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Scottish Left Review Issue 79 November/December 2013 £2.00 Comment Scottish Left Review Issue 79 November/December 2013 t is difficult to maintain constitutional Ineutrality at this tail-end of 2013. Of course we will continue to do our best to keep the SLR open as a space for Contents anyone on the Scottish left, a place where they can feel at home and contribute Comment .......................................................2 to a debate that stretches beyond the boundaries of party or constitutional Democracy in writing ....................................4 position. That is our duty as a magazine Jean Urquhart created expressly for that purpose. Solid foundations for change .........................6 But the duty lies not only on us to Michael Keating keep that space open but on all sides to fill that space. Because it can surely not Our share of the future ..................................8 be possible for us to face the desolation Robin McAlpine which lies across Scottish society in the dog-days of this unlucky year without Graveyard or get-together ..........................10 some sort of answer to what lies all Isobel Lindsay around us. Welfare Nation State ...................................12 What answer to Grangemouth? John McInally Facile talk of ‘the need to work together’ is an insult to the collective intelligence. Labour and the trade unions .......................14 All it states is that if we keep the fork Gregor Gall, Richard Leonard, Bob Crow and let others keep the knife, it will be impossible for us to eat on our own. That Real energy answers ...................................18 may not be a bad thing, but someone Andy Cumbers needs to explain why. -
November 2002
Nations and Regions: The Dynamics of Devolution Quarterly Monitoring Programme Scotland Quarterly Report November 2002 The monitoring programme is jointly funded by the ESRC and the Leverhulme Trust Contents 1. Scottish Executive Barry Winetrobe 4 2. The Scottish Parliament Mark Shephard 7 3. The Media Philip Schlesinger 11 4. Public Attitudes and identity John Curtice 14 5. Scotland/UK Relations Alex Wright 18 6. Scotland/International Relations Alex Wright 22 7. Relations with Local Government Neil McGarvey 27 9. Legal Disputes Barry Winetrobe 31 10. Political parties James Mitchell 32 11. Public policies Barry Winetrobe 34 2 Key points: James Mitchell — First Minister Jack McConnell became embroiled in an embarrassing internal constituency row over local party funds; — Culture Minister Mike Watson broke collective cabinet responsibility by speaking out—but not voting—against Executive health policy fearing that he might lose votes in the forthcoming Scottish elections; — Herald newspaper went up for sale with the prospect that it will be bought by owners of Scotsman rivals. 3 1. Scottish Executive Barry Winetrobe 1.1 Collective responsibility The application of the doctrine of collective responsibility has been under the spotlight in the Glasgow hospitals issue. The Culture Minister, Mike Watson, has been a leading public opponent of the reorganisation plan, but voted with the Executive in a debate on the issue on 12 September. His MPA, Janis Hughes, put herself in an even more unusual position, by abstaining on the Executive amendment to the critical SNP motion, but then voting for the as-amended motion. The First Minister refused to sack either, on the basis that they had both adhered to collective responsibility by their votes. -
© Patricia M`Cafferty, May 2004. Abstract
PATRICIA MCCAFFERTY WORKING THE 'THIRD WAY': NEW LABOUR, EMPLOYMENT RELATIONS, AND SCOTTISH DEVOLUTION THESIS PRESENTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY, UNIVERSITY OF GLASGOW MAY 2004 © PATRICIA M`CAFFERTY, MAY 2004. ABSTRACT Labour's election victory in 1997 was heralded as a new era, the dawn of a Third Way, a novel attempt to chart a unique political course overcoming the perceivedlimitations of both New Right and Old Labour. In this thesis I explore the era of New Labour generally and, in particular, the impact of the Third Way on working lives. Key to my analysis is New Labour's attempt to synthesise oppositional interests,in particular those of capital and labour. This involves a crucial rhetoric of flexibility, competitivenessand partnership. My research explores the rhetoric of New Labour in relation to the reality of this new force in power. It does this by: " drawing out key features in the development of New Labour, especially its relation to Old Labour; " examining central elementsof New Labour ideology; " arguing that Scotland should be seen as central to the transition from Old to New :Labour; " utilising a case study of industrial relations developments in a major electronics factory in the West of Scotland and, to a lesser extent, key developmentsin public sector employment. My main finding is that where New Labour's ideology promisespositive benefits, the form of its implementation has negative impacts for workers. Since I take New Labour as a process, my thesis concludes with a more speculative exploration of possible future developments,both in relations to New Labour's role in them, and their possible impact on the New Labour project. -
