Social Class Differences in Students' Experiences During the COVID-19
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Class and Ocupation
Theory and Society, vol. 9, núm. 1, 1980, pp. 177-214. Class and Ocupation. Wright, Erik Olin. Cita: Wright, Erik Olin (1980). Class and Ocupation. Theory and Society, 9 (1) 177-214. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/erik.olin.wright/53 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. 177 CLASS AND OCCUPATION ERIK OLIN WRIGHT Sociologists have generally regarded "class" and "occupation" as occupy- ing essentially the same theoretical terrain. Indeed, the most common operationalization of class is explicitly in terms of a typology of occupa- tions: professional and technical occupations constitute the upper-middle class, other white collar occupations comprise the middle class proper, and manual occupations make up the working class. Even when classes are not seen as defined simply by a typology of occupations, classes are generally viewed as largely determined by occupations. Frank Parkin expresses this view when he writes: "The backbone of the class structure, and indeed of the entire reward system of modern Western society, is the occupational order. Other sources of economic and symbolic advantage do coexist alongside the occupational order, but for the vast majority of the population these tend, at best, to be secondary to those deriving from the division of labor."' While the expression "backbone" is rather vague, nevertheless the basic proposition is clear: the occupational structure fundamentally determines the class structure. -
Inside the Middle Class
Inside the Middle Class: Bad Times Hit the Good Life FOR RELEASE WEDNESDAY APRIL 9, 2008 12:00PM EDT Paul Taylor, Project Director Rich Morin, Senior Editor D'Vera Cohn, Senior Writer Richard Fry, Senior Researcher Rakesh Kochhar, Senior Researcher April Clark, Research Associate MEDIA INQUIRIES CONTACT: Pew Research Center 202 419 4372 http://pewresearch.org ii Table of Contents Foreword…………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………...3 Executive Summary……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………5 Overview……………………………………… ……………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………7 Section One – A Self-Portrait 1. The Middle Class Defines Itself ………………………………………………………………………………………………….…………………..28 2. The Middle Class Squeeze………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………..…….36 3. Middle Class Finances ……………………………………………………………………………………………….…………….……………………..47 4. Middle Class Priorities and Values………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………….53 5. Middle Class Jobs ………………………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………….65 6. Middle Class Politics…………………………………………………………………………………………………………….……………………………71 About the Pew Social and Demographic Trends Project ……………………………………………………….…………………………….78 Questionnaire and topline …………………………………………………………………………………………………….………………………………..79 Section Two – A Statistical Portrait 7. Middle Income Demography, 1970-2006…………………………………………………………………………………………………………110 8. Trends in Income, Expenditures, Wealth and Debt………………………………………..…………………………………………….140 Section Two Appendix ……………………………………………………….…………………………………………………………………………………..163 -
The Dangerous Class the Concept of the Lumpenproletariat
The Dangerous Class The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat Marx and Engels’ concept of the “lumpenproletariat,” or underclass (an anglicized, politically neutral term), appears in The Communist Manifesto and other writings. It refers to “the dangerous class, the social scum, that passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society,” whose lowly status made its residents potential tools of the capitalists against the working class. Surprisingly, no one has made a substantial study of the lumpenproletariat in Marxist thought until now. Clyde Barrow argues that recent discussions about the downward spiral of the American white working class (“its main problem is that it is not working”) have reactivated the concept of the lumpenproletariat even among arguments that it is a term so ill-defined as to not be theoretical. Using techniques from etymology, lexicology, and translation, Barrow brings analytical coherence to the concept of the lumpenproletariat, revealing it to be an inherent component of Marx and Engels’ analysis of the historical origins of capitalism. However, a proletariat that is destined to decay into an underclass may pose insurmountable obstacles to a theory of revolutionary agency in post-industrial capitalism. The Concept of the Lumpenproletariat is the first comprehensive analysis of the concept of the lumpenproletariat in Marxist political theory. Clyde Barrow excavates and analyzes the use of this term from its introduction by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels in The German Ideology (1846) and Save 30% at The Communist Manifesto (1848) through the central role of the relative surplus population in Post-Marxist political theory. He argues that when press.umich.edu organized by a strong man—whether a Bonaparte, a Mussolini, or a with promotion code Trump—the lumpenproletariat gravitates toward a parasitic and violent UMLUMPEN lumpen-state created in its own image, and such a state primarily serves the interests of the equally parasitic finance aristocracy. -
The Dangerous Class: the Concept of the Lumpenproletariat
