Railroads, Robber Barons, and Unbridled Capitalism

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Railroads, Robber Barons, and Unbridled Capitalism ECONOMY Railroads, Robber Barons, and Unbridled Capitalism AP Images The term “robber baron” is many times used in history books to be synonymous with “unrestrained capitalist,” but such a definition is overly general and misleading. by Bob Adelmann nor the statesman, but to these other ploit the working class, form anti-compet- young men of ’61, who soon figured itive trusts, and obtain the accumulation hen Matthew Josephson wrote as “massive interests moving ob- of personal wealth above all else. Muck- The Robber Barons in 1934, he scurely in the background” of wars. raker Ida Tarbell, author of the History of W tipped his hand as to his per- Hence these, rather than the military the Standard Oil Company , reinforced the sonal prejudice against the capitalists of captains or tribunes, are the subject idea that these soulless, industrialist Rob- the late 19th century: of this history. ber Barons were a destructive force and were willing to circumvent laws to accom- Besides the young men who marched His bias against the capitalists, who were plish their personal selfish ends. to [the Battle of] Bull Run, there were busy building the greatest industrial na- Some historians disagreed with this por- other young men of 1861 whose in- tion the world had ever seen, ingrati- trayal. Josephson added a foreword to his stinctive sense of history proved to ated his work with statist historians who book in 1962, complaining of the rise of be unerring. Loving not the paths of looked favorably on government inter- “revisionist historians” who were disput- glory they slunk away quickly, bent vention to “deliver us from these evils” ing his interpretation of history: upon business of their own. They and made Josephson’s attack required were warlike enough and pitiless yet reading in high schools and colleges for Of late years, however, a group of never risked their skin: they fought decades thereafter. academic historians have constituted without military rules or codes of The sobriquet “Robber Baron” has themselves what may be called a re- honor or any tactics or weapons fa- hence struck a pejorative chord in genera- visionist school, which reacts against miliar to men: they were the strange, tions of graduates of schools that continue [my] critical spirit of the 1930’s.... new mercenary soldiers of economic to teach that individuals such as Andrew To [these] revisionists of our history life. The plunder and trophies of vic- Carnegie, John D. Rockefeller, and J.P. our old-time moneylords “were not tory would go neither to the soldier Morgan used the capitalist system to ex- robber barons but architects of ma- Call 1-800-727-TRUE to subscribe today! 25 ECONOMY terial progress,” and, in some wise, where the federal government’s au- budding entrepreneurs — the men of the “saviors” of our country. They have thority in interstate commerce should “class of ’61” as referred to by Josephson proposed rewriting parts of Ameri- end. Any reach for authority beyond — these advantages represented a once-in- ca’s history so that the image of the that envisioned by the men who a-lifetime opportunity. old-school capitalists should be re- wrote the Constitution should be con- The profit opportunities that railroads touched and restored, like rare pieces sidered unconstitutional. represented were apparent to politicians of antique furniture. The first real exertion of substan- and non-politicians alike, but federal gov- tial federal power under the inter- ernment involvement during this period The development of the railroad industry state commerce clause came with the was slowed by several factors, including in the 19th century provides a welcome advent of the railroads in the mid- the growing animosity between the agri- opportunity to investigate such charges 1800’s. The government assumed cultural southern states and the increas- and determine if, in fact, such “revision- complete dominion over the early ingly industrialized north. This animosity ism” is justified and necessary. railroads, going so far as to grant re- stemmed from the mercantilist efforts by gional railroad monopolies through northern states to institute high tariffs to The Birth of R ailroads Acts of Congress, as well as owning “protect” growing industries from for- During the Republic’s first 50 years, com- a large percentage of stock in various eign competition, which negatively im- merce was limited to the use of rivers, early railroad corporations. pacted southern states’ commerce abroad. canals, and roads. Two events, however, Another reason was the resistance to the changed the economic scene forever: the The usefulness of railroads soon became perceived abrogations of the Constitution expansion of the “general commerce” apparent after their invention in England by the North into southern states’ affairs, clause under Article I, Section 8 of the in the early 1800s. The South Carolina including the issue of abolition. Constitution by t he Supreme Court in Canal and Rail Road Company