants who actually participated in the Indian Ocean trade; they also occasionally provide some statistical information’. The Arab travelers and merchants were also frequenting the water sector of Indian Ocean. It is confirmed by the descriptions of the first Arab invasion in early eighth century, narrated in a later source Chachnama which point to the direct voyages between Daibul and Sri Lanka. Revival of trade in the Indian Ocean (c. 1000 AD) K. N. Chaudhury and some other leading scholars like G. F. Hourani have effectively shown that there was a great spurt in commercial activities in the Indian Ocean after the rise and spread of Islam. It was mainly because of the fact that Islamic culture had a ‘pronounced orientation in commerce and urban life1, and this phenomenon had a favourable bearing on the trade in the Indian Ocean from late eighth and early ninth century onwards and provided a major boost to the maritime commerce of India during the early medieval period. The geographical accounts and travelogues of Arab and Persian authors frequently mention the expression al bahr al Hindi which refers to Indian Ocean and also included bahr Larvi i. e. the sea of lata or Gujarat. The Arab authors were clearly familiar with the channel (aghbab) that separated the southern part of the Indian peninsula with the Sri Lanka. The maritime space to the east was designated by these authors as bahr Harkal, or Harkand. Chinise annals also speak of maritime linkages with India and various areas of Indian Ocean for which they use the expression Hsi-hai. This also suggests to the frequent sailings of the merchants across the vast maritime space. The sailing patterns The sailing patterns in the Indian Ocean were determined by the monsoon wind system. The shipping in this maritime «space was largely guided and shaped by the more or less predictable alterations of the south-western (June to September) and north-eastern monsoon (October to January) wind system. The western terminus of the Indian Ocean network at the time of its zenith was situated in Siraf, Kish, and Hormuz (in the Persian Gulf) and al Fustat (old Cairo) under the Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt, while the eastern terminus was stretched to the ports of South East Asia and China. Because of the alterations of the monsoon winds, it was difficult to make a round trip in the western and eastern terminals of this vast maritime space in a single year. This situation must have been immensely advantageous to the overseas commerce of India which had two seaboards dotted with numerous ports ideally suited as stopovers and as points of transshipments. It must have also facilitated the growth of brisk import and export transactions. A careful study of these sources show that the maritime trade of India was not certainly of that magnitude as it was during the time of the Roman empire. Also, this fact cannot be denied that there was a gradual decline of the premier ports of that particular era during the eighth century such as Broach, Kaveripattinam, and Tamralipta. However, decline in maritime commerce was not that sharp, and this period was not a period of slump as has been assumed by the historians of feudalism. There are voluminous evidences in the Arabic and Persian to show the volume of overseas contacts of India with the countries in the

227 maritime space ,of Indian Ocean. They speak about the importance of Indian ports and the transactions of commodities, which show that many new ports began to gain importance from about the eighth century. A whole range of information is available the Arabic and Persian sources for the period under review from the secend half of the ninth century to thirteenth century. Mention may be made of Sulaiman merchant (c. 851), ibn Khuradbeh (c. 882) al Masudi (c. 915), al Biruni (1030), al Marvazi (1120), al Idrisi (c. 1162), Ibn Battuta (early fourteenth century). In addition to the Arabic and Persian works there are some valuable Chinese and European accounts which shed ample light on the trade history of the Indian Ocean during the thirteenth century. The Chinese account was by an officer Chau ju Kua (12250, who supervised the foreign trade under the Sung dynasty and wrote a valuable account of the commodities and ports of India. The other was the famous Morco Polo who has written elaborately on the commerce of Indian Ocean towards the end of the thirteenth century. The Jewish merchant’s commercial business enterprises extended from Tunisia and Levant to Egypt and Aden, trom where they sailed to Indian ports on the west coast. The account of their activities is found in the trade documents known as Genizah papers. The growth of trade in the Persian Gulf around 10th century The establishment of the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad facilitated the growth of trade in the Persian Gulf. Initially the premier port in the Persian Gulf was Siraf which, however, languished in the late eleventh century and later on Kish or Qays acquired great prominence. The most important port in this maritime space was Hormuz which emerged as the premier port in the western Indian Ocean commerce during the thirteenth century. After the rise of Fatimid Caliphate in Egypt in 965 the Red Sea network acquired prominence. It further established linkages with the vibrant Mediterranean maritime trade through Egypt which acted like a pivot between the Indian Ocean and Mediterranean Sea. The premier ports of the eastern Indian Ocean Both the sectors of western and eastern India Ocean were dotted with numerous ports. A large number of these ports owed their origin and prosperity to the maritime trade in the Indian Ocean. This phenomenon is noticeable from the eighth century onwards. Indus delta: The most important port in the Indus delta was Daybul which had certainly prospered in the new scenario. It seems to be well connected with Multan and Mansura on one hand and also with the Makran coast on the other. Gujarat: In the Gujarat coast a new port, Stambatirtha/Stambhak came into prominence during the period under review. This famous port, today known to as Cambay, figures in the Arab accounts as Kanbaya and Kambaya. According to V. K. Jain the rise of the Chalukyas as a regional power of Gujarat paved the way for the integration of the coast with the extensive interior by a number of overland routes.16 There were some other factors which

16 3 V.K. Jain, Trade and Traders in Western India AD 1000-1300, Delhi, 1989.