Review The dangerous class: The concept of the lumpenproletariat Clyde W. Barrow, University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, 2020, xii+196pp., ISBN: 978-0472132249 Contemporary Political Theory (2021). https://doi.org/10.1057/s41296-021-00487-9 An oft-cited description of the lumpenproletariat comes from Marx’s The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte. The Parisian lumpenproletariat that Louis Bonaparte recruited during the French class struggles of 1848–1851 in order to defeat the proletariat and ultimately to seize state power consisted of the following: Alongside decayed roue´s with dubious means of subsistence and of dubious origin, alongside ruined and adventurous offshoots of the bourgeoisie, were vagabonds, discharged soldiers, discharged jailbirds, escaped galley slaves, swindlers, mountebanks, lazzaroni, pickpockets, tricksters, gamblers, ma- quereaus, brothel keepers, porters, literati, organ grinders, ragpickers, knife grinders, tinkers, beggars – in short, the whole indefinite, disintegrated mass, thrown hither and thither, which the French call la bohe`me (1963: 75). As self-interested hustlers whose services are for sale to the highest bidder, the lumpenproletariat – a term Marx and Engels created – is typically co-opted, as Bonaparte demonstrates, by reactionary movements. However, Marx’s taxonomy indicates the difficulty of locating a synthesized and explanatory definition for a term presented here as an ‘indefinite’ alterity with no clear framework of composition. The term has seemed, to some commentators, incoherent or reflective of scorn toward the disreputable or poor (Bussard, 1987; Draper, 1972; Hardt and Negri, 2004). Others – typically literary and cultural critics (Stallybrass, 1990; Mills, 2017) – have approached it as the discursive trace of a complex social scene that escapes full schematization by class relations. -
Race, Class, and Slavery During the American Civil
UC Santa Barbara UC Santa Barbara Previously Published Works Title Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/6238s7h2 Journal Journal of Classical Sociology, 17(1) Author Anderson, Kevin Publication Date 2017 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Marx’s Intertwining of Race and Class During the Civil War in the U.S. Kevin B. Anderson, University of California, Santa Barbara [author’s last version of article published in Journal of Classical Sociology 17:1 (2017), pp. 24-36] As the U.S. marked the 150th anniversary of the Civil War, some attention was given to African-American resistance to slavery and to the northern radical abolitionists. Increasingly, it was admitted, even in the South, that the Confederacy’s supposedly “noble cause” was based upon the defense of slavery. Yet to this day U.S. public opinion continues to deny the race and class dimensions of the war. There is also a denial, sometimes even among critical sociologists, of the war’s revolutionary implications, not only for African-Americans, but also for white labor and for the U.S. economic and political system as a whole. And there is still greater ignorance of the fact that Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels wrote extensively on the dialectics of race and class in the American Civil War, something I have tried to remedy in my recent book, Marx at the Margins: On Nationalism, Ethnicity, and Non-Western Societies. Marx on Ireland: Class, Ethnicity, and National Liberation Sometimes, as I have tried to show in Marx at the Margins, Marx conceptualized the pathway to class-consciousness and to socialist revolution as direct rather than indirect. -
Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie
Keywords—Marxism 101 Session 1 Bourgeoisie: the class of modern capitalists, owners of the means of social production and employers of wage labour. Capital: an asset (including money) owned by an individual as wealth used to realize a fnancial proft, and to create additional wealth. Capital exists within the process of economic exchange and grows out of the process of circulation. Capital is the basis of the economic system of capitalism. Capitalism: a mode of production in which capital in its various forms is the principal means of production. Capital can take the form of money or credit for the purchase of labour power and materials of production; of physical machinery; or of stocks of fnished goods or work in progress. Whatever the form, it is the private ownership of capital in the hands of the class of capitalists to the exclusion of the mass of the population. Class: social stratifcation defned by a person's relationship to the means of production. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/b/bf/Pyramid_of_Capitalist_System.png Class struggle: an antagonism that exists within a society, catalyzed by competing socioeconomic interests and central to revolutionary change. Communism: 1) a political movement of the working class in capitalist society, committed to the abolition of capitalism 2) a form of society which the working class, through its struggle, would bring into existence through abolition of classes and of the capitalist division of labor. Dictatorship of the Proletariat: the idea that the proletariat (the working class) has control over political power in the process of changing the ownership of the means of production from private to collective ownership as part of a socialist transition to communism. -
Railroads, Robber Barons, and Unbridled Capitalism
