The Red Army and Mass Mobilization During the Russian Civil War 1918-1920 Author(S): Orlando Figes Source: Past & Present, No

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The Red Army and Mass Mobilization During the Russian Civil War 1918-1920 Author(S): Orlando Figes Source: Past & Present, No The Past and Present Society The Red Army and Mass Mobilization during the Russian Civil War 1918-1920 Author(s): Orlando Figes Source: Past & Present, No. 129 (Nov., 1990), pp. 168-211 Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/650938 . Accessed: 15/11/2013 18:56 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Oxford University Press and The Past and Present Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Past &Present. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Fri, 15 Nov 2013 18:56:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE RED ARMY AND MASS MOBILIZATION DURING THE RUSSIAN CIVIL WAR 1918-1920 The Red Armybegan life in 1918 as a smallvolunteer force of proletariansfrom the major urban citadels of Bolshevikpower in northernand centralRussia. By theend of the civil war against the Whitesand the various armies of foreign intervention, in the autumn of 1920,it had growninto a massconscript army of fivemillion soldiers,75 percent of them peasants1 by birth - a figureroughly proportionateto the size ofthe peasant population in Russia.2 For theBolsheviks, this represented a tremendous social change. In October1917 their support had beenconfined to theworking- classdistricts of thebig industrialcities, the Baltic Fleet, and the (soonto be demobilized) garrisons and armies of northern and western Russia.Without support in thecountryside, where the vast majority ofthe population lived, no onehad expected the Bolsheviks to hold on to powerfor more than a fewweeks. The peasants,it was widely assumed,would rise up againstthem, joining the various armies of counter-revolution.Yet,contrary toexpectations, the Red Army won thecivil war, and it did so preciselybecause of its superior success, comparedwith the Whites, in mobilizingmillions of peasantsfor militaryservice. "In thissocial fact", concluded Trotsky, was "rooted thefinal cause of our victories".3 The massconscription of thepeasantry gave rise to a numberof majordebates within the Bolshevik party. Most Bolsheviks viewed thepeasantry as an alienforce, hostile to thesocialist revolution I "Peasants"are definedhere (and throughout)as householdmembers of small- scalefamily farms. 2 N. Gorlov,"O sotsial'noistrukture krasnoi armii" [On theSocial Structure ofthe Red Army],Politrabotnika (1922), no. 2, p. 55. The 1920census of the Red Army and Navygave the slightly higher figure of 77 percent: see V. Efremov,"Profes- sional'nyisostav krasnoi armii i flotapo perepisi1920 g." [TheProfessional Compo- sitionof the Red Armyand Fleet According to the Census of 1920], Biulleten' TsSU (1922),no. 66, p. 2. Accordingto the Red Army census, only 66 percent of soldiers registeredfarming as theirmain occupation: Biulleten' TsSU (1922),no. 59, p. 41. Peasantscounting domestic industry astheir main occupation represented a significant componentof theRed Army.Military service was also a popularmeans of social mobilityfrom the peasantry to othersocial groups, especially the bureaucracy. 3 L. Trotsky,How theRevolution Armed, trans. B. Pearce,in TheMilitary Writings and Speechesof Leon Trotsky,5 vols. (London, 1979), i, p. 15. This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Fri, 15 Nov 2013 18:56:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE RED ARMY AND MASS MOBILIZATION 1918-1920 169 becauseof its "petty-bourgeois" nature (its social inclination towards small-scaleproperty rights and marketrelations). The Bolshevik partyhad alwayssupported the ideal of a "class" army- one dominatedby theproletariat, as opposedto an armybased upon universalmilitary service.4 Although the rapid escalation of the civil warin thesummer of 1918had forcedthe Bolsheviks to adoptthe latterprinciple, many in theparty continued to expresstheir belief thata smallbut "pure" proletarianarmy, like the Red Guardsor factorymilitia of 1917, would prove more reliable and effective than a massconscript army infiltrated and weakenedby non-proletarian elements.This was one of the centralarguments of the Military Oppositionin theBolshevik party to Trotsky's policy of constructing a regularconscript army commanded by "bourgeois" military special- istsunder the political supervision of Bolshevikcommissars.5 The need to preservethe hegemony of theindustrial worker over the peasantwas also an importantconsideration for those (including Trotskyhimself) who stressed the desirability ofmoving - as