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Supporting Working-Class Students in Higher Education

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Supporting Working-Class Students in Higher Education Supporting Working-Class Students in Higher Education Krista Soria, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities Mark Bultmann, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities Utilizing data from the multi-institutional Student Although scholars have documented differences Experience in the Research University survey, we between social classes in terms of higher education examined self-identified working-class students’ attendance and attainment, very few have ad- experiences in higher education. The results dressed working-class students’ experiences in suggest that working-class students experience a higher education (Walpole, 2003). Furthermore, lower sense of belonging, perceive a less in academic advising literature on marginalized welcoming campus climate, and pursue fewer and underrepresented students issues of social class social engagements than their peers who self- remain noticeably absent, a situation concomitant identify as middle/upper-class. Specific sugges- with the scarcity of social class scholarship in tions direct academic advisors to promote higher education and limited inclusion of social working-class students’ success. class issues in diversity conversations on college campuses. In overlooking the influence of social [doi:10.12930/NACADA-13-017] class background in shaping students’ collegiate KEY WORDS: campus climate, higher educa- experiences, academic advisors may fail to attend tion, social class, social integration, working class specifically to the social class–based concerns of their students and thus unknowingly perpetuate Students from working-class backgrounds are social class inequalities and classism. To remedy this dearth of information in the significantly less likely to attend college (particu- literature, we investigated working-class students’ larly 4-year institutions) and persist to degree experiences in traditional 4-year public institutions completion than their peers from middle- and to provide academic advisors with insights into upper-social classes (Astin & Oseguera, 2004; ways social class may mark a point of division for McDonough, 1997; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005; working-class college students among the larger Tinto, 2006; Walpole, 2007). Social class, as population. We specifically examined whether determined by economic status, is an important students’ social class is associated with their sense indicator of college access and attendance: In 2004, of belonging, social involvement, and perceptions no more than 43% of high school graduates from of campus climate for those in specific social families with incomes under $30,000 immediately classes. In learning more about the collegiate matriculated to higher education institutions while experiences of working-class college students, 75% of students from families with incomes over academic advisors can be better prepared to advise $50,000 enrolled in colleges and universities this group of students and better positioned to (Long, 2008). The rates at which lower- and create institutional conditions to promote students’ upper-income students graduate from college educational success. reflect even greater disparities: By 24 years of age, 12% of students from low-income families Defining Working-Class Students earn a baccalaureate degree compared with 73% of The lack of consensus on social class defini- their higher income peers (Mortenson, 2007). tions coupled with differing contextual meanings The inequality in degree completion rates has of them complicates proper class-based cohort created longstanding barriers to social mobility identification for educational researchers. There- over generations by systematically perpetuating fore, throughout the paper, we reference scholar- economic inequalities for students from working- ship in which the term social class has been class backgrounds. As colleges and universities operationalized and social class variables (e.g., become more diverse, academic advisors must parental education, income, or occupation) are increasingly appreciate and understand the ways in utilized in multiple ways. which students’ social class background shapes Scholars have suggested that subjective identi- collegiate experiences and, in turn, the ways in fication of social class can be valid under specific which postsecondary institutions reinforce systems conditions: for example, if meaningful response of existing class privilege. categories are provided and if social class is NACADA Journal Volume 34(2) 2014 51 Krista Soria & Mark Bultmann conceptualized as membership in specific socially their own background and life histories. Their defined groups (Rubin et al., 2014; Soria, Steble- circumstances can influence students’ academic ton, & Huesman, 2013-2014). Furthermore, sub- experiences as well; for example, working-class jective assessments of social class may provide students spend significantly less time collaborating reliable and predictive measures in the field of with classmates on academic assignments than higher education (Rubin et al., 2014); consequent- middle- and upper-class students (Soria et al., ly, in the analysis, we relied upon students’ self- 2013-2014). Working-class students also engage in reported affinity with one of five social classes as student clubs and groups less than students from listed on the survey provided to them: low-income other socioeconomic backgrounds, and nearly one or poor, working-class, middle-class, upper-middle half of them participate less than one hour a week or professional middle-class, and wealthy. We in student organizations (Walpole, 2003). These collapsed the three middle- and upper-class findings comport with those from other researchers categories into one group for comparison with who have found that students from lower social low-income and working-class students, a group classes work longer hours and participate less hereafter identified as working class. frequently in organized student groups or informal Many factors influence self-identification or and formal social activities than their peers from -categorization of social groups, including the middle- and upper-class backgrounds (Rubin, status of the group, perceived clarity and perme- 2012; Stuber, 2011; Walpole, 2003). ability of group boundaries, legitimacy and stabil- Students from working-class backgrounds clear- ity of intergroup relations, and similarity to a ly see disparities based on class differences, prototypical group member (Brown, 2000; Huddy, express sensitivity to social class issues, and 2001). Class-based terminology for self-definition believe that social class matters in their collegiate may create problems in research because of the experience (Aries, 2008; Stuber, 2006). Working- rhetoric used to describe classes; for example, class students clearly articulate their astute aware- lower class tends to carry the most negative ness of social class by identifying cultural rules and stereotypes, and individuals may therefore avoid symbols associated with various levels of social external affinity with lower social classes to dodge class (Schwartz, Donovan, & Guido-DiBrito, social stigmatization (Lott, 2002). Class differences 2009). Aries and Seider (2005) discovered that may appear more salient for working-class students low-income students attending a private college who attend universities mostly attended by those reported greater feelings of inadequacy, intimida- from middle- and upper-class families (Granfield, tion, exclusion, and inferiority than their peers. 1991; Ostrove & Stewart, 1998). Therefore, the Working-class students have previously identified sample for this research, derived from several large, several critical incidents that spurred them to public, research universities where the majority of realize the economic, social, and cultural capital students self-identified as middle/upper-class, may differences between social classes on their cam- reflect some bias. In prior research utilizing the puses: For example, students noted that they felt same data, researchers found that self-identified invisible in the eyes of peers and university social class strongly correlates with students’ self- personnel; believed that their fellow students and reported and institutionally reported family income the university staff lack awareness of the issues and and parental education, lending validity to stu- realities facing working-class students; and be- dents’ self-identification in a social class in this lieved prevalent stereotypical views of the work- particular sample (Soria & Barratt, 2012). While ing-class persisted on campus (Hess, 2007). social class intersects with other dimensions of Undoubtedly, such awareness of social class students’ identities in unique ways, in this study, differences can contribute to working-class stu- we highlight class-based differences to advance dents’ alienation, marginalization, and isolation in awareness of social class influences on students’ higher education. experiences. The extent to which students feel integrated on their campuses matters: Students’ experiences and Working-Class Students in Higher Education levels of involvement in college influence their Working-class students often struggle in areas educational aspirations and persistence (Astin, related to social engagement and integration in 1993; Pascarella & Terenzini, 2005; Tinto, 2003). higher education (Soria, 2012); for example, Soria Additionally, social networks on campus can and Stebleton (2013) discovered that working-class cultivate working-class students’ acquisition of college students struggle to find
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