228 facilitated the growth of trade in the region and contributed greatly to the prosperity of the ports of Gujarat:

(1) Gujarat experienced tremendous agricultural growth in the early medieval period.

(2) There is the emergence of a new type of exchange centre in western India, especially in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Malwa, and the region which now forms the western part of modern Uttar Pradesh. It was known as mandapika (modern mandi). This meant that the ports on the Gujarat coast commanded a vast hinterland for commerce and they maintained coastal linkages with ports in the Konkan and Malabar, and most importantly with Hormuz in the Persian Gulf. It was also well served by a few smaller ports in the vicinity. Divi (Diu) was another important port from where ships sailed to Aden. It was well connected with Kanara coast and Aden. Another prominent port was Somnath. According to Al Biruni it was the vintage point of departure for Zanz or Zanzibar in east Africa. A bi-lingual inscription (in Arabic and Sanskrit of 1264 proves that Somnath was well connected with Hormuz and received ships regularly from here. Konkan: Towards the south of Gujarat lay the narrow strip of Konkan region dotted with numerous ports. Amongst these Sristhanaka (thana) was of great eminence. Others were Candrapur which is mentioned as Sindabur in Arabic sources (modern Chandaur), and Gopakapattana (modern Goa), and Chaul (referred as Saimur). As is evident from the Sanskrit inscriptions, Arabic texts and Jewish business letters, these ports were less prosperous and prominent than the ports of Gujarat although geographically these ports were located in the most advantageous area in the harbour building. It was probably because of the fact that neither they had rich hinterland at their command nor they had linkages with the interior because of the geographical barriers between the coast and the mainland. These ports were, however, engaged in looping coastal commerce. The Sanskrit inscriptions of Kadamba rulers mention about the long voyages from around Goa to Somnath in Kathiawad. They also derived substantial advantages from their linkages with Persian Gulf commerce. These ports of Konkan witnessed regular settlements of Arab merchants referred as Tajjikas in the Sanskrit inscriptions. Al Masudi noted the presence of large number of Omani, Sirafi and Baghdadi merchants at the port of Chaul. Malabar: The prominent ports of Malabar, the southernmost section of the western sea- board, were Kulam Mali (Quilon), Panatalyani, Kollam, and Calicut. The Malabar ports had an advantageous situation to their credit that they could be reached from both the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea ports by utilizing the south western monsoon around thirty days. These ports handled the invaluable cargo of spices, especially the pepper. Amongst the Malabar ports Calicut attained immense glory during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Ibn Battuta speaks about Calicut in glorious terms. According to him the huge Chinese junks did not sail further west of Calicut, and that Calicut provided excellent transshipment facilities for Chinese and Arab vessels.

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Eastern Indian Ocean Significant developments occurred in the patterns of trade in early medieval centuries in the expansion of maritime activity in the eastern water of the Indian Ocean and the China Sea. The old silk-route, a major trade route for commerce with the Roman world, of China had been cut off; and from the seventh century onwards maritime connection developed between China and the Persian Gulf. The maritime activities were greatly increased in South East Asia under strong Hindu and Indian Buddhist influence. Also, there is the entry of Indian merchants into direct trading with China. Mali patan, Negapatan, and Kaveripatan were the prominent ports of this sector. The Chinese sources show that in the early twelfth century_,thg_major portion of the export trade was in the ships of the Kling merchants of Coromandel and Ceylon. Shortly” afterwards these were outclassed by the Chinese junks (vessels) which started plying in the Indian Ocean and visiting Indian ports. During the thirteenth and fourteenth century no traveler could think of travelling to and from China except in these Junks. The Chinese junk of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries was technically the most advanced and sea worthy vessel of its period. By the end of 1175 the common pattern of transshipment of commodities was set. The Arabian Sea ships sailed to the ports of Malabar and Coromandel in dhow, a variety of vessel of non-Arab origin. Then the passengers and commodities of the dhows were exchanged with the junks plying in the Eastern Indian Ocean. In the earlier pattern, during the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, the goods were transferred from the Arab vessels to Kling bottoms in south India. Exchange of commodities/ pattern of export and import Our sources show that these ports were actively involved in the exchange of commodities, such as strategic war-animals, spices and medicaments, toys (works of arts and craft), rarities, and exotic textiles, and base metals for brass industry. Among the perennial export items of India were various types of textiles of Gujarat, Malwa, and Bengal. Textile products ranged from the famous muslins of Bengal to ordinary cotton meant for daily necessity.17 Precious gems and stones formed a favourite item of export. Amongst spices, the pepper of Malabar was highly prized. The Genizah papers of Jewish merchants inform about the regular shipments of pepper from Malabar Coast and it fetched high price. It was exported in large quantities from Malabar to Aden, and from there through the Red Sea to Egypt. From Egypt pepper finally reached the Italian ports by voyages across the Mediterranian. Aloe wood and teak was in high demand in west Asia, especially Indian teak which was regularly exported to Persian Gulf and .Red Sea ports as the basic raw material for building ships for Arab merchants. The Genizah letters tell us about the shipment of various types of iron from the ports of Malabar to Aden during the period from eleventh to thirteenth centuries. Indigo was also regularly sent to the ‘west’.

