Violence in Kenya
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Report of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission
REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION The Government should immediately carry out counselling services, especially to those who lost their entire families to avoid mental breakdown. It is not too late to counsel the victims because they have not undergone any counselling at all. The community also seeks an apology from the Government, the reason being that the Government was supposed to protect its citizens yet it allowed its security forces to violently attack them and, therefore, perpetrated gross violation of their rights. Anybody who has been My recommendation to this Government is that it should involved in the killing address the question of equality in this country. We do of Kenyans, no matter not want to feel as if we do not belong to this country. We what position he holds, demand to be treated the same just like any other Kenyan in should not be given any any part of this country. We demand for equal treatment. responsibility. Volume IV KENYA REPORT OF THE TRUTH, JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION COMMISSION Volume IV © Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission, 2013 This publication is available as a pdf on the website of the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission (and upon its dissolution, on the website of its successor in law). It may be copied and distributed, in its entirety, as long as it is attributed to the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission and used for noncommercial educational or public policy purposes. Photographs may not be used separately from the publication. Published by Truth Justice and Reconciliation Commission (TJRC), Kenya ISBN: 978-9966-1730-3-4 Design & Layout by Noel Creative Media Limited, Nairobi, Kenya His Excellency President of the Republic of Kenya Nairobi 3 May 2013 LETTER OF TRANSMITTAL By Gazette Notice No. -
The Post-Election Violence and Mediation 1. the Announcement Of
Bureau du Procureur Office of the Prosecutor The Post‐Election Violence and Mediation 1. The announcement of the results of the 27 December 2007 general election in Kenya triggered widespread violence, resulting in the deaths of over a thousand people, thousands of people being injured, and several hundreds of thousands of people being displaced from their homes. 2. On 28 February 2008, international mediation efforts led by Kofi Annan, Chair of the African Union Panel of Eminent African Personalities, resulted in the signing of a power‐ sharing agreement between Mwai Kibaki as President and Raila Odinga as Prime‐Minister. The agreement, also established three commissions: (1) the Commission of Inquiry on Post‐Election Violence (CIPEV); (2) the Truth, Justice and Reconciliation Commission; and (3) the Independent Review Commission on the General Elections held in Kenya on 27 December 2007. 3. On 15 October 2008 CIPEV‐ also known as the Waki Commission, published its Final Report. The Report recommended the establishment of a special tribunal to seek accountability against persons bearing the greatest responsibility for crimes relating toe th 2007 General Elections in Kenya, short of which, the Report recommended forwarding the information it collected to the ICC. Efforts to Establish a Local Tribunal 4. On 16 December 2008, President Kibaki and Prime Minister Odinga agreed to implement the recommendations of the Waki Commission and specifically to prepare and submit a Bill to the National Assembly to establish the Special Tribunal. Yet, on 12 February 2009, the Kenyan Parliament failed to adopt the “Constitution of Kenya (Amendment) Bill 2009” which was necessary to ensure that the Special Tribunal would be in accordance with the Constitution. -
(KTDA) – Corruption – Kikuyu Ethnic Group
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: KEN34521 Country: Kenya Date: 16 March 2009 Keywords: Kenya – Kenya Tea Development Agency (KTDA) – Corruption – Kikuyu ethnic group This response was prepared by the Research & Information Services Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. This research response may not, under any circumstance, be cited in a decision or any other document. Anyone wishing to use this information may only cite the primary source material contained herein. Questions 1. Please provide any information regarding the directorship of the Kenya Tea Agency. 2. Please provide information on the structure and activities of the Kenya Tea Development Agency (KTDA). 3. Are there any reports of fraud charges against the management of the KTDA? 4. Is there anything to indicate that managers of tea cartels or figures prominent in the tea industry have been elected to parliament in Kenya? 5. Please provide any information on corruption in the tea industry in Kenya. 6. Please provide any information on government involvement in corruption in the tea industry. 7. To what extent is the KTDA involved in combating corruption? 8. Are there any reports of people being killed or otherwise seriously harmed as a result of advocating reform in the tea industry? 9. What steps have the Kenyan authorities taken to address corruption in the tea industry or other industries? 10. -
