Political Violence in Kenya a Study of Causes, Responses, and a Framework for Discussing Preventive Action

Political violence in Kenya A study of causes, responses, and a framework for discussing preventive action INTRODUCTION is therefore the pursuit of political objectives (and not the end result of gaining or not gaining political power) that Th is paper focuses on political violence in Kenya. Th e is at the core of the notion.4 Defi ning political violence rationale of the paper is to understand how such violence is typically contingent on a typology that separates the can best be prevented. To do this, we must fi rst under- politically motivated from economically and socially mo- stand the history of political violence in Kenya and what tivated forms of violence. In this sense, political violence factors in society contribute to a tendency of utilising takes place in the collective sphere where acts of violence violence as a means of obtaining political infl uence. are typically committed by a multitude of individuals Th e present study is informed by a number of from one group against individuals from another group, interviews with representatives of Kenyan civil society primarily because the targeted individual happens to organisations which are involved in human security.1 belong to this group. Political violence typically takes Moreover, it relies on an appraisal of studies and reports the form of murder, assaults, sexual abuse such as rape, available on political violence in Kenya. In its discus- forced pregnancy or sterilisation. Economic violence, sions, the paper draws on transitional justice discourses. on the other hand, is characterised by an individual (or Th e paper is structured as follows: Firstly, a defi nition a multitude of individuals) illegally pursuing fi nancial of political violence is provided for. Secondly, the paper enrichment by means of violence (or threats of violence), analyses how political violence has historically played and typically manifests as street crimes such as robbery, out in Kenya. Th irdly, the paper identifi es a variety drug related crimes or kidnapping. Social violence is of causes of political violence in Kenya. Fourthly, the said to pursue the empowerment of one individual over paper turns to an appraisal of which responses can be another, for example through domestic violence.5 deployed to prevent the recurrence (or persistence) of Many observers, however, recognise that political political violence. It does so by discussing initiatives that violence should not analytically be disintegrated from have already been implemented or which may be due to economic and social violence because all forms of implementation. Th e paper thus presents an account of violence interrelate.6 In Kenya, many of those consulted political violence in Kenya and the responses undertak- by the author understood political violence as violence en, while at the same time engaging more theoretically that takes place in relation to ‘political competition’, but with the question of how to prevent political violence. as a notion with strong economic and social underpin- nings that may be the determinant for the prevalence of CONCEPTUALISING political violence. POLITICAL VIOLENCE It is worth keeping in mind that the term political violence is used for a broad variety of situations, Political violence is a so-called ‘essentially contested ranging from terrorist attacks, armed revolution, violent concept’, and the premise that a universal understanding demonstrations or attacks by citizens aimed at less than ought to be utilised is not endorsed by all.2 Th is section the overthrow of their government to humanitarian attempts to clarify how the notion can be utilised to the intervention and intra-state wars.7 Political violence, Kenyan context. therefore, is not confi ned to non-state actors’ use of Where all forms of violence are said to relate to violent means to further a political agenda but can also power, political violence has been defi ned as ‘the com- relate to the state’s exercise of force, both against its own mission of violent acts motivated by a desire, conscious citizens and against other states and their citizens. It is or unconscious, to obtain or maintain political power’.3 It important to keep in mind that mass-scale violence is Thomas Obel Hansen • ISS Paper 205 • November 2009 sometimes portrayed as essentially apolitical while in on building alliances with certain ethnic groups and reality being predominantly political. For example, some escalating tensions between these and other ethnic observers have characterised the Rwandan Genocide as a groups. Th erefore, besides its immediate connection with ‘crime of hate’, implying that it was brought about by ir- political violence, colonialism through ‘divide and rule’ rational ethnic hatred,8 when in fact the Genocide served policies has brought about or escalated inter-community (or was thought to serve) primarily a political agenda.9 At confl ict, the eff ects of which may still have importance the same time the Rwandan Genocide highlights