17 Lallanji Gopal, Economic Conditions in Northern India AD 750-1200, Delhi, 1965.

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The impressions of Ibn Battuta and a Chinese writer Ma huan reveal that that Bengal shipped rice to Maldives which in return sent out cowry shells which functioned as a major currency not only in eastern India, but also in some places on east and west coast of Africa. The cowry currency was part and parcel of Indian Ocean economy of the pre modern times and it was used as small exchanges in the maritime net work of Indian Ocean.

India received exotic spices such as cinnamon, cardamom, camphor and gems especially ruby as well as sandal from Sri Lanka and south-east Asia as imports many of which were further shipped to the ‘western’ destinations. This suggests India’s participation in transit trade. Indian imports certainly included precious metals, especially gold and silver. These metals were generally preferred by Indian merchants as form of payment for their commodities. Copper was also brought to India from west Asia. Silk was also imported from Aden.

There was great demand for war horses from Arabia and Pars. It may be noted here that good quality war horses, called Tatari, were regularly imported from the central Asian steppe regions. These were brought to India by overland routes through the northwestern borderlands of the subcontinent. From the eleventh century onwards horses of excellent quality began to arrive from Arabia and Pars by overseas transportation. These horses, described as bahri (sea-borne) in Arabic and Persian sources, were imported in large quantity at enormous price - each fetching a price of over 200 gold coins. According to Marco polo every year ten thousand horses were shipped to Pandya kingdom alone from the ports like Shihr, Kish, Hormuz, and Aden. The Malabar Coast served as the entry point of these bahri horses and the Tamil horse-dealers were engaged in the distribution of these horses to distant power centres.

During the fourteenth century large quantities of luxury textiles were imported from the Islamic Near East for the consumption at the court of Delhi sultans. Chinese silk and Chinese porcelain were also imported in large quantity for them.

Merchant communities

The merchant communities included nakhudas (ship captains), nauvittakas (ship- owners), and navikakarmakaras (sailors) besides the merchants involved in the transshipment trade which included small traders for which the peddler term is used. The big traders stayed at the base of operation. The captaincy of ships over vast distances required nautical skills and experience for which Arabs, Indians, Malays, and Chinese ship captains (nakhudas) were available who were highly esteemed. The Indian merchants involved in the overseas trade were very rich and many of these were ship owners. This is not only true of the western sector of the Indian Ocean, the Tamil merchants were also very prosperous, especially the ship-owning merchants. The merchants were undoubtedly the key players in the maritime network of the Indian Ocean. Indian merchants did undertake overseas voyages both in the Arabian Sea and Bay of Bengal.

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Jewish merchants had an active role in the coastal network along the western sea- board and had a prominent role in India trade. The Jewish and Muslim merchants engaged in Indian Ocean trade hardly faced religious intolerance. Al Masudi noted in the in the early tenth century that Muslim merchants were given excellent support by the Rashtrakuta rulers to the extent that they were allowed to construct mosques in the port town of Konkan. A bilingual inscription tells about the construction of a majigiti (masj id/mosque) in Somnath where Islamic festivals were celebrated which were typically associated with nakhudas, nauvittakas (ship-owners), and navikakarmakaras (sailors). The merchant communities in the Indian Ocean ‘played as bridges among different ethnic groups and religious faith’. We may conclude by saying that Indian Ocean had already become a much frequented maritime zone long before the arrival of Portuguese in the late fifteenth century. The trade activities in the Indian Ocean were precipitated around the tenth century and Indian Ocean was a ‘theatre’ of merchants, sailors and even pirates. Indian ports on western and eastern sectors had all the hustle bustle of a busy commercial life. The political powers, undoubtedly, were greatly benefited from the immense oversea trading activities in the vast maritime space, but they did not consider it an arena to establish their authority as may be witnessed in the venture of the European trading companies from about the sixteenth century. Reading List ➢ B. D. Chattopadhaya, The Making of Early Medieval India. Delhi, 1994. ➢ Lallanji Gopal, Economic Conditions in Northern India AD 750-1200, Delhi, 1965. ➢ Ranabir Chakravarti, Visiting Faraway Shores: India’s Trade in the Western Indian Occean, in Rajat Dutta’s,. ➢ Ranabir Chakravarti, Trade in Early India, New Delhi, Manohar, 2002. ➢ Tapan Raychaudhuri and Man Habib (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India, c. 1200-1750, Vol. 1, Delhi, 1982. ➢ V. K. Jain, Trade and Traders in Western India AD 1000-1300, Delhi, 1989

