DOCSLIB.ORG

The Gonzalo Sánchez De Lozada Disjuctive Presidency (2002-2003)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Gonzalo Sánchez De Lozada Disjuctive Presidency (2002-2003) PRESIDENTIAL LEADERSHIP IN LATIN AMERICA: THE CASES OF BOLIVIA, DOMINICAN REPUBLIC AND PERU By ANA MARÍA DE LA QUINTANA A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2012 1 © 2012 Ana María De la Quintana 2 To Anita, Marcelo and Miki 3 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS During the making of this dissertation as well as during my graduate years the most important people who were unconditionally supporting me were my parents. I am glad there is a formal space such as this to thank one’s parents and family. My father and mother Marcelo and Anita kept me going, without their love, encouragement, and support a Ph.D. would not have been possible. I am greatful to my siblings Jimena and Roberto and, to my extended family Ana Cristina, Eddy, César and Olga for believing in me and making sure I reach my goal. My advisor, Leslie Anderson, was always supportive of me in my quest to focus on relevant questions, her advice not only helped me seek for the most rigorous ways of addressing my inquires but also stimulated me so I did not to shy away from useful and valuable scholarship. She is certainly a wonderful adviser and academic mentor. The members of my committee: Larry Dodd, Katrina Schwartz, Connor O'Dwyer, Jesse Dallery have been invaluable to me in helping me to improve this dissertation, their advice and encouragement supported me in this journey. I am thankful to my wonderful professors and friends Richard Scher, Aida Hozic, Richard Conley, and to all my devoted professors at the Department of Political Science at the University of Florida, in particular to Philip Williams, Ben Smith, Patricia Wood, Lynn Leverty, Beth Rosenson and Goran Hyden. Sue Lawless-Yanchisin and Debbie Wallen are the soul of the department, with their professionalism, warmth and friendship they helped me navigate the agitated waters during my graduate years. I want to thank my friends and colleagues for enriching my life and reminding me that life is more important than work and the world of ideas: Yael Harari, Evelina Jagminaite, Aaron Hale, Majid Sharifi, Karina Vazquez, Parakh Hoon, Jonathan Jones, 4 Javier Aguayo, Guillermina Seri, Miriam Mutmabudzi, Greg Markowski, Sonia Ruiz, Eric Moody, Kenly Fenio, Fredline McComack, Iran Rodrigues, Jonathan Wadley, Matt Caverly, Norman Loayza, Ximena del Carpio, Andy Loomis, and Jason Parker. My friends Tatiana Ergueta, Viviana Novillo, Carmen Machicado, Todd Walters, Majid Gorji, Harry Abu Saeedi, Valeria Di Fiori, Victorio Carpintieri, Pilar and Thomas Kohler, Teresa and Carlos Pacheco, Cesar Carranza, Patrick Terrell, Mary Dager, Luis Azurduy, and Marjanne Sevenant, Maria Elba de Grandchandt, Janee Rambocous, Krissi Mevis and Fernando Quiros, kept me sane and helped me in ways that I cannot even describe, thank you. My “magnificas”: Tatiana Pacheco, Carolina Leon, Teresa Cutolo, Esperanza Lagabaster, Eva Gutierrez, Minna Matero and Mariana Wettstein, contriburted enormously with their friendship, camaraderie helping me get some balance my life. Special thanks to Kitty Williams, my editor and friend and one of the kindest persons I know. Throughout the field research I received great cooperation from Bolivia, Peru and Dominican Republic political leaders in granting interviews. When one is dealing with political issues such as those presented in this dissertation the question of whether or not to reveal sources immediately arises. There is an apprehension between a simultaneous desire to both recognize and protect, all of which has prompted me to divide these sources into two groups. The first group is comprised of party functionaries, members of government, presidents’ relatives, presidents’ friends, and politicians who shared with me their personal opinions about their president and country’s politics. I am thankful to these individuals for agreeing to be interviewed; they are not identified by name here. The second group is comprised of those who went above and beyond the 5 call of duty to ensure that I found appropriate information and various types of records. On specific details mentioned in this dissertation, I appreciate the help of Frank Moya Pons in the Dominican Republic and Richard Webb in Peru. Last but not least, this dissertation is dedicated to my husband Miguel Angel Ostos. Miki you are my rock. I do not have enough words to thank him, his contributions I cannot possibly describe accurately. He awarded me the “Ostos Scholarship” which allowed me to finish this dissertation. Without him, I would have given up on this dissertation long ago and probably tortured myself for the rest of my life. This dedication is but a small reward for all of his love, patience, and forgiveness. I hope that Amelia, who was born as this dissertation was on its making, will read it someday with interest and amusement. 6 TABLE OF CONTENTS page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS .................................................................................................. 4 LIST OF TABLES .......................................................................................................... 11 LIST OF FIGURES ........................................................................................................ 13 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................... 14 CHAPTER INTRODUCTION ........................................................................................................... 