first used When federal legislation to build a 1824, and the development of steam loco- steam locomotives in December 1833, fol- transcontinental railroad was first intro- motives in England. lowed by the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad duced in 1845, it was successfully resisted In Gibbons v. Ogden , Chief Justice John (B&O) as the first common carrier, which by the southern states. However, the dis- Marshall decided that the phrase “The initiated passenger train service using such covery of gold in California in January Congress shall have Power … to regulate locomotives soon thereafter. of 1848 set off such an explosion that it Commerce … among the several states” Compared to roads, rivers, and canals, changed the question of federal govern- meant that the federal government was al- the advantages of rail transport were obvi- ment involvement in railroad construction lowed to regulate commerce wherever it ous: improved safety, year-round service, from “whether” the federal government took place, including within the borders shorter delivery times, and lower costs. To should get involved to “when, where, and of a state. Prior to this decision, it was accepted that the federal government had power over only interstate commerce. This decision extended the definition of interstate commerce and cemented the power of the federal government over the states when state laws conflicted. It was greeted with great enthusiasm at the time, as it clarified and simplified mat- ters greatly for those involved in such commerce among and between the states. This was going to have major implications after railroads became a reliable means of transportation because Justice Marshall’s decision in Gibbons was so vague that it allowed those favoring federal govern- ment intervention to involve the govern- ment intimately in the development of the railroad industry. At OriginalIntent.org, for instance, the author states: There is little doubt that the com- merce clause … was to be used for Library of Congress little more than insuring what we Kings of industry: This is a lithograph called The Empire Builders . From the left, the men are James would call today, a “free trade zone.” J. Hill, railroads; Andrew Carnegie, steel; Cornelius Vanderbilt, shipping; John D. Rockefell er, oil; J. That limited role is quite rightfully Pierpont Morgan, finance; Jay Cooke, finance; and Jay Gould, finance and railroads. 26 THE NEW AMERICAN • JULY 19, 2010 10 square miles of public land for every mile laid, but that grant was increased to 20 square miles in 1864. By the time the Union Pacific Railroad met the Central Pacific Railroad in Promontory Point in Utah in 1869, the two companies had been given 242,000 square miles, a ter- ritory larger than Germany. According to Norman Tutorow in his 1970 article in Southern California Quar- terly , “Stanford’s Responses to Competi- tion: Rhetoric Versus Reality,” Leland Stanford and the men who ran the CPRR paid lip-service to the idea of free competition, but in practice sought to dominate competing rail- AP Images road and shipping lines.... Stanford Lookout point: Two federal railroad commissioners sit on the pilot of this Central Pacific and his associates repeatedly entered locomotive to inspect newly built track. With the f ederal government offering land grants for into pooling arrangements to prevent every mile of transcontinental rail line built, much of the construction was shoddy. competition, bought out competi- tors, or forced rivals to agree not to how” such a railroad would be built. With success as a capitalist is his ability to compete. Stanford and his partners the original strictures on the commerce please the consumer, for in a capital- viewed laissez-faire as applicable clause largely removed, and the increas- ist society the consumer ultimately only to government controls, and not ing marginalization of the southern states calls the economic shots. By contrast, to … competition within the system. in their resistance to such unconstitutional a political entrepreneur succeeds pri- incursions, it was just a matter of time be- marily by influencing government to One of the ways the Big Four milked the fore the government got involved. subsidize his business or industry or system was by setting up their own coal Bills to initiate such construction were to enact legislation or regulation that company to sell coal to their railroad. That presented to Congress in 1860 and then harms his competitors. company mined coal for two dollars a ton, again in 1861. When the southern states but sold it to their railroad for six dollars a seceded from the union, thus removing The first clear attempt by political entre- ton, and pocketed the difference. In other their constitutional and economic chal- preneurs to “game” the system occurred words, the Big Four essentially stole from lenges to such an effort, a bill was ratified immediately after passage of the Pacific the government that was financing the rail- and signed into law by President Abraham Railway Act of 1862, when “The Big road — the railroad was just an intermedi- Lincoln in 1862.