7.2 The Financial Resources of The Mughal Empire

The financial resources of the Mughals may be divided into two categories, i.e. agrarian and non-agrarian. Under the head non-agrarian, we may place in the income derived from customs, transit duties, ferry taxes, octroi at important cities, monopolies, war booty, fines, mints and present. But the income derived from these sources was insignificant when compared with the income realised from the agrarian sources, i.e. land revenue. Revenue system The administrative organisation of laud revenue was placed under the Vazir. He was also called Diwan-i-Ala or Diwan-i-Kul. Below him the provincial Diwan was the most important person concerned with revenue and finance. The chief revenue in the sarkar and the pargana were the Amil Munsif, or Amin, Bitikchi, the Khazanchi, Qanungo, and the

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Patwari. The duties of the revenue officials were not only to conduct assessment and collection of revenue but also to make efforts to increase the yield. To facilitate revenue administration, the Mughal Empire was divided into revenue circles called mahals. The mahal often coincided with peraganas but it was not a rule. In 1573, Akbar had introduced circles yielding a crore of doms and the person in charge of the circle i.e., the Amil was called Koran. Even when this system was given up the revenue collectors continued to be popularly called as Karories. Experiments in Land Revenue System For the purpose of assessment, after making a number of experiments, in the twenty- fourth years of his reign, Akbar introduced the Ain-i-Dashala in i.e. provinces of Agra, Allahabad, Bihar, Delhi, Lahore, Malwa, Multan and Oudh. In other words these provinces were put under Zabti system. In other parts Batai or Nasaq, according to convenience, were allowed to operate. The land was classified according to its productivity into : (i) polaj (ii) parauti (iii) chachar (iv) banjar One-third of the average produce of the first two categories (paloj and parurti) was land revenue paid, chachar and banjar land were progressively taxed. The revenue was assessed on the basis of actual yield of each crop, and not in the form of money range or a tax fixed for certain period or forever the produce of each crop the amount of the tax to be realised was fixed cropwise according to the schedule of rates called dasturs prepared by the central government. Akbar’s revenue settlement was Raiyatwari in which the actual cultivator of the soil being responsible for the payment of the revenue of the jagir land was done by the government officers. In fact the allotment of the jagirs done on the basis of assessment done by the government officials. Various forms of Assessment of Land Revenue Several methods of assessment of land revenue were in use when Akbar came to the throne. The underlying principle was that the state should receive a share of the produce of the land. The share varied from one fourth to one half of land revenue. Officials were told not to demand more than what Sher-Shah had claimed. In Multan, Akbar had been content with only one fourth of the produce. Akbar seems to have been content with generally claiming only the third part of the produce as the state share. However in the later years of Shah Jahan, it was raised to the one half of the produce and the continued in the Aurangzeb also. The main problem before the administration was to ascertain the quantum of produce that was due from every cultivator. As this was to be share of the total produce, it was first

233 necessary to determine this total. As the state’s demand depended upon what was produced, it varied with the various crops. Basically the demand was expressed in kind. There were many system of assessment of land revenue. The following were the most important in vogue : (i) Batai The system which had been prevailing from very ancient time was one in which the state and the cultivator shared the crop. In other words whatever was the produce it was shared between the producer and the state. Batai as it was and is called so even today took several forms. One form of this system of sharing was called long batai. According to long batai heaps of the crops after being cut were divided between the cultivator and the official of the Mughal government. In another form of ‘batai’ called khet batai, a portion of the standing crop could be designated as the state’s share and the state officials received the produce when the crop was harvested. According to the third form, there was the actual sharing of the produce when it had been gathered with corn or whatever else was produced being shared in accordance with the agreement (qarardad) and in the presence of both parties. The batai is described “as the best method of revenue collection” in the official documents of the Mughals. Among the all systems of assessment, the batai was much to the linking of the peasants because in this system the share of the state was determined on actual produce. (ii) Kankut In this system firstly the land was measured by jarib or by pacing. In the second stage the produce of a unit of the field was assessed and then it was applied to the entire land under the share of the state was determined in kind. But this share was paid to the state in cash under this method the revenue was assessed in this way. Suppose the total length of the field is thirty bighas. (A bigha was taken as a unit). The assessment of the yield of this unit in one maund. Then the total produce would be thirty maunds. The share of the state would be ten maunds if state shares is fixed 1/3 of the total produce. The price of the maunds was determined according to market rate and share thus determined in cash was to be taken by the government revenue collectors. (iii) Zabt The zabt was a very prominent method of revenue assessment. Sher Shah would have liked to receive land revenue in cash but took no steps to fix it per bigha to each crop. It is