16 Research Questions ............................................................................................... 19 Argument ................................................................................................................ 19 Importance .............................................................................................................. 23 Methods, Case Selection and Source Materials ..................................................... 26 Plan......................................................................................................................... 36 PRESIDENTIAL POLITICS ........................................................................................... 41 Definition of Leadership .......................................................................................... 41 Political Leadership and Democracy ....................................................................... 44 The Study of Political Leadership ........................................................................... 52 Presidential Leadership in Democracies ................................................................. 54 American Presidential Studies ................................................................................ 57 Skowronek's Approach to Presidential Leadership........................................... 63 Hermann’s Classification of Leadership Traits ................................................. 72 Discussion .............................................................................................................. 81 PRESIDENTIAL POLITICS IN LATIN AMERICA .......................................................... 86 Discussion of Presidentialism ................................................................................. 86 The Presidentialist Tradition in Latin American Studies .......................................... 88 Discussion ............................................................................................................ 106 GONZALO SÁNCHEZ DE LOZADA’S ARTICULATIVE AND DISJUNCTIVE PRESIDENCIES ................................................................................................... 109 Popular Nationalistic Political Order ...................................................................... 111 The Hernán Siles Disjuctive Presidency (1982-1985) .................................... 113 Neoliberal Political Order ...................................................................................... 118 The Victor Paz Estenssoro Reconstructive Presidency (1985-1989) ............. 121 The Jaime Paz Zamora Articulative Presidency (1989-1993) ......................... 127 The Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada Articulative Presidency (1993-1997) ......... 131 7 The ADN Administration: The Articulative Presidency of Hugo Banzer and Jorge Quiroga (1997-2002) ......................................................................... 144 The Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada Disjuctive Presidency (2002-2003) ........... 153 Discussion ............................................................................................................ 179 GONZALO SÁNCHEZ DE LOZADA’S LEADERSHIP STYLES .................................. 189 About Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada ..................................................................... 190 Leadership Style ................................................................................................... 192 Constraints ..................................................................................................... 192 Leader’s own belief in his control and influence over events ................... 193 Leader’s need for power and influence .................................................... 196 Information ..................................................................................................... 198 Leader’s contextual complexity ................................................................ 201 Leader’s self-confidence
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Former Dictator and President Banzer Dies LADB Staff
    University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiSur Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 5-10-2002 Former Dictator and President Banzer Dies LADB Staff Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur Recommended Citation LADB Staff. "Former Dictator and President Banzer Dies." (2002). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/notisur/13023 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiSur by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 53105 ISSN: 1089-1560 Former Dictator and President Banzer Dies by LADB Staff Category/Department: Bolivia Published: 2002-05-10 Bolivia's former President Hugo Banzer, who resigned in August 2001 after being diagnosed with lung cancer, died May 5. He was 75 years old. To his supporters, his greatest achievement was his political journey from Latin American dictator in the 1970s to elected civilian leader in the late 1990s. To his critics, the repression carried out during his years as a dictator, for which he was never held accountable, made him a symbol of impunity. When Banzer resigned, then Vice President Jorge Quiroga assumed the presidency for the rest of Banzer's term, which ends in August 2002 (see NotiSur, 2001-08-03). Under Bolivian law, Quiroga cannot run for president in the June 30 elections. Banzer, a cigarette smoker, was diagnosed in July 2001 by doctors at Walter Reed Army Medical Center in Washington, DC, with lung cancer that had spread to his liver.