soon as themilitary situation permitted - awayfrom the mass conscript armytowards a militiasystem.6 Theseissues went far beyond the question of military organization. Theprinciples upon which the Red Army was built served as a model forthe rest of the Soviet system. The centralizationofthe Bolshevik stateapparatus ran parallel to similarchanges in theRed Army's politicaland commandstructure. Trotsky compared the transition fromworkers' control to one-manmanagement in industrywith the transferof military authority in theRed Armyfrom elected officers tomilitary specialists, appointed by the Revolutionary Military Coun- cil of theRepublic (RVSR).7 The experienceof mass mobilization gainedby the Bolsheviksthrough the Red Armyfundamentally shapedtheir governmental attitudes not only during the period of WarCommunism (1918-21), when the whole of Sovietsociety was militarized,but also duringthe Stalinist period. Even the language of theBolsheviks - withits continual references to "campaigns", "combats","fronts" and "brigades"- had militaryovertones. The problemsof militaryorganization associated with the mass 4 Ibid.,i, pp. 134,420-1, iii, pp. 4, 8,passim. 5 F. Benvenuti,The Bolsheviks and theRed Army,1918-1922 (Cambridge, 1988), p. 66. 6 J. Erickson,"Some Military and Political Aspects of the 'Militia Army' Contro- versy,1919-1920", in C. Abramskyand B. Williams(eds.), Essaysin Honourof E. H. Carr(London, 1974), p. 217. 7 Trotsky,How theRevolution Armed, ii, p. 105. This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Fri, 15 Nov 2013 18:56:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 170 PAST AND PRESENT NUMBER 129 conscriptionofthe peasantry had particular relevance to these broader issuesof government. The difficultiesofregistering the rural popu- lationeligible for military service and of enforcingthe Red Army conscriptionsin thecountryside pointed towards the general prob- lemsof administration which the Bolsheviks were bound to confront outsidetheir strongholds in themajor industrial cities. The tasksof trainingand discipliningthe unruly peasant recruits served as an importantlesson in themethods of rule for those (mostly Bolshevik and working-class)officers who were to enterthe provincial organs ofSoviet government intheir thousands after the end of the civil war. The contemptand hatred felt by many of the proletarian officers for thepeasantry was expressed in suchbrutal punishments (sanctioned bythe disciplinary code of the Red Army)as hittingsoldiers in the teethwith the butt of a rifle.Beneath this naked violence lay a deeper politicalstruggle, as D. D. F. Whiteput it, "between the anarchistic, anti-centralisttendencies of the village and the centralist, dictatorial trendsof the Communist party. It wasnot merely a conflictbetween groupswith different economic and political interests. It wasa deep- rootedantagonism between two ways of living, two different cultural practicesand concepts".8 Isaac Babelsymbolized this conflict in hisbrilliant story, Konnaia armiia(Red Cavalry),in theepisode when one of Budenny's61ite cavalrybrigades charges on a groupof their own peasant infantrymen, thrashingthem with whips to asserttheir superiority over them. Of all theproblems of militaryorganization associated with the massconscription of the peasantry, none was as serious,or had as manyconsequences for the civilian sector, as thedifficulties ofmilitary supply.The decisionto maintain a Red Army of five million soldiers, ratherthan one or twomillion, necessitated the militarization ofthe Sovieteconomy (War Communism) tosupply it with food, uniforms, boots,weapons, transport and medicalservices. But the Red Army grewmuch faster than the productivecapacity of the economy. Materialshortages in thearmy increased. Living conditions deterio- rated.Diseases spread. Discipline broke down. And desertion accel- eratedout of control,so that hastilymobilized - and often untrained- reinforcementshad increasinglytobe sentto the front- lineunits, although these were precisely those most likely to desert. The problemwas made more acute by the fact that the army became dependenton peasantrecruits, whose technical incompetence and 8 D. D. F. White, The Growthof theRed Army(Princeton, 1944), p. 121. This content downloaded from 128.197.26.12 on Fri, 15 Nov 2013 18:56:45 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions THE RED ARMY AND MASS MOBILIZATION 1918-1920 171 naturalhoming instincts during the agricultural season made them harderto train and discipline than skilled industrial workers.' It was thisconsideration that had largelydetermined the decision of the Bolsheviksto go fora
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