234 possible that land revenue demand was converted into a cash figure at rates prevailing locally in various parts of the country. This left a great deal of discretion to the local officials who could both oppress the peasant and defraud the slate in exercising it. Akbar continued Sher Shah’s practice but found it increasingly inconvenient. After experimenting a good deal, he finally promulgated a schedule of rates in cash per bigha for every crop in 1570, not for the whole of the empire but for smaller units called dasture or assessment circle. Every assessment circle had its own schedule. The prices adopted represented that average of price prevailing in the area presumably during the last ten years, from the fifteenth to the twenty-fourth year of Akbar’s reign. In drawing up the schedule of rates, it was necessary to measure land to clasify it. In the first place, the mode of measurement was improved and hemp ropes (tanab) were being replaced by bamboos joined by iron rings (jarib). This was officially introduced in the 19th year of Akbar’s reign. The unit of measurement was named as bigha-i-ilahi which was 0.59 an acre. However in later time, the statistics complied were based on the bigha-i-daftari, which was two third of a bigha-i-ilahi. As has been mentioned above the land was divided into four grades— (i) Polaj (land under continuous cultivation), (ii) Parauti (very infrequently left fallow), (iii) Chachar (land frequently left follow), (iv) Banjar (barren land on the basis of fertility). The first two grades of land (polaj and parauti) were divided into good, middling and bad according to their yield. The average of the three was to be the estimated produce which was taken as the basis of the assessment. In the other two cases—chachar and banjar—where the land was of much proper quality, a different mode of assessment was adopted marked by a tender towards a progressive increase in revenue over the year. The innovations resulted in the evolution of a system commonly known as the Zabt system. It is called because Zabt was synonymous with ‘Jarib’ and thus the system of assessment based on measurement was so named. Merit of Zabt Let us here examine the merits and demerits of the Zabt system. Its chief notworthy merits can be enumerated thus : (i) making re-checking of measurement always feasible.

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(ii) check on arbitrariness of the local official as the revenue was fixed. (iii) the promulgation of permanent dasturs to a very extent eliminating “the uncertainties and fluctuations in levying the annual demand.” Demerits of Zabt On the debit side we must keep in mind the fact that the measurement of land in the entire empire was indeed a task of gagantic magnitude and very difficult to accomplish; then it was an undertaking which was quite expensive and time consuming : Also there was no guarantee that measurement of land was correctly made of the measured land were made, and lastly, system by its very nature could cover only that soil which was uniformation in quality—a requisite which is inherently very restricted. Akbar would have liked to introduce Zabt throughout the Mughal Empire but measuring land was a lengthy process and cultivators did not always welcome it. Hence, it could not be universalised over the whole of the Mughal Empire. Unless land was measured Zabt could not be introduced. the Zabt system without any significant departures continued to function in its belt from Lahore to Bihar. Nasaq Along with the Batai and Zabt certain other methods of assessment also prevailed in the country. Nasaq was one of them. The inconvenience and expense of preparing records on the spot was avoided by Nasaq. Different views have been expressed about the nasaq which shows that in this method the whole or a part of the assessment was not made afresh every year. Instead the results of assessment once considered good were repeated year after year. Collection of Land Revenue

After every harvest and following necessary calculations a demand for the whole village was prepared. It was the duty of the headman, a muqaddam to collect the amount. To make his work easy, demand slip for cash cultivator was prepared and supplied to him. He was to make the collection and pay the proceeds into the treasury. It is possible that sometimes a muqaddam was paid in kind. But if the area was assessed in cash, he had to deposit the total dues in cash. He may have, therefore, converted the payment from kind into cash himself. The amount was paid at the headquarters of the Pargana to the Amil or collector. A receipt for the total and also the account of every cultivator was given to him. Arrears, if any were also intimated. The collector sent the amount collected to the Karori at the headquarters of the Sarkar from where it was passed on to the provincial treasury. Here, it seems, payments due in cash were sanctioned and the surplus was remitted to the Finance Ministry by the provincial Diwan. Akbar paid the on 2.5 Muqaddam on the collections he made. The Muqqadam used to collect an additional surcharge on the revenue called Malba for defraying the expenses of the officials who visited the village. Akbar discontinued the levying of the surcharge and ordered