    [Show full text]
  • Dominican Republic
    CultureGramsTM World Edition 2014 Dominican Republic BACKGROUND History Land and Climate Original Inhabitants and Colonization Area (sq. mi.): 18,792 In pre-Columbian times, Arawak and Taíno Indians occupied Area (sq. km.): 48,670 the island. The arrival of Christopher Columbus in 1492 brought colonization, slavery, and disease, decimating the The Dominican Republic occupies the eastern two-thirds of native population within decades. With the decrease in the the island Hispaniola, which it shares with Haiti. It is slightly indigenous workforce came the increased importation of West larger than Denmark, or about twice the size of the U.S. state Africans to provide slave labor for mines, sugar plantations, of New Hampshire. The central mountain range, Cordillera and cattle farms. The capital, Santo Domingo, was the first Central, boasts the highest point in the Caribbean, Pico permanent European settlement in the New World and was Duarte, at a little more than 10,000 feet (3,048 meters). The established by Spain in 1496. In 1586, the British pirate Sir Cibao Valley lies in the heart of the country and is the major Francis Drake briefly occupied the city of Santo Domingo agricultural area. before collecting a ransom in exchange for its return to The Dominican Republic has a variety of landscapes, from Spanish rule. deserts in the southwest to alpine forests in the central Haitian Dominance and Independence mountains. Sugarcane fields spread over coastal plains in the In 1697, the western portion (now Haiti) of Hispaniola was north and east, and coconut plantations cover most of the given to France.
    [Show full text]
  • Structural Change for Equality an Integrated Approach to Development
    2012 structural change for equality An Integrated Approach to Development Thirty-fourth San Salvador, session 27 - 31 August of eclac 2012 structural change for equality An Integrated Approach to Development Thirty-fourth San Salvador, session 27 - 31 August of eclac Alicia Bárcena Executive Secretary Antonio Prado Deputy Executive Secretary The preparation of this document was coordinated by Alicia Bárcena, Executive Secretary of ECLAC, in collaboration with Antonio Prado, Deputy Executive Secretary, Mario Cimoli, Chief of the Division of Production, Productivity and Management, Juan Alberto Fuentes, Chief of the Economic Development Division, Martin Hopenhayn, Chief of the Social Development Division and Daniel Titelman, Chief of the Financing for Development Division. The drafting committee also comprised Wilson Perés and Gabriel Porcile, in collaboration with Martín Abeles, Verónica Amarante, Filipa Correia, Felipe Jiménez, Sandra Manuelito, Juan Carlos Moreno-Brid, Esteban Pérez-Caldentey and Romain Zivy. The following chiefs of substantive divisions, subregional headquarters and national offices of ECLAC participated in the preparation of the document: Hugo Altomonte, Hugo Beteta, Luis Beccaria, Inés Bustillo, Pascual Gerstenfeld, Dirk Jaspers_Faijer, Juan Pablo Jiménez, Jorge Mattar, Carlos Mussi, Sonia Montaño, Diane Quarless, Juan Carlos Ramírez, Osvaldo Rosales and Joseluis Samaniego. Contributions and comments regarding the various chapters were provided by the following ECLAC staff members: Olga Lucía Acosta, Jean Acquatella,
    [Show full text]
  • 1 the Rise of Evo Morales Through an Electoral Lens: an Introduction 1
    NOTES 1 The Rise of Evo Morales through an Electoral Lens: An Introduction 1. Venezuela 1993 (Carlos Andrés Perez), 2002 (Hugo Chávez), Ecuador 1997 (Abdalá Bucaram), 2000 (Jamil Mahuad), 2004 (Lucio Gutiérrez), Bolivia 2003 (Sánchez de Lozada), 2005 (Carlos Mesa). 2. This claim is relevant to the Bolivian case since a group of scholars, following Gamarra (1997a), have pointed to the hybrid nature of its presidential system, contained in Article 90 of the Constitution, as the major determinant of its relative success. 3. Comparativists have consistently affirmed that the primary role of leg- islatures has been either “neglect and acquiescence or obstructionism” (Morgenstern and Nacif 2002: 7). Moreover, according to the latest Latinobarómetro (2007), the general population in Latin America regards legislatures as one of the most ineffective and one of the least trusted institutions. 4. In light of Article 90 of the Political Constitution of the State, which grants authority to Congress to elect the president in case no candidate receives a majority, Gamarra (1997a; 1997b) called the system “hybrid presidentialism.” Shugart and Carey (1992) followed Gamarra’s concep- tualization while Jones (1995) identified it as a “majority congressional system.” Mayorga (1999) called it “presidencialismo parlamentarizado” (parliamentarized presidentialism). Regardless of the variations in the labels assigned to the Bolivian political system, these scholars agree that it exhibits features of both presidential and parliamentary systems. 5. The double quotient formula was calculated in the following manner: the first quotient, the participation quotient, would be obtained by dividing the total valid votes in a department by the number of seats to be distributed.