how the for the prevalence of political violence. Likewise, the incentive to carry out violence that is essentially political construction of a colonial state is said to have sustained can be enhanced by ambitions to settle private scores eff ects on inequality, land ownership, and regional diff er- or obtain material benefi t, thereby exemplifying the ences. As discussed later on, these factors are relevant to diffi culties in operating with a clear distinction between take into account when examining political violence in political, economic and social violence.10 present day Kenya.12 Th e understanding that political violence relates to Also aft er the coming of independence in 1963, acts of violence that are carried out primarily as a means Kenya’s political history was marked by violent uprising of achieving political infl uence or power and usually and repression. Following the Kenya African National entails a ‘group-component’ is foundational for the Union (KANU) victory in the 1963 elections, Kenya present paper. It is, however, also accepted that political became a de facto one-party state, with its leader and violence is a relative concept that depends on the context President of Kenya, Jomo Kenyatta, for example banning to which it is applied. attempts of creating an opposition party associated with the Luo ethnic group. For some, this lead to the POLITICAL VIOLENCE IN KENYA: perception that Kenyatta, an ethnic Kikuyu himself, was 13 A BRIEF OUTLINE promoting Kikuyu interests over national interests. According to many observers, when Daniel Moi took Political violence has played out in diff erent manners offi ce in 1978 following the death of Kenyatta, he pursued throughout Kenya’s history. When in 1888 the British policies that benefi tted (parts of) his own ethnic group, East Africa Company (BEAC) obtained concessionary the Kalenjin, while excluding individuals from other rights to the Kenyan coast from the Sultan of Zanzibar, ethnic groups from gaining public offi ce or access to state Waiyaki Wa Henya, a Kikuyu chief was abducted and resources. To facilitate this, repression of the political killed by the British aft er having burned down the fort opposition was common practice. Repression included of a BEAC offi cial. Likewise, Kenyans’ opposition to the excessive use of force, torture, indefi nite detention, and building of the Uganda Railway, prompted the British to other measures. In 1982, following a coup attempt, the use violent means such as assassinations. Moi regime amended the Constitution and subsequently Kenya offi cially became a one-party state. Police and security forces dispersed demonstrations against this Political violence relates to acts move forcefully. Only aft er intense donor-pressure did Moi allow multi-party elections to be held in 1992.14 Th e of violence that are carried out election campaign, the election itself and its immediate aft ermath were characterised by threats, harassments primarily as a means of achieving and the occurrence of violent clashes between supporters for diff erent parties, claiming the lives of around 1,500 political infl uence or power Kenyans and displacing more than 300 000.15 Where Moi had warned that the return to multi-party politics would result in tribal clashes, some observers note that ‘far As a reaction to settlers’ dominance over economic from being the spontaneous result of a return to political resources and political exclusion, in 1921, Kenya’s fi rst pluralism, there is clear evidence that the government African political protest movement, the Young Kikuyu was involved in provoking this ethnic violence for politi- Association (later the Kenya African Union) was born. cal purposes and has taken no adequate steps to prevent Both the colonialists and indigenous Kenyans used it from spiralling out of control’.16 Moi maintained power violence in their pursuit of political objectives, most with the 1992 elections, and despite increased openness clearly evident from the 1952-1960 Mau Mau rebellion in the political system, commentators note that the Moi and its repression.11 As many of the Kenyans consulted regime continued to repress the political opposition.17 by the author pointed out, it is important to keep in Like the 1992 elections, the 1997 elections were mind that British colonialism in Kenya was founded associated with violence. Six months prior to the upon a strategy where eff ective rule of the colony relied elections, KANU party activists allegedly backed 2 Political violence in Kenya • ISS Paper 205 • November 2009 armed gangs who attacked ‘non-native ethnic groups’ Yet, the most recent post-election violence, because in the Coast Province, causing the death of more than of its relationship to the contested election results and 100 and leading to the displacement of more than 100 because of its speed and scale, seemingly came as a 000.18 Also aft er the elections, politically motivated surprise and shock for many Kenyans and the outside violence between ethnic groups took place.

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