236 officials be paid out of the public revenues. There is however reason to believe that at least under his successors the Malba countiued to be collected. Occasionally : grazing and cattle tax were also charged. Peasants : Peasants were an important part of agricultural classes on whose welfare the prosperity of the state depended. There is some controversy, among scholars as to the rights of peasants on the land. According to Dr. P. Sarar, the peasants who cultivated the land and were its real and legal owners. Dr. Irfan Habib is of the opinion that the peasant’s right to the land was always his individual right. The position becomes somewhat easy if we use the word cultivator in place of peasants. N. A. Siddiqi says, “The cultivator, regardless of his having enjoyed or not enjoyed occupancy rights, did not have the right either to sell or to mortgage the land titled by him. Such a cultivator is known as muzara, maza, asami, or raaja...... the land was titled by the peasant as well as by cultivating zamindars, but the important difference between the two that the one belonged to a class claiming rights and interests in land which were hereditary transferable, whereas the other could not put forward any such claims and even their right of occupancy could be successfully disputed. Some of the peasants enjoyed occupancy rights. Their rights and interest were protected by the state under certain terms and conditions. They were protected by the state against unlawful election when their occupancy rights were violated by the zamindars. The terms and conditions on which the land was cultivated by the peasants were specified, which also included the area of cultivable land and the amount of land revenue to be paid by the peasants. The receipts for the land revenue paid by the peasants were given by the patwari. Shershah and Akbar paid particular attention to the welfare of the peasantry. But the condition of the peasantry deteriorated in the second half of the seventeenth century and onward. The land revenue demand of 1/3 of the produce was generally raised to 1/2 of the produce. In addition to land revenue the peasant had to pay something more in the form of cesses and perquisites. Pelsaetrt and Bernier inform us that the children of the peasants who could not pay the land revenue were sold. The Mughal Empire, united under an extremely centralised administration, was probably the biggest political entity ever established in the subcontinent of India. Even when so amply endowed our people could not be regarded as prosperous. The reason is not difficult to seek. The agrarian policy of the Mughals, as initiated by Akbar, notwithstanding its ingenuity of the Grand Mughal, was based on the exploitation of the basic producer, the Peasant, which left with him a bare subsistance. Again the increasing financial requirement of political expansions pitched “the revenue demand at the highest rate possible”. The exaction of the government increased, cultivation declined and the sufferings of the people mounted. “Seldom perhaps, in India history”, as remarked by Prof. Irfan Habib “has the contrast been so great as in Mughal India between”, what a contemporary European observer calls “the rich in their great superfluity and the utter subjection and poverty of the common people’’. There was a marked decline in the condition of the peasantry since Akbar’s death. If some of the contemporary foreign observers, particularly Europeans, are to be believed, the peasants in

237 the reign of Jahangir were “so cruelly and pitilessly oppressed” that “the fields lie unsown and grow into wilderness.” And things were no better even daring the early years of Aurangzeb’s reign as according to Bernier, “a considerable portion of the good land remaines untilled for want of labourers”...of whom many “perish in consequence of the bad treatment they receive from the Governors, ‘or they had no other avenue open to them but to “abandon the country.” Conditions worsened during the subsequent reign of Aurangzeb. Oppression of the peasants increased beyond the limit of their endurance. To conclude, one of the most potent grave-diggers of the Mughal Empire was its basic structure which increased the exploitation of the peasantry—the very back-bone of the economy which in Medieval India was essentially agrarian. The efforts of rulers like Sher Shah and Akbar were of no avail because of the very character of the system which was essentially based on exploitation. There was no escape for the swelling oppressions of the ruling class and the revenue system did not provide any built-in defences for the poor peasants. (iv) Other Sources of Revenue