    [Show full text]
  • Monitoring Elac2007: Progress and Current State of Development of Latin American and Caribbean Information Societies
    23 Monitoring eLAC2007: Progress and current state of development of Latin American and Caribbean information societies Observatory for the Information Society in Latin America and the Caribbean (OSILAC) 23 Monitoring eLAC2007: Progress and current state of development of Latin American and Caribbean information societies Observatory for the Information Society in Latin America and the Caribbean (OSILAC) September 2007 This document was prepared in the framework of the Observatory for the Information Society in Latin America and the Caribbean (OSILAC), as a DDPE (División de Desarrollo Productivo y Empresarial) project, which receives financial support from the Institute for Connectivity in the Americas (ICA), the Pan-Americas Program of the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) and the European Commission’s @LIS Project. The document has been elaborated by Valeria Jordan and coordinated by Martin Hilbert, with contributions from Doris Olaya, Soledad Parada and Wilson Peres. The collaboration of Francisca Lira is gratefully acknowledged. The opinions expressed herein have not been subjected to editorial revision, and are the sole responsibility of the authors. They should not be construed as reflecting official positions of the European Union, the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) or any of the other organisations that participated in producing the document. United Nations Publication LC/W.151 Copyright © United Nations, September 2007. All rights reserved. Printed at United Nations, Santiago, Chile. Requests for authorization to reproduce this work in whole or in part should be addressed to the Secretary of the Publications Board, United Nations Headquarters, New York, NY 10017, United States. The member States and their governmental institutions may reproduce the work without prior authorization.
    [Show full text]
  • Dominican Republic: Political and Economic Conditions and Relations with the United States
    Order Code RS21718 Updated April 1, 2008 Dominican Republic: Political and Economic Conditions and Relations with the United States name redacted and name redacted Analysts in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary President Leonel Fernández of the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD), who served as president previously (1996-2000), took office again on August 16, 2004 and is running for reelection on May 16, 2008. Since taking office, President Fernández has presided over a period of rapid economic growth, enjoys continued popular support, and has a majority in both legislative chambers. He has enacted fiscal reforms and restored investor confidence in the Dominican economy, but also suffered setbacks stemming from an alleged financing scandal and criticism of the government’s response to two tropical storms in late 2007. Fernández is the favored candidate in the May 16, 2008 presidential race, enjoying a significant lead over his chief opponent, Miguel Vargas Maldonado of the Dominican Revolutionary Party (PRD). With the March 2007 implementation of the U.S.-Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR), observers expect a rise in foreign investment in the Dominican Republic in 2008. This report will be updated. Background The Dominican Republic occupies the eastern two-thirds of the Caribbean island of Hispaniola, which it shares with Haiti. A population of almost 9.4 million occupies an area about the size of New Hampshire and Vermont combined. With a per capita income of $2,850, it is considered by the World Bank to be a lower middle-income country. After fighting to achieve its independence from Spain in 1821 and then Haiti in 1844, the Dominican Republic embarked upon a bumpy road toward its current democratic form of government, characterized by long episodes of military dictatorship and frequent coups.