Recommended publications
  • Class and Ocupation
    Theory and Society, vol. 9, núm. 1, 1980, pp. 177-214. Class and Ocupation. Wright, Erik Olin. Cita: Wright, Erik Olin (1980). Class and Ocupation. Theory and Society, 9 (1) 177-214. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/erik.olin.wright/53 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. 177 CLASS AND OCCUPATION ERIK OLIN WRIGHT Sociologists have generally regarded "class" and "occupation" as occupy- ing essentially the same theoretical terrain. Indeed, the most common operationalization of class is explicitly in terms of a typology of occupa- tions: professional and technical occupations constitute the upper-middle class, other white collar occupations comprise the middle class proper, and manual occupations make up the working class. Even when classes are not seen as defined simply by a typology of occupations, classes are generally viewed as largely determined by occupations. Frank Parkin expresses this view when he writes: "The backbone of the class structure, and indeed of the entire reward system of modern Western society, is the occupational order. Other sources of economic and symbolic advantage do coexist alongside the occupational order, but for the vast majority of the population these tend, at best, to be secondary to those deriving from the division of labor."' While the expression "backbone" is rather vague, nevertheless the basic proposition is clear: the occupational structure fundamentally determines the class structure.
    [Show full text]
  • Inside the Middle Class
    Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life FOR RELEASE WEDNESDAY APRIL 9, 2008 12:00PM EDT Paul Taylor, Project Director Rich Morin, Senior Editor D'Vera Cohn, Senior Writer Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rakesh Kochhar, Senior Researcher April Clark, Research Associate MEDIA INQUIRIES CONTACT: Pew Research Center 202 419 4372 http://pewresearch.org ii Table of Contents Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Overview……………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 Section One – A Self-Portrait 1. The Middle Class Defines Itself ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………..28 2. The Middle Class Squeeze………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..…….36 3. Middle Class Finances ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….……………………..47 4. Middle Class Priorities and Values………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………….53 5. Middle Class Jobs ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….65 6. Middle Class Politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………71 About the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project ……………………………………………………….…………………………….78 Questionnaire and topline …………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………………..79 Section Two – A Statistical Portrait 7. Middle Income Demography, 1970-2006…………………………………………………………………………………………………………110 8. Trends in Income, Expenditures, Wealth and Debt………………………………………..…………………………………………….140 Section Two Appendix ……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………………………………..163
    [Show full text]
  • The Dangerous Class the Concept of the Lumpenproletariat
    The Dangerous Class The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat Marx and Engels’ concept of the “lumpenproletariat,” or underclass (an anglicized, politically neutral term), appears in The Communist Manifesto and other writings. It refers to “the dangerous class, the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society,” whose lowly status made its residents potential tools of the capitalists against the working class. Surprisingly, no one has made a substantial study of the lumpenproletariat in Marxist thought until now. Clyde Barrow argues that recent discussions about the downward spiral of the American white working class (“its main problem is that it is not working”) have reactivated the concept of the lumpenproletariat even among arguments that it is a term so ill-defined as to not be theoretical. Using techniques from etymology, lexicology, and translation, Barrow brings analytical coherence to the concept of the lumpenproletariat, revealing it to be an inherent component of Marx and Engels’ analysis of the historical origins of capitalism. However, a proletariat that is destined to decay into an underclass may pose insurmountable obstacles to a theory of revolutionary agency in post-industrial capitalism. The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat is the first comprehensive analysis of the concept of the lumpenproletariat in Marxist political theory. Clyde Barrow excavates and analyzes the use of this term from its introduction by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in The German Ideology (1846) and Save 30% at The Communist Manifesto (1848) through the central role of the relative surplus population in Post-Marxist political theory. He argues that when press.umich.edu organized by a strong man—whether a Bonaparte, a Mussolini, or a with promotion code Trump—the lumpenproletariat gravitates toward a parasitic and violent UMLUMPEN lumpen-state created in its own image, and such a state primarily serves the interests of the equally parasitic finance aristocracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Dangerous Class: the Concept of the Lumpenproletariat