Rosa Parks and Emily Davison
Year Achievements Discovering... in the past and 2 Rosa Parks andtheir impacts Emily Davison on our lives Key learning Identify what makes an Recognise similarities and Explain how Rosa Parks Explain how Emily Davison Recognise similarities and Understand and explain the individual significant. differences to 1955 and now. became significant. became significant. differences about RP and ED impact that Rosa Parks and and their achievements. Emily Davison had on modern society. Key Vocabulary Key Places Key People & Key Knowledge Rosa Parks Activist – a person who campaigns to bring about London - England • Civil rights activist in the mid to late 20th Century. political or social change. • She refused to give up her seat to a white Emily passenger on December 1st, 1955 and was Civil Rights – the rights of citizens to political and Davison’s arrested. social freedom and equality. birthplace • This launched the Montgomery bus boycott (5th Dec, 1995-20th Dec, 1996) Segregation – the enforced separation of different • At this time, black people were segregated and racial groups in a country, community or establishment. discriminated for the colour of their skin. Rosa Parks • Rosa Parks changed laws on segregation in the Equality – the state of being equal, especially in status. Feb 4, 1913 – Oct 24, 2005 USA, starting with transportation. Rights and opportunities. Carlisle Park, Prejudice – preconceived opinion that is not based on Northumberland reason or actual experience. – Statue of Emily Emily Davison Davison • A women’s equal rights activist who quit her job as a teacher to join the Women’s Social and Political Boycott – withdraw from something in protest. -
Process Paper and Bibliography
ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY Primary Sources Books Kenney, Annie. Memories of a Militant. London: Edward Arnold & Co, 1924. Autobiography of Annie Kenney. Lytton, Constance, and Jane Warton. Prisons & Prisoners. London: William Heinemann, 1914. Personal experiences of Lady Constance Lytton. Pankhurst, Christabel. Unshackled. London: Hutchinson and Co (Publishers) Ltd, 1959. Autobiography of Christabel Pankhurst. Pankhurst, Emmeline. My Own Story. London: Hearst’s International Library Co, 1914. Autobiography of Emmeline Pankhurst. Newspaper Articles "Amazing Scenes in London." Western Daily Mercury (Plymouth), March 5, 1912. Window breaking in March 1912, leading to trials of Mrs. Pankhurst and Mr. & Mrs. Pethick- Lawrence. "The Argument of the Broken Pane." Votes for Women (London), February 23, 1912. The argument of the stone: speech delivered by Mrs Pankhurst on Feb 16, 1912 honoring released prisoners who had served two or three months for window-breaking demonstration in November 1911. "Attempt to Burn Theatre Royal." The Scotsman (Edinburgh), July 19, 1912. PM Asquith's visit hailed by Irish Nationalists, protested by Suffragettes; hatchet thrown into Mr. Asquith's carriage, attempt to burn Theatre Royal. "By the Vanload." Lancashire Daily Post (Preston), February 15, 1907. "Twenty shillings or fourteen days." The women's raid on Parliament on Feb 13, 1907: Christabel Pankhurst gets fourteen days and Sylvia Pankhurst gets 3 weeks in prison. "Coal That Cooks." The Suffragette (London), July 18, 1913. Thirst strikes. Attempts to escape from "Cat and Mouse" encounters. "Churchill Gives Explanation." Dundee Courier (Dundee), July 15, 1910. Winston Churchill's position on the Conciliation Bill. "The Ejection." Morning Post (London), October 24, 1906. 1 The day after the October 23rd Parliament session during which Premier Henry Campbell- Bannerman cold-shouldered WSPU, leading to protest led by Mrs Pankhurst that led to eleven arrests, including that of Mrs Pethick-Lawrence and gave impetus to the movement. -
Stewart2019.Pdf
Political Change and Scottish Nationalism in Dundee 1973-2012 Thomas A W Stewart PhD Thesis University of Edinburgh 2019 Abstract Prior to the 2014 independence referendum, the Scottish National Party’s strongest bastions of support were in rural areas. The sole exception was Dundee, where it has consistently enjoyed levels of support well ahead of the national average, first replacing the Conservatives as the city’s second party in the 1970s before overcoming Labour to become its leading force in the 2000s. Through this period it achieved Westminster representation between 1974 and 1987, and again since 2005, and had won both of its Scottish Parliamentary seats by 2007. This performance has been completely unmatched in any of the country’s other cities. Using a mixture of archival research, oral history interviews, the local press and memoires, this thesis seeks to explain the party’s record of success in Dundee. It will assess the extent to which the character of the city itself, its economy, demography, geography, history, and local media landscape, made Dundee especially prone to Nationalist politics. It will then address the more fundamental importance of the interaction of local political forces that were independent of the city’s nature through an examination of the ability of party machines, key individuals and political strategies to shape the city’s electoral landscape. The local SNP and its main rival throughout the period, the Labour Party, will be analysed in particular detail. The thesis will also take time to delve into the histories of the Conservatives, Liberals and Radical Left within the city and their influence on the fortunes of the SNP. -