    [Show full text]
  • Dominican Republic History
    DOMINICAN REPUBLIC - HISTORY Dominican Republic (DR) is truly rich in culture, history and beauty. The walls and the cobblestoned streets of its emblema<c Colonial City bear witness to the richness of its past as the first city founded in the Americas. The island was first inhabited by the Taíno Indians, one of the most peaceful peoples of the con<nent, who lived through hun<ng, fishing and agriculture. Then on December 5, 1492, Admiral Christopher Columbus arrived on the island and named it Hispaniola, an act which determined the mee<ng of two cultures and which later made Santo Domingo the first city in the Americas. Toward the end of the XVII (17th) century, the French colonized the western part of the island. In 1795, Spain ceded the eastern part to France, leaving the island under French power. APer having suffered dominion by the French, the colony returned to Spanish hands, un<l a group of men led by José Núñez de Cáceres proclaimed Ephemeral Independence in December 1821. But in January 1822, taking advantage of the military and economic weakness of the eastern part of the island, the Hai<ans invaded this territory and imposed their rule for 22 years. Then on February 27, 1844, the fight for independence was led by Juan Pablo Duarte and the new Dominican Republic was born. Despite the cry for independence, on March 18, 1861 the republic was once again annexed by Spain un<l aPer the Restora<on War, which was led by Gregorio Luperón in 1863. The resul<ng poli<cal unrest brought economic chaos.
    [Show full text]
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science the Gap Between
    The London School of Economics and Political Science The Gap between Legality and Legitimacy The Bolivian State Crisis (2000-2008) in Historical and Regional Perspective Gustavo Bonifaz Moreno A thesis submitted to the Department of Government of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, March 2017 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my written consent. I declare that my thesis consists of 100,000 words. 2 Abstract The present thesis investigates the causes of the Bolivian state crisis (2000-2008). The case study is intriguing because, compared to other countries in the region, Bolivia appeared to successfully implement competitive elections and neo-liberal reforms. Nevertheless, by 2008 the country was on the verge of civil war. This sudden political collapse, I argue, shows that Bolivia represents an extreme case of a regional trend, namely the periodic opening of a gap between legality and legitimacy in periods of social change, punctuated by external shocks. Most accounts of the crisis try to explain it based on the historical prevalence of ethnic, regional or class cleavages within the Bolivian society.
    [Show full text]
  • Sustainability of Current GM Crop Cultivation
    Sustainability of current GM crop cultivation Review of people, planet, profit effects of agricultural production of GM crops, based on the cases of soybean, maize, and cotton A.C. Franke, M.L.H. Breukers, W. Broer, F. Bunte, O. Dolstra, F.M. d’Engelbronner-Kolff, L.A.P. Lotz, J. van Montfort, J. Nikoloyuk, M.M. Rutten, M.J.M. Smulders, C.C.M. van de Wiel, M. van Zijl Report 386 Sustainability of current GM crop cultivation Review of people, planet, profit effects of agricultural production of GM crops, based on the cases of soybean, maize, and cotton A.C. Franke1, M.L.H. Breukers2, W. Broer3, F. Bunte2, O. Dolstra1, F.M. d’Engelbronner-Kolff4, L.A.P. Lotz1, J. van Montfort4, J. Nikoloyuk4, M.M. Rutten2, M.J.M. Smulders1, C.C.M. van de Wiel1, M. van Zijl3 1 Plant Research International (PRI), Wageningen UR, Wageningen, the Netherlands 2 LEI, Wageningen UR, the Hague, the Netherlands 3 CREM, Amsterdam, the Netherlands 4 Aidenvironment, Amsterdam, the Netherlands Plant Research International, part of Wageningen UR Report 386 April 2011 © 2011 Wageningen, Foundation Stichting Dienst Landbouwkundig Onderzoek (DLO) research institute Plant Research International. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the DLO, Plant Research International. The Foundation DLO is not responsible for any damage caused by using the content of this report. Plant Research International, part of Wageningen UR Address : P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • Central America and the Dominican Republic in the Context of the Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) with the United States