    Review The dangerous class: The concept of the lumpenproletariat Clyde W. Barrow, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 2020, xii+196pp., ISBN: 978-0472132249 Contemporary Political Theory (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296-021-00487-9 An oft-cited description of the lumpenproletariat comes from Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. The Parisian lumpenproletariat that Louis Bonaparte recruited during the French class struggles of 1848–1851 in order to defeat the proletariat and ultimately to seize state power consisted of the following: Alongside decayed roue´s with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, ma- quereaus, brothel keepers, porters, literati, organ grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars – in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French call la bohe`me (1963: 75). As self-interested hustlers whose services are for sale to the highest bidder, the lumpenproletariat – a term Marx and Engels created – is typically co-opted, as Bonaparte demonstrates, by reactionary movements. However, Marx’s taxonomy indicates the difficulty of locating a synthesized and explanatory definition for a term presented here as an ‘indefinite’ alterity with no clear framework of composition. The term has seemed, to some commentators, incoherent or reflective of scorn toward the disreputable or poor (Bussard, 1987; Draper, 1972; Hardt and Negri, 2004). Others – typically literary and cultural critics (Stallybrass, 1990; Mills, 2017) – have approached it as the discursive trace of a complex social scene that escapes full schematization by class relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Race, Class, and Slavery During the American Civil
    UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6238s7h2 Journal Journal of Classical Sociology, 17(1) Author Anderson, Kevin Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Kevin B. Anderson, University of California, Santa Barbara [author’s last version of article published in Journal of Classical Sociology 17:1 (2017), pp. 24-36] As the U.S. marked the 150th anniversary of the Civil War, some attention was given to African-American resistance to slavery and to the northern radical abolitionists. Increasingly, it was admitted, even in the South, that the Confederacy’s supposedly “noble cause” was based upon the defense of slavery. Yet to this day U.S. public opinion continues to deny the race and class dimensions of the war. There is also a denial, sometimes even among critical sociologists, of the war’s revolutionary implications, not only for African-Americans, but also for white labor and for the U.S. economic and political system as a whole. And there is still greater ignorance of the fact that Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote extensively on the dialectics of race and class in the American Civil War, something I have tried to remedy in my recent book, Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies. Marx on Ireland: Class, Ethnicity, and National Liberation Sometimes, as I have tried to show in Marx at the Margins, Marx conceptualized the pathway to class-consciousness and to socialist revolution as direct rather than indirect.
    [Show full text]
  • Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie
    Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie: the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour. Capital: an asset (including money) owned by an individual as wealth used to realize a fnancial proft, and to create additional wealth. Capital exists within the process of economic exchange and grows out of the process of circulation. Capital is the basis of the economic system of capitalism. Capitalism: a mode of production in which capital in its various forms is the principal means of production. Capital can take the form of money or credit for the purchase of labour power and materials of production; of physical machinery; or of stocks of fnished goods or work in progress. Whatever the form, it is the private ownership of capital in the hands of the class of capitalists to the exclusion of the mass of the population. Class: social stratifcation defned by a person's relationship to the means of production. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bf/Pyramid_of_Capitalist_System.png Class struggle: an antagonism that exists within a society, catalyzed by competing socioeconomic interests and central to revolutionary change. Communism: 1) a political movement of the working class in capitalist society, committed to the abolition of capitalism 2) a form of society which the working class, through its struggle, would bring into existence through abolition of classes and of the capitalist division of labor. Dictatorship of the Proletariat: the idea that the proletariat (the working class) has control over political power in the process of changing the ownership of the means of production from private to collective ownership as part of a socialist transition to communism.