Kenya: Impact of the ICC Proceedings
Policy Briefing Africa Briefing N°84 Nairobi/Brussels, 9 January 2012 Kenya: Impact of the ICC Proceedings convinced parliamentarians. Annan consequently transmit- I. OVERVIEW ted the sealed envelope and the evidence gathered by Waki to the ICC chief prosecutor, Luis Moreno-Ocampo, on 9 Although the mayhem following the disputed December July 2009. Four months later, on 5 November 2009, the pro- 2007 elections seemed an exception, violence has been a secutor announced he intended to request authorisation to common feature of Kenya’s politics since the introduction proceed with an investigation to determine who bore of a multiparty system in 1991. Yet, the number of people greatest responsibility for crimes committed during the killed and displaced following that disputed vote was un- post-election violence. precedented. To provide justice to the victims, combat per- vasive political impunity and deter future violence, the In- When Moreno-Ocampo announced, on 15 December 2010, ternational Criminal Court (ICC) brought two cases against the names of the six suspects, many of the legislators who six suspects who allegedly bore the greatest responsibility had opposed the tribunal bill accused the court of selec- for the post-election violence. These cases have enormous tive justice. It appears many had voted against a Kenyan political consequences for both the 2012 elections and the tribunal on the assumption the process in The Hague would country’s stability. During the course of the year, rulings be longer and more drawn out, enabling the suspects with and procedures will inevitably either lower or increase com- presidential ambitions to participate in the 2012 election. -
The ICC Trial of Kenya's Deputy President
The ICC Trial of Kenya’s Deputy President Questions and Answers September 2013 1. What is the case against Ruto and Sang about? What crimes are they charged with? William Ruto and Joshua arap Sang are charged with the crimes against humanity of murder, forcible transfer of population or deportation, and persecution, stemming from their alleged involvement in an attack on perceived supporters of former President Mwai Kibaki’s Party of National Unity (PNU). According to the International Criminal Court (ICC) prosecution, perpetrators destroyed houses and businesses identified as belonging to members of Kikuyu, Kamba, and Kisii ethnic groups thought to be PNU supporters, killing over two hundred people and injuring over a thousand more and forcing hundreds of thousands to flee. Five specific incidents occurring between late December 2007 and mid-January 2008 in Kenya’s Rift Valley form the basis for the charges. The prosecutor contends that Ruto along with others, and supported by Sang, worked for up to a year before the election to create a network to carry out the plan, and that this network was activated when the election results in favor of Kibaki were announced. The goals of the plan, the prosecutor alleges, were to punish and expel from the Rift Valley people perceived to support the PNU, and to gain power in the province. Ruto at the time was a member of parliament and a senior member of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), the party of Kibaki’s principal challenger, Raila Odinga. Sang was a radio host on the Eldoret-based Kass FM. -
Political Violence in Kenya a Study of Causes, Responses, and a Framework for Discussing Preventive Action
Political violence in Kenya A study of causes, responses, and a framework for discussing preventive action INTRODUCTION is therefore the pursuit of political objectives (and not the end result of gaining or not gaining political power) that Th is paper focuses on political violence in Kenya. Th e is at the core of the notion.4 Defi ning political violence rationale of the paper is to understand how such violence is typically contingent on a typology that separates the can best be prevented. To do this, we must fi rst under- politically motivated from economically and socially mo- stand the history of political violence in Kenya and what tivated forms of violence. In this sense, political violence factors in society contribute to a tendency of utilising takes place in the collective sphere where acts of violence violence as a means of obtaining political infl uence. are typically committed by a multitude of individuals Th e present study is informed by a number of from one group against individuals from another group, interviews with representatives of Kenyan civil society primarily because the targeted individual happens to organisations which are involved in human security.1 belong to this group. Political violence typically takes Moreover, it relies on an appraisal of studies and reports the form of murder, assaults, sexual abuse such as rape, available on political violence in Kenya. In its discus- forced pregnancy or sterilisation. Economic violence, sions, the paper draws on transitional justice discourses. on the other hand, is characterised by an individual (or Th e paper is structured as follows: Firstly, a defi nition a multitude of individuals) illegally pursuing fi nancial of political violence is provided for. -
Preventing Post-Election Violence Based on the Kenyan Experience