    Order Code RL32322 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Central America and the Dominican Republic in the Context of the Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) with the United States Updated August 4, 2005 K. Larry Storrs, Coordinator Specialist in Latin American Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Clare Ribando, Lenore Sek, Mark P. Sullivan, Maureen Taft-Morales, and Connie Veillette Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Central America and the Dominican Republic in the Context of the Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) with the United States Summary This report explains the conditions in five countries in Central America (Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua) and one country in the Caribbean (Dominican Republic) that will be partners with the United States in the U.S.-Dominican Republic-Central America Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA) signed in August 2004. In U.S. approval action, the House and Senate passed the required implementing legislation (H.R. 3045) on July 27 and 28, 2005, and the President signed it into law (P.L. 109-53) on August 2, 2005. The agreement will enter into force for the other countries when their legislatures have approved it The legislatures of El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala have approved the pact so far. The DR-CAFTA partners are basically small countries with limited populations and economic resources, ranging in population from Costa Rica with a population of 4.0 million to Guatemala with a population of 12.3 million, and ranging in Gross National Income (GNI) from $4.0 billion for Nicaragua to $23.5 billion for Guatemala.
    [Show full text]
  • Elections in the Dominican Republic
    Globalized Election Weekly Report June 03 2010 to June 08, 2010 Iffat Humayun Khan Presentation on June 09, 2010 Week # 122 A parliamentary election was held in the Dominican Republic on 16 May 2010 to elect members to the 32 seats in the Senate and 183 seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Polls forecasted a victory for the Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) of President Leonel Fernández. Before the election, 96 of the 178 Chamber of Deputies seats and 22 of the 32 Senate seats were controlled by the PLD. A general election was held in Trinidad and Tobago on May 24, 2010. The date of the general elections was announced by Prime Minister Patrick Manning on April 16, 2010, via a press release. The election was called over two years earlier than required by law. Polls showing that the UNC-led opposition coalition was likely to win the election were confirmed by the subsequent results. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Dominican Republic Contents---------------------------------------------------------------------Page# 1. Introduction-------------------------------------------------------------------3 2. Politics------------------------------------------------------------------------12 3. Elections in Dominican Republic ------------------------------------16 4. Elections 2010--------------------------------------------------------------20 5. Results----------------------------------------------------------------------- 24 6. Analysis----------------------------------------------------------------------26
    [Show full text]
  • Lima Congress Ssf.Pdf
    FOCUS Facing the challenges ahead On 20-23 June the Socialist International held its seventeenth congress in Lima with the theme of 'Peace and economic solidarity' at the centre of the stage. This issue of Focus carries edited versions of the contributions by Willy Brandt, Kalevi Sorsa and Michael Manley, and thus provides a stimulating insight into the debate which took place in Lima. The struggle for disarmament and the struggle for development cannot be The bowl pictured above, part of the image separated, since peace and economic used on the official poster of the Lima security are inextricably linked: each Congress, was made by Peruvian requires and depends on the other. craftspeople. Thus, Kalevi Sorsa, the Finnish prime minister, sets disarmament and security initiatives within a much wider context than the highly technical negotiations surrounding arms-control agreements. 'In the long run, only a comprehensive strategy involving equitable socio­ economic development, democratic and participatory reform, and the promotion of political, economic, social and cultural rights' wouid guarantee the solution of conflicts. Such is the nature of the dual challenge facing democratic socialists. Discussions round the theme of 'one world', however, were not exclusively limited to the need for a new international order based on peace and economic cooperation. The last section of the Manifesto of Lima emphasises and dwells at length on the need for the transformation of the Socialist International 'from a male-centred organisation into an integrated one, giving justice to women all over the world'. That too is a major challenge. And in facing up to the new challenges, many at the Lima Congress evoked the memory of Olaf Palme, the late leader of'the Swedish Social Democrats.
    [Show full text]