The Battle of Equality Contents 1
The Battle Of Equality Contents 1. Contents 2. Women’s Rights 3. 10 Famous women who made women’s suffrage happen. 4. Suffragettes 5. Suffragists 6. Who didn’t want women’s suffrage 7. Time Line of The Battle of Equality 8. Horse Derby 9. Pictures Woman’s Rights There were two groups that fought for woman's rights, the WSPU and the NUWSS. The NUWSS was set up by Millicent Fawcett. The WSPU was set up by Emmeline Pankhurst and her daughters. The WSPU was created because they didn’t want to wait for women’s rights by campaigning and holding petitions. They got bored so they created the WSPU. The WSPU went to the extreme lengths just to be heard. Whilst the NUWSS jus campaigned for women’s rights. 10 Famous women who made women’s suffrage happen. Emmeline Pankhurst (suffragette) - Leader of the suffragettes Christabel Pankhurst (suffragette)- Director of the most dangerous suffragette activities Constance Lytton (suffragette)- Daughter of viceroy Robert Bulwer-Lytton Emily Davison (suffragette)- Killed by kings horse Millicent Fawcett (suffragist)- Leader of the suffragist Edith Garrud (suffragette)- World professional Jiu-Jitsu master Silvia Pankhurst (suffragist)- Focused on campaigning and got expelled from the suffragettes by her sister Ethel Smyth (suffragette)- Conducted the suffragette anthem with a toothbrush Leonora Cohen (suffragette)- Smashed the display case for the Crown Jewels Constance Markievicz (suffragist)- Played a prominent role in ensuring Winston Churchill was defeated in elections Suffragettes The suffragettes were a group of women who wanted to vote. They did dangerous things like setting off bombs. The suffragettes were actually called The Women’s Social and Political Union (WSPU). -
Post-Brexit: Thatcherites Snatch Power
Rail guards stand firm: RMT Coup and counter strikers hold private train coup: tyranny in operater Abellio to account Turkey • see pages 12,10&11 • see page 8 £1 • issue 481 • 5th – 18th August 2016 scottishsocialistvoice.wordpress.com POST-BREXIT: THATCHERITES SNATCH POWER As Labour implodes, the choice is independence or a generation of Tory rule • SCRAP TRIDENT! Jobs not bombs • NO TO RACISM! Refugees welcome • END POVERTY PAY! £10 min. wage Thanks to Eddie Truman for the inspiration EDDIE TRUMAN EDDIE TRUMAN: hundreds have paid tribute to Eddie, who died on July 1st. Eddie was a founder member of the SSP and made friends across the political divide through a lifetime of tireless activism. Eddie is pictured above with former SSP MSP Frances Curran (photo: Craig Maclean) and left, with his partner Catriona Grant. A Voice -style tribute was handed out at his funeral Hundreds remember Eddie Truman: socialist, polemicist and grandfather by Ken Ferguson has deprived us all of years we analysed the world every mo - old grandfather but a carer for should have been able to share ment he was awake. his grandchildren. EDDIE TRUMAN, one of the with him and for me, as I am “He analysed it politically, “Last year Eddie started to founder members of the SSP, sure with others, leaves an socially, and economically. He become unwell and from mid- long term socialist activist, aching of sadness and regret. analysed it through philosophy April until his death on July 1st, photographer and polemicist in At his funeral at a packed and music. His analysis and he was in hospital three times. -
Constitutional Convention for Giving Firm Shape to That Will
We Commend ..... This report is about practical intent. It says: "Here is what we are going to do," not "here is what we would like". Those who seek inspirational home rule rhetoric are respectfully directed elsewhere, including to the Convention's own previous publications. We have moved on. We regard the argument in principle as compelling. The longing of the people of Scotland for their own Parliament rings clear and true every time opinion is sounded. We believe that the momentum for change is now too great to deny; and that a Scottish Parliament will soon be meeting for the first time in nearly three centuries. What has been missing has been a practical scheme for bringing the Parliament into existence, and a hard-headed assessment of what it will be able to achieve. That is the gap which this report fills. This report shows that the Parliament can work, and it shows how. In doing so, it answers opponents who have tried to portray a Scottish Parliament as a pipe- dream, a fantasy which the Scots, unlike other peoples around the world, somehow cannot turn into reality. The Convention has a diverse membership, as diverse as we could make it. Diversity and unanimity are not natural companions. It is the instinct of political parties to disagree with one another, and the instinct of civic groups like the churches, the trade unions and others to be impatient with the preoccupations of politicians. This has meant that a lot of time and effort has been required to arrive at the proposals in this document. -