ECONOMY Railroads, Robber Barons, and Unbridled Capitalism AP Images The term “robber baron” is many times used in history books to be synonymous with “unrestrained capitalist,” but such a definition is overly general and misleading. by Bob Adelmann nor the statesman, but to these other ploit the working class, form anti-compet- young men of ’61, who soon figured itive trusts, and obtain the accumulation hen Matthew Josephson wrote as “massive interests moving ob- of personal wealth above all else. Muck- The Robber Barons in 1934, he scurely in the background” of wars. raker Ida Tarbell, author of the History of W tipped his hand as to his per- Hence these, rather than the military the Standard Oil Company , reinforced the sonal prejudice against the capitalists of captains or tribunes, are the subject idea that these soulless, industrialist Rob- the late 19th century: of this history. ber Barons were a destructive force and were willing to circumvent laws to accom- Besides the young men who marched His bias against the capitalists, who were plish their personal selfish ends. to [the Battle of] Bull Run, there were busy building the greatest industrial na- Some historians disagreed with this por- other young men of 1861 whose in- tion the world had ever seen, ingrati- trayal. Josephson added a foreword to his stinctive sense of history proved to ated his work with statist historians who book in 1962, complaining of the rise of be unerring. Loving not the paths of looked favorably on government inter- “revisionist historians” who were disput- glory they slunk away quickly, bent vention to “deliver us from these evils” ing his interpretation of history: upon business of their own. -
Findings from a National Survey & Focus Groups on Economic Mobility
March 12, 2009 Findings from a National Survey & Focus Groups on Economic Mobility To: Interested Parties From: Economic Mobility Project, The Pew Charitable Trusts Greenberg Quinlan Rosner Research Public Opinion Strategies Introduction Over the last two years, the Pew Economic Mobility Project (EMP) has been researching and aggregating the best available facts, figures and trends on economic mobility in the United States. In collaboration with leaders from across the political spectrum (including representatives from the American Enterprise Institute, the Brookings Institution, the Heritage Foundation, the New America Foundation, the Peterson Foundation, and the Urban Institute) the EMP is expanding the national economic debate by focusing on this critically important issue. Our diverse coalition believes that economic mobility—the ability of American families to move up or down the income ladder within a lifetime or from one generation to the next—is a unifying and core tenet of the American Dream, and that policymakers should dedicate significant attention to promoting policies that enhance economic mobility for all Americans. In developing the most comprehensive set of research and analyses on economic mobility, the project has introduced a number of provocative findings. These include economic analysis showing that most Americans make more in absolute dollars than their parents did at a similar age, but only a third move up a rung on the income ladder. It also found that children of parents at the very bottom and the very top of the ladder are themselves most likely to remain in those positions. And, strikingly, African Americans are more likely to make less than their parents and are more likely to fall down the income ladder than whites—almost half of children born to middle-income African-American families fall to the bottom of the income ladder as adults. -
The (Class) Struggle Is Real(Ly Queer): a Bilateral Intervention Into Working-Class Studies and Queer Theory
THE (CLASS) STRUGGLE IS REAL(LY QUEER): A BILATERAL INTERVENTION INTO WORKING-CLASS STUDIES AND QUEER THEORY by Katherine Anne Kidd B.A. University of Colorado at Colorado Springs, 2006 M.A. University of Pittsburgh, 2009 Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the Kenneth P. Dietrich Graduate School of Arts and Sciences in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Pittsburgh 2016 UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH DEITRICH SCHOOL OF ARTS AND SCIENCES This dissertation was presented by Katherine Anne Kidd It was defended on August 8, 2016 and approved by William Scott, PhD, Associate Professor Mark Lynn Anderson, PhD, Associate Professor Brent Malin, PhD, Associate Professor Dissertation Co-Chair: Nancy Glazener, PhD, Associate Professor Dissertation Co-Chair: Nicholas Coles, PhD, Associate Professor ii Copyright © by Katherine Anne Kidd 2016 iii THE (CLASS) STRUGGLE IS REAL(LY QUEER): A BILATERAL INTERVENTION INTO WORKING-CLASS STUDIES AND QUEER THEORY Katherine Anne Kidd, PhD University of Pittsburgh, 2016 Class issues have become more present in media and literary studies, as the gap between the upper and lower classes has widened. Meanwhile, scholars in the growing field of working- class studies attempt to define what working-class literature is by formulating criteria for what kinds of people count as working-class, based on moral values supposedly held by working-class people. Usually, working-class people are envisioned as white, heteronormative, and dignified legitimate workers. Working-class studies seldom engages with queer theory or conventional forms of identity politics. Conversely, queer theorists often reference class, but abandon it in favor of other topics. -