Land revenue formed the main source of the Mughal Empire, but the Emperors imposed other levies as well. From ten to twentyfive per cent of their dues was deducted from the salaries of Mansabdars and put aside to bo spent for specified purposes. Some of the ruling chiefs still paid tribute, but most of them maintained a contingent of troops at the imperial court. This ‘avoidance of expenditure’ was in fact, an addition to the state’s resources. Forced labour paid at less than the market rate—could similarly be recognised as another source of income. Profession tax was paid by many skilled workers. Jizir came to be paid by all able- bodied adult Hindu males after Aurangzed reimposed it in 1679. Customs duties were charged at the ports in the shape both of import and exports duties. These usually varied between 3½% and 4% but on certain articles like Persian horses and musk it was as high as 5%. Aurangzeb raised the duty imposed on Hindu merchants to 5% in 1665, keeping it 2½% for Muslim traders. He remitted the duty entirely on the Muslim in 1668. Between 1672 and 1680 the duty was again fixed 2½% for both the communities but, in 1690 Hindus were charged at 5% and Muslims at 2½%. Goods in transit were often charged transit dues as they passed from place to place. Akbar abolished this payment but it seems to have continued. Octroi duty was charged in the big cities. An excise duty, at about 10%, seems to have been charged on the manufacture of certain articles. Sales tax was also charged in the market towns. The rates varied under Aurangzeb from ½% to 5% on Hindus and ½% to 2½% on Muslims. As all mines were owned by the states, these were let out to leaseholders on payment on a fee. There was also some sizeable income from mintage, though there was free coinage with this feature that everyone seeking to convert his gold into coins could do it by paying some discount to the mints.

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The Mughal workshops turned out articles for the use of the State and the Emperors. Surplus produce was sold to other consumers as well. The profit on these commercial undertakings seems to have been considerable. These also exerted some state monopolies on minerals like lead, sulphate and salt. Nazars, i.e., presents made to the Mughal Emperors formed another source of income. Fees and judicial fines also brought in a considerable amount. Crafts Antisans and karkhanas During the Mughal period, India had developed many industries of which textile, metal work, stone-work and mining had reached a fairly high standard of excellence. Generally an artisan/producer worked within his own house wherein the assistance of others members of his family was easily available on him. Quite often, the producer was himself the retailer of his goods; but sometimes he would pass on these manufactured products to any distributor who was interested in his products. As stated before periodical, fairs and there was on dearth of them— also provided him with a market where he could dispose of his goods. The large scale exporters mostly lived at the port-towns they had adequate arrangements, through their agents, for the collection of the commodities from the producers. In the royal karkhanas, however, the worker was a wage earner and was not directly connected with the sale of the products. Textile Textile production was one of the major craft industries of India. There was hardly any region in the country which was not famous for one or the other variety. It was carried in the peasant households, and professional craftsmen in town and villages. The there were Karkhanas (workshops) maintained by the state and the nobles. Cities like surat, Banaras and Ahmadabad were famous for their gold and liver thread cloth, Dhacca for Jandani. This industry was generally in a flourishing state during our period of study. The articles produced by it included cotton cloth, woolen cloth and different varieties of silk cloth such as calicoes, taffetas, chintz, baftas etc. Bengal and Gujarat dominated in cotton and silk production. Indian silk, muslin, brocade, and satin were very much in demand outside India, and were exported to various foreign lands in large quantities. Their demand among the richer classes inside the country was also great. Other allied industries, were gold thread work, embroidery and dyeing. Dyeing industry was highly developed and the Indian printed and dyed goods were recognised throughout the world for their high workmanship and beauty. Many foreign travellers have paid eloquent tributes to the high quality of the Indian textile.

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Metal work Metal work had a long tradition behind it. It touched new peaks of excellence during the Mughal period. Contemporary sources indicate that the Indian metal worker finally understood how to handle various metal like iron, brass, silver, zinc, mixed metal (gun- metal). Indian swords and daggers had acquired a reputation of their own. Various kinds of utensils were also made. Gold and silver were used both for ornaments and utensils of a base each also served for inlay work.

Stone work Stone work was another highly developed art, Brick-kilns produced building material of a very high quality. The Mughal passion for building, their refinement, sophistication and above all the abundance of resources encouraged the growth of this industry. The Mughal emperors and the members of the Imperial family as well as nobles and other high-ups were all interested in raising monuments and as such building industry was always geared to a high pitch. Precious stones were not only extensively mined but were also cut to different shapes and exquisitely polished by specially trained workers. Among the minor industries one may enumerate ivory work, paper, toys and leather works. Trade and Commerce The merchant class in the Mughal period comprised of both the Hindus and the Muslims. There was also a sprinkling of the Europeans such as the Portuguese, the Dutch (native of Holland) and the English. There was a strong tendency of the sea-borne trade slipping trade was generally the monopoly of the Muslims. The inland trade was shared by the Hindus and the Muslims. Among the Hindus, the Vaishya community occupied a prominent position as financiers, money changers and bankers. Their credit instrument called Hundi was very helpful in the promotion of trade both internal and foreign. Inside the country, there was brisk trade between the principal cities like Agra, Delhi, Lahore, Multan, Ahmedabad, Surat, Burhanpur, Allahabad, Patna and Hugli. There also existed a kind of insurance which covered the risk of the goods in transit. The foreign trade and commerce attained considerable dimensions during the Mughal period. The Mughal Emperors—particularly Akbar, Jahangir, Shah Jahan took keen interest in the development of foreign trade, though they never thought of establishing a control over the sea routes by building a strong navy. It is unfortunate that they conceded to the Europeans the control of these routes. The principal outlets for foreign sea-borne trade were : (1) Cambay (2) Surat (3) Sundry ports in Bengal