Identity of Suffragette Emily Wilding Davison Revealed in BFI Film
Scenes in the Record Demonstration of Suffragettes (1910), Emily Wilding Davison 2nd from right. Source: BFI National Archive Identity of Suffragette Emily Wilding Davison revealed in BFI film footage for the first time For Immediate release: 6 June 2018, London The BFI is thrilled to announce the discovery of previously unidentified moving image footage of iconic Suffragette Emily Wilding Davison revealed within a film of a Suffragettes procession in 1910, Scenes in the Record Demonstration of Suffragettes (1910) held by the BFI National Archive and available to view for free on BFI Player as part of the BFI’s Suffragettes on Film collection. This is a significant find as the only previously known footage featuring Emily Davison came from the 1913 Epsom Derby Day, in which she lost her life, and from her funeral procession. The discovery was made by writer and performer Deborah Clair who was watching the BFI’s Suffragettes on Film collection as research for her new play about Davison, A Necessary Woman. Whilst studying Scenes in the Record Demonstration of Suffragettes (1910) Deborah Clair thought she saw Emily Davison in the Suffragette procession, in her graduate gown and mortar board, “A familiar figure emerged. I instantly knew it was her right away and I even cried out, ‘Emily’ almost to get her attention! Then, even more strangely, the figure stops as the line temporarily halts and she looks directly at the camera. I could see her up close, in motion, for the first time. She was alive and she looked – defiant!” Clair compared the moving image to a photo she knew of Davison held by the National Portrait Gallery. -
SLR I15 March April 03.Indd
scottishleftreview comment Issue 15 March/April 2003 A journal of the left in Scotland brought about since the formation of the t is one of those questions that the partial-democrats Scottish Parliament in July 1999 Imock, but it has never been more crucial; what is your vote for? Too much of our political culture in Britain Contents (although this is changing in Scotland) still sees a vote Comment ...............................................................2 as a weapon of last resort. Democracy, for the partial- democrat, is about giving legitimacy to what was going Vote for us ..............................................................4 to happen anyway. If what was going to happen anyway becomes just too much for the public to stomach (or if Bill Butler, Linda Fabiani, Donald Gorrie, Tommy Sheridan, they just tire of the incumbents or, on a rare occasion, Robin Harper are actually enthusiastic about an alternative choice) then End of the affair .....................................................8 they can invoke their right of veto and bring in the next lot. Tommy Sheppard, Dorothy Grace Elder And then it is back to business as before. Three million uses for a second vote ..................11 Blair is the partial-democrat par excellence. There are David Miller two ways in which this is easily recognisable. The first, More parties, more choice?.................................14 and by far the most obvious, is the manner in which he Isobel Lindsay views international democracy. In Blair’s world view, the If voting changed anything...................................16 purpose of the United Nations is not to make a reasoned, debated, democratic decision but to give legitimacy to the Robin McAlpine actions of the powerful. -
The Case of the UK Suffragettes (1906–1914)
G Model SON-733; No. of Pages 11 ARTICLE IN PRESS Social Networks xxx (2012) xxx–xxx Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect Social Networks journa l homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/socnet Covert social movement networks and the secrecy-efficiency trade off: The case ଝ of the UK suffragettes (1906–1914) ∗ Nick Crossley , Gemma Edwards, Ellen Harries, Rachel Stevenson Mitchell Centre for Social Network Analysis, School of Social Sciences, University of Manchester, UK a r t i c l e i n f o a b s t r a c t Keywords: This paper formulates and empirically tests a number of hypotheses regarding the impact of covertness Covert networks upon network structure. Specifically, hypotheses are deduced from theoretical arguments regarding a Secrecy-efficiency trade off ‘secrecy-efficiency trade off’ which is said to shape covert networks. The paper draws upon data con- Social movements cerning the UK suffragettes. It is taken from a publicly archived UK Home Office document listing 1992 Suffragettes court appearances (for suffrage related activities), involving 1214 individuals and 394 court sessions, between 1906 and 1914. Network structure at earlier phases of suffragette activism, when the move- ment was less covert, is compared with that during the final phase, when it was more covert and meets the definitional criteria of what we call a ‘covert social movement network’ (CSMN). Support for the vari- ous hypotheses tested is variable but the key claims derived from the idea of the secrecy-efficiency trade off are supported. Specifically, the suffragettes’ network becomes less dense and less degree centralised as it becomes more covert.