Lower Social Class Does Not (Always) Mean Greater Interdependence: Women in Poverty Have Fewer Social Resources Than Working-Cla
JCCXXX10.1177/0022022114534768Journal of Cross-Cultural PsychologyStephens et al. 534768research-article2014 Article Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 2014, Vol. 45(7) 1061 –1073 Lower Social Class Does © The Author(s) 2014 Reprints and permissions: Not (Always) Mean Greater sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav DOI: 10.1177/0022022114534768 Interdependence: Women in jccp.sagepub.com Poverty Have Fewer Social Resources Than Working-Class Women Nicole M. Stephens1, Jessica S. Cameron2, and Sarah S. M. Townsend3 Abstract Social resources (i.e., number and nature of relationships with family and friends) are an important, yet largely unrecognized, feature of the sociocultural contexts of social class that influence psychological functioning. To assess the nature and content of social resources, we conducted semistructured interviews with American women living in poverty (n = 21) and working-class (n = 31) contexts. In contrast to previous research, which demonstrates that lower social class contexts foster greater social connection and interdependence than middle- class or upper-class contexts, this study revealed that poverty constitutes a clear cutoff point at which reduced material resources no longer predict higher levels of social connection, but instead social isolation. Our interview data revealed that women in poverty had fewer connections to family and friends, experienced greater difficulty with trust, and reported more challenges involving relationships compared with working-class women. These findings extend psychological theories regarding how social class shapes psychological functioning and have important implications for understanding the maintenance and reproduction of poverty. Keywords social class, poverty, culture, self, inequality, relationships, social integration An emerging body of literature in cultural psychology suggests that social class is a form of cul- ture (D. -
Supporting Working-Class Students in Higher Education
Supporting Working-Class Students in Higher Education Krista Soria, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities Mark Bultmann, University of Minnesota–Twin Cities Utilizing data from the multi-institutional Student Although scholars have documented differences Experience in the Research University survey, we between social classes in terms of higher education examined self-identified working-class students’ attendance and attainment, very few have ad- experiences in higher education. The results dressed working-class students’ experiences in suggest that working-class students experience a higher education (Walpole, 2003). Furthermore, lower sense of belonging, perceive a less in academic advising literature on marginalized welcoming campus climate, and pursue fewer and underrepresented students issues of social class social engagements than their peers who self- remain noticeably absent, a situation concomitant identify as middle/upper-class. Specific sugges- with the scarcity of social class scholarship in tions direct academic advisors to promote higher education and limited inclusion of social working-class students’ success. class issues in diversity conversations on college campuses. In overlooking the influence of social [doi:10.12930/NACADA-13-017] class background in shaping students’ collegiate KEY WORDS: campus climate, higher educa- experiences, academic advisors may fail to attend tion, social class, social integration, working class specifically to the social class–based concerns of their students and thus unknowingly perpetuate Students -
Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise
American Journal of Sociology, vol. 105, núm. 4, 2000, pp. 957-1002. Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise. Wright, Erik Olin. Cita: Wright, Erik Olin (2000). Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise. American Journal of Sociology, 105 (4) 957-1002. Dirección estable: https://www.aacademica.org/erik.olin.wright/34 Acta Académica es un proyecto académico sin fines de lucro enmarcado en la iniciativa de acceso abierto. Acta Académica fue creado para facilitar a investigadores de todo el mundo el compartir su producción académica. Para crear un perfil gratuitamente o acceder a otros trabajos visite: http://www.aacademica.org. Working-Class Power, Capitalist-Class Interests, and Class Compromise1 Erik Olin Wright University of Wisconsin This article proposes a general theoretical framework for under- standing the concept of “class compromise” in terms of a “reverse- J” model of the relationship between the associational power of workers and the interests of capitalists: increases in working-class power adversely affect capitalist-class interests until such power crosses some intermediate threshold beyond which further increases in working-class power are potentially beneficial to capitalists’ inter- ests. This article argues that the reverse-J curve is itself the result of two distinct kinds of effects of workers’ power on capitalists’ in- terests: one, a negative effect, in which workers’ power undermines the capacity of capitalists to unilaterally make various kinds of deci- sions, and the second, a positive effect, in which workers’ power helps capitalists solve the various kinds of collective action problems they face. The concept of “class compromise” invokes three quite distinct images.