Preventing Post-Election Violence Based on the Kenyan Experience Submitted by: Seung Yeon Cho, Erin Connors, Faizaa Fatima, and Utku Yalim Stanford University March 13, 2015 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................. 2 II. THE KENYA EXPERIENCE ............................................................................................... 3 III. METHODOLOGY .............................................................................................................. 8 IV. PROGRAM MAPPING....................................................................................................... 9 VI. KEY FINDINGS ............................................................................................................... 13 VI. BEST PRACTICES AND LESSONS LEARNED ........................................................... 18 1 I. INTRODUCTION In 2011, President Obama publicly declared, “preventing mass atrocities and genocide is a core national security interest and a core moral responsibility of the United States of America.”1 A year later, he approved the recommendations of a Presidential Study (PSD-10) focused on ways to enhance the U.S. government’s capacity to do so, including the establishment of the Atrocities Prevention Board (APB). As the APB marks three years of operation, it offers a good opportunity to take stock of the Board’s performance to date in spearheading a robust U.S. policy to effectively prevent and respond to atrocities, -
Kriegler and Waki Reports
KRIEGLER AND WAKI REPORTS SUMMARISED VERSION Revised Edition 2009 Design and Printing by Primark Ventures Tel: +254 20 224 6853 / +254 20 216 1894 Cell: +254 720 852856 / +254 720 831645 email: [email protected] Kriegler and Waki Reports on 2007 Elections Contents List of Acronyms ...................................................................... v Acknowledgments .................................................................... vi Foreword ............................................................................... vii Preface ................................................................................. viii Part I THE INDEPENDENT REVIEW COMMITTEE (IREC) ...................x The Independent Review Committee (IREC) ............................... 1 Background and Task ................................................................1 Findings & Verdict .................................................................... 1 The Constitutional and Legal Framework ............................................................1 Recommendations.................................................................................................3 The Organization Structure and Operation of Elections ....................................3 Recommendations...............................................................................................10 Other players in the electoral process and the 2007 election fall out .................12 Recommendations...............................................................................................15 -
Ethnic Violence, Elections and Atrocity Prevention in Kenya
Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect Occasional Paper Series No. 4, December 2013 “ R2P in Practice”: Ethnic Violence, Elections and Atrocity Prevention in Kenya Abdullahi Boru Halakhe The Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect was established in February 2008 as a catalyst to promote and apply the norm of the “Responsibility to Protect” populations from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Through its programs, events and publications, the Global Centre for the Responsibility to Protect is a resource and a forum for governments, international institutions and non-governmental organizations on prevention and early action to halt mass atrocity crimes. Acknowledgments: This Occasional Paper was produced with the generous support of the government of the Federal Republic of Germany. About the Author: Abdullahi Boru Halakhe is a security and policy analyst on the Horn of Africa and Great Lakes regions. Abdullahi has represented various organizations as an expert on these regions at the UN and United States State Department, as well as in the international media. He has authored and contributed to numerous policy briefings, reports and articles on conflict and security in East Africa. Previously Abdullahi worked as a Horn of Africa Analyst with International Crisis Group working on security issues facing Kenya and Uganda. As a reporter with the BBC East Africa Bureau, he covered the 2007 election and subsequent violence from inside Kenya. Additionally, he has worked with various international and regional NGOs on security and development issues. Cover Photo: Voters queue to cast their votes on 4 March 2013 in Nakuru, Kenya. -
The Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding
The Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding Research Paper No. 17 The Role of the Media in Promoting Peace During Elections in Africa: Lessons from Kenya By Sharon Anyango Odhiambo, Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding Scholar May 2017 illions of people around the globe depend on the media for information, a role that is particularly important during elections, when the media scrutinizes the electoral process and informs the public. MIn the 1990s, many African countries welcomed multiparty democracy, and since then, elections have become very competitive and, in many cases, tense. A number of countries, including Kenya, Nigeria, Côte d’Ivoire, Burundi, and Liberia, have experienced election-related violence. In some of these cases, the media has held a share of blame for fueling violence. Kenya witnessed post-election violence in both 1992 and 1997, but the 2007 elections saw unprecedented violence that left 1,100 people dead.1 The Kenyan media was faulted for helping fuel the violence by offering a platform for tribal extremists to broadcast their agenda. In addition, some journalists were polarized along ethnic lines, while others increased tensions by failing to report accurately, professionally, and neutrally.2 In the aftermath, the government formed the Kriegler and Waki commissions to investigate the conduct of the election and the ensuing violence. The implementation of the commissions’ findings and recommendations led to significant legal and institutional reforms, including in the media, that resulted in a more peaceful election in 2013. Reforms included training for journalists on the code of conduct by media organization and various stakeholders, the development of election reporting guidelines, and a strong emphasis on peace messaging in The Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding (SVNP) is a continent-wide network of African policy and research organizations that works with the Africa Program to bring African analyses and perspectives to key issues in U.S.-Africa relations. -
~~N------International ~Df~ Criminal Court Original: English No.: ICC-01L09-01L11
ICC-01/09-01/11-1889 22-05-2015 1/18 EC T Cour Penale .~.I:!\l7\~ _In_t_e_r_n_a_ti_o_n_a_le ~~N------------------------ International ~df~ Criminal Court Original: English No.: ICC-01l09-01l11 Date: 22nd MAY 2015 Trial Chamber V(A) Before: Judge Chile Eboe-Osuji, Presiding Judge Olga Herrera Carbuccia Judge Robert Fremr SITUATION IN THE REPUBLICOF KENYA IN THE CASE OF TIlE PROSECUTOR v. WILLIAM SAMOEI RUTO and JOSHUA ARAP SANG [Public Document] Request for leave to submit amicus curiae submission by Ms Moraa Gesicho Source: Peter Njenga Mwangi Advocate Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: ,/ ICC-01/09-01/11-1889 22-05-2015 2/18 EC T The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for William Samoei Ruto Ms Fatou Bensouda, Prosecutor Mr Karim Khan, QC Mr James Stewart, Deputy Prosecutor Mr David Hooper, QC Mr Anton Steynberg Mr Essa Faal Ms Shyamala Alagendra Counsel for Joshua Arap Sang Mr Joseph Kipchumba Kigen-Katwa Ms Caroline Buisman Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Mr Wilfred Nderitu Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for Victims The Office of Public Counsel for the Ms Paolina Massidda Defence Mr Xavier-Jean Ke"ita States' Representatives Amicus Curiae Moraa Gesicho REGISTRY Registrar Counsel Support Section Herman Von Hebel Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Mr Nigel Verrill Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section ICC-01/09-01/11-1889 22-05-2015 3/18 EC T Respectfully submitted, Pe er Njenga Mwangi Advocate On behalf of Ms Moraa Gesicho Dated this 22nd day of May 2015 At Nairobi, Kenya No. -
Gendering Our Understanding of Kibera's Post-Election Violence Vol. 9
urn:nbn:de:0070-ijcv-2015163 IJCV: Vol. 9 (1) 2015 “Go Back and Tell Them Who the Real Men Are!” Gendering Our Understanding of Kibera’s Post-election Violence Caroline Wanjiku Kihato, School of Architecture and Planning, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa, and Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington, D.C. Vol. 9 (1) 2015 Editorial (p. 3) Focus Section: Xenophobic Violence and the Manufacture of Difference in Africa: Introduction to the Focus Section Xenophobic Violence Laurent Fourchard / Aurelia Segatti (pp. 4 – 11) and the Manufacture of Difference in Africa “Go Back and Tell Them Who the Real Men Are!” Gendering Our Understanding of Kibera’s Post-election Violence Caroline Wanjiku Kihato (pp. 12 – 24) A Reappraisal of the Expulsion of Illegal Immigrants from Nigeria in 1983 Daouda Gary-Tounkara (pp. 25 – 38) Collective Mobilization and the Struggle for Squatter Citizenship: Rereading “Xenophobic” Violence in a South African Settlement Tamlyn Jane Monson (pp. 39 – 55) Protecting the “Most Vulnerable”? The Management of a Disaster and the Making/Unmaking of Victims after the 2008 Xenophobic Violence in South Africa Lydie Cabane (pp. 56 – 71) Open Section The Domestic Democratic Peace in the Middle East Uriel Abulof / Ogen Goldman (pp. 72 – 89) Group-based Compunction and Anger: Their Antecedents and Consequences in Relation to Colonial Conflicts Ana Figueiredo / Bertjan Doosje / Joaquim Pires Valentim (pp. 90 – 105) The Secret Society of Torturers: The Social Shaping of Extremely Violent Behaviour Jürgen Mackert (pp. 106 – 120) Validation of the Greek Acceptance of Modern Myths about Sexual Aggression (AMMSA) Scale: Examining Its Relationships with Sexist and Conservative Political Beliefs Alexandra Hantzi / Efthymios Lampridis / Katerina Tsantila / Gerd Bohner (pp.