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(4) The Coromandel coast (5) The Indus delta (6) Malabar coast. On the land, the export trade followed two main routes; first, from Lahore to Kabul, and second, from Multan to Kandhar. From Kabul and Kandhar the commodities were distributed to different countries of Central Asia. But these overland routes were, however, risky. The chief items of export were textile, pepper, indigo, opium and some other drugs. A large variety of other goods were also exported but not in any large quantities. Articles of import consisted of silver, raw silk, metals, ivory, coral, amber, precious stones, some varieties of textiles, perfumes, European wines, African slaves, glass-work and China porcelain. The Chinaware was a special favourite of the Mughal Emperors because it was claimed that it contained some chemicals which at once detected any poison in the food. Mughal Emperors and their nobles were also fond of European curios, such as small caskets, paintings etc, and paid handsome, even fancy-price for them. Regarding the volume of trade, India then had a favourable balance of trades. As the value of exports being more than the imports sea was constantly having inflow of liver and precious stones. The organisation of trade, however, suffered from one serious malady and this was the irksome, often oppressive interference, by the local governors or high officials, who might personally visit the market any moment or might send his agents and start buying or selling any commodity he or his agents liked. On such occasions, competitions in the open market disappeared. At times, a monopoly system known as sauda-khas was set up by a government officer to the detriment of the merchants. Among the trader-governors the name of Mir Jumla of Bengal stands out prominently. He owned ships and land transport and carried on a large trade with forign countries. Prince Shuja, at the time of governorship of Bengal, monopolized the whole trade of the Hugli. The official inteference and various custom duties and the manner of their collection often hampered trade. Eesntial Readings : ➢ Ray Chaudhuri, T and I. Habib. (Eds.). (1982). The Cambridge Economic History of India, Vol.1: c1200-1750. Delhi: Orient Longman, pp. 214-434 ➢ Chandra, Satish. (2005). Religion, State and Society in Medieval India: Collected Works of Nurul Hasan. Delhi: Oxford University Press, pp. 173-278. ➢ Bhargava, Meena. (Ed.). (2010). Exploring Medieval India: sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries. Delhi: Orient Blackswan

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➢ Prakash, Om. (1998). The New Cambridge History of India: European Commercial Enterprise in Pre-Colonial India. Delhi: Cambridge University Press ➢ Gupta, Ashin Das and M.N. Pearson. (1997) India and the Indian Ocean 1500-1800. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Suggested Readings : ➢ Asher, Catherine B. and Cynthia Talbot. (2006). India before Europe. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ➢ Aquil, Raziuddin. ed. (2010). Sufism and Society in Medieval India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. ➢ Chandra, S. (2004). Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, Part 1&2. Delhi: Haranand Publications. ➢ Chandra, S. (2004). Madhyakalin Bharat: Sultanate se Mughal tak, Bhag 1& 2. Delhi: Jawahar Publishers. ➢ Chandra, S. (2007). History of Medieval India (800-1700). Delhi: Orient Longman. ➢ Digby, Simon. (2004). “Before Timur came: Provincialization of the Delhi Sultanate through the fourteenth century.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient vol. 47no.3, pp. 298-356 ➢ Ernst, Carl W. and Bruce Lawrence. (2002).” The Major Chishti Shrines” in Sufi Martyrs of Love in the Chishti Order in South Asia and Beyond. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, pp.85-104. ➢ Flood, Finbarr Barry (Ed.). (2008). Piety and Politics in the Early Indian Mosque. Delhi: Oxford University Press. ➢ Eaton, Richard M. (1996). The Sufis of Bijapur, 1300-1700: Social Roles of Sufis in Medieval India. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ➢ Faruqui, Munis D. (2012) The Princes of the Mughal Empire, 1504-1719. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press ➢ Hasan, S. Nurul. (2008). Religion, State and Society in Medieval India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. ➢ Khanna, M. (2007). Cultural History of Medieval India. Delhi: Social Science Press. ➢ Koch, E. (2013). Mughal Architecture: An Outline of its History and Development (1526- 1858). Delhi: Primus. ➢ Kumar, S. (2007). The Emergence of the Delhi Sultanate. Delhi: Permanent Black. ➢ Moosvi, Shireen. (1987). The Economy of the Mughal Empire. Delhi: Oxford University Press. ➢ Vaniana, Eugenia. (2004). Urban Crafts and Craftsmen in Medieval India (Thirteenth- Eighteenth Centuries). Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal.

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