    [Show full text]
  • Findings from a National Survey & Focus Groups on Economic Mobility
    March 12, 2009 Findings from a National Survey & Focus Groups on Economic Mobility To: Interested Parties From: Economic Mobility Project, The Pew Charitable Trusts Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research Public Opinion Strategies Introduction Over the last two years, the Pew Economic Mobility Project (EMP) has been researching and aggregating the best available facts, figures and trends on economic mobility in the United States. In collaboration with leaders from across the political spectrum (including representatives from the American Enterprise Institute, the Brookings Institution, the Heritage Foundation, the New America Foundation, the Peterson Foundation, and the Urban Institute) the EMP is expanding the national economic debate by focusing on this critically important issue. Our diverse coalition believes that economic mobility—the ability of American families to move up or down the income ladder within a lifetime or from one generation to the next—is a unifying and core tenet of the American Dream, and that policymakers should dedicate significant attention to promoting policies that enhance economic mobility for all Americans. In developing the most comprehensive set of research and analyses on economic mobility, the project has introduced a number of provocative findings. These include economic analysis showing that most Americans make more in absolute dollars than their parents did at a similar age, but only a third move up a rung on the income ladder. It also found that children of parents at the very bottom and the very top of the ladder are themselves most likely to remain in those positions. And, strikingly, African Americans are more likely to make less than their parents and are more likely to fall down the income ladder than whites—almost half of children born to middle-income African-American families fall to the bottom of the income ladder as adults.
    [Show full text]
  • The (Class) Struggle Is Real(Ly Queer): a Bilateral Intervention Into Working-Class Studies and Queer Theory
    THE (CLASS) STRUGGLE IS REAL(LY QUEER): A BILATERAL INTERVENTION INTO WORKING-CLASS STUDIES AND QUEER THEORY by Katherine Anne Kidd B.A. University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, 2006 M.A. University of Pittsburgh, 2009 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2016 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DEITRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Katherine Anne Kidd It was defended on August 8, 2016 and approved by William Scott, PhD, Associate Professor Mark Lynn Anderson, PhD, Associate Professor Brent Malin, PhD, Associate Professor Dissertation Co-Chair: Nancy Glazener, PhD, Associate Professor Dissertation Co-Chair: Nicholas Coles, PhD, Associate Professor ii Copyright © by Katherine Anne Kidd 2016 iii THE (CLASS) STRUGGLE IS REAL(LY QUEER): A BILATERAL INTERVENTION INTO WORKING-CLASS STUDIES AND QUEER THEORY Katherine Anne Kidd, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2016 Class issues have become more present in media and literary studies, as the gap between the upper and lower classes has widened. Meanwhile, scholars in the growing field of working- class studies attempt to define what working-class literature is by formulating criteria for what kinds of people count as working-class, based on moral values supposedly held by working-class people. Usually, working-class people are envisioned as white, heteronormative, and dignified legitimate workers. Working-class studies seldom engages with queer theory or conventional forms of identity politics. Conversely, queer theorists often reference class, but abandon it in favor of other topics.
    [Show full text]
  • Social Class Differences in Students' Experiences During the COVID-19
    Social Class Differences in Students’ Experiences during the COVID-19 Pandemic Krista M. Soria & Bonnie Horgos The COVID-19 pandemic has created significant hardships for students from low-income, poor, and working-class backgrounds enrolled at large, public research universities, ​ according to the Student Experience in the Research University (SERU) Consortium survey of 30,697 undergraduate students conducted May through July 2020 at nine universities. In the survey, 7% of respondents (n = 2,112) identified as low-income or poor, 16% identified as ​ ​ working-class (n = 4,970), 42% identified as middle-class (n = 12,815), 32% identified as ​ ​ ​ ​ upper-middle or professional-middle class (n = 9,924), and 3% identified as wealthy (n = 876). ​ ​ ​ ​ The results of our study suggest that students from low-income/poor and working-class ​ backgrounds were significantly more likely than their peers to experience financial hardships, including the loss or reduction of income from other family members, unexpected ​ increases in living experiences and technology, the loss/cancellation of expected jobs or internships, and the loss of wages from off-campus employment. Furthermore, students from low-income/poor and working-class backgrounds were significantly more likely than their peers to experience food insecurity and housing insecurity. Additionally, students from low-income/poor and working-class backgrounds had significantly ​ ​ ​ higher rates of generalized anxiety disorder and major depressive disorder and academic ​ ​ obstacles during the transition to remote learning, such as lack of access to appropriate ​ study spaces, technology, academic advising, and learning support services. As campuses roll out their programs and services for the fall 2020 semester, we encourage them to consider the unique needs and experiences of students from low-income/poor and working-class backgrounds and reconfigure their programs to address those students’ financial hardships, food/housing insecurity, mental health disorders, and academic obstacles.
    [Show full text]
  • Lower Social Class Does Not (Always) Mean Greater Interdependence: Women in Poverty Have Fewer Social Resources Than Working-Cla
    JCCXXX10.1177/0022022114534768Journal of Cross-Cultural PsychologyStephens et al. 534768research-article2014 Article Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 2014, Vol. 45(7) 1061 –1073 Lower Social Class Does © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: Not (Always) Mean Greater sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0022022114534768 Interdependence: Women in jccp.sagepub.com Poverty Have Fewer Social Resources Than Working-Class Women Nicole M. Stephens1, Jessica S. Cameron2, and Sarah S. M. Townsend3 Abstract Social resources (i.e., number and nature of relationships with family and friends) are an important, yet largely unrecognized, feature of the sociocultural contexts of social class that influence psychological functioning. To assess the nature and content of social resources, we conducted semistructured interviews with American women living in poverty (n = 21) and working-class (n = 31) contexts. In contrast to previous research, which demonstrates that lower social class contexts foster greater social connection and interdependence than middle- class or upper-class contexts, this study revealed that poverty constitutes a clear cutoff point at which reduced material resources no longer predict higher levels of social connection, but instead social isolation. Our interview data revealed that women in poverty had fewer connections to family and friends, experienced greater difficulty with trust, and reported more challenges involving relationships compared with working-class women. These findings extend psychological theories regarding how social class shapes psychological functioning and have important implications for understanding the maintenance and reproduction of poverty. Keywords social class, poverty, culture, self, inequality, relationships, social integration An emerging body of literature in cultural psychology suggests that social class is a form of cul- ture (D.
    [Show full text]
  • Supporting Working-Class Students in Higher Education
    Supporting Working-Class Students in Higher Education Krista Soria, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities Mark Bultmann, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities Utilizing data from the multi-institutional Student Although scholars have documented differences Experience in the Research University survey, we between social classes in terms of higher education examined self-identified working-class students’ attendance and attainment, very few have ad- experiences in higher education. The results dressed working-class students’ experiences in suggest that working-class students experience a higher education (Walpole, 2003). Furthermore, lower sense of belonging, perceive a less in academic advising literature on marginalized welcoming campus climate, and pursue fewer and underrepresented students issues of social class social engagements than their peers who self- remain noticeably absent, a situation concomitant identify as middle/upper-class. Specific sugges- with the scarcity of social class scholarship in tions direct academic advisors to promote higher education and limited inclusion of social working-class students’ success. class issues in diversity conversations on college campuses. In overlooking the influence of social [doi:10.12930/NACADA-13-017] class background in shaping students’ collegiate KEY WORDS: campus climate, higher educa- experiences, academic advisors may fail to attend tion, social class, social integration, working class specifically to the social class–based concerns of their students and thus unknowingly perpetuate Students
    [Show full text]
  • Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise
    American Journal of Sociology, vol. 105, núm. 4, 2000, pp. 957-1002. Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise. Wright, Erik Olin. Cita: Wright, Erik Olin (2000). Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise. American Journal of Sociology, 105 (4) 957-1002. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/erik.olin.wright/34 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise1 Erik Olin Wright University of Wisconsin This article proposes a general theoretical framework for under- standing the concept of “class compromise” in terms of a “reverse- J” model of the relationship between the associational power of workers and the interests of capitalists: increases in working-class power adversely affect capitalist-class interests until such power crosses some intermediate threshold beyond which further increases in working-class power are potentially beneficial to capitalists’ inter- ests. This article argues that the reverse-J curve is itself the result of two distinct kinds of effects of workers’ power on capitalists’ in- terests: one, a negative effect, in which workers’ power undermines the capacity of capitalists to unilaterally make various kinds of deci- sions, and the second, a positive effect, in which workers’ power helps capitalists solve the various kinds of collective action problems they face. The concept of “class compromise” invokes three quite distinct images.
    [Show full text]