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94586 Babesch2011definitief3.Qxp:Babesch Nieuw Nummer Leeg 24-08-2011 11:36 Page 143 94586_BABESCH2011definitief3.qxp:BABesch nieuw nummer leeg 24-08-2011 11:36 Page 143 BABESCH 86 (2011), 143-165. doi: 10.2143/BAB.86.0.2128097. The 2nd-century AD crisis in Altinum (Venetia, Northern Italy) A mixture of historiographical determinism and archaeological scarcity? Jonas Danckers Abstract Traditionally, the 2nd century AD in Roman Altinum (Northern Italy) has been described as a period of crisis. As a similar ‘commercial and agricultural’ setback has earlier been proposed for the whole Italian peninsula in general, this article evaluates the epistemological basis of this local variant. A historiographical research firstly contextualises the origins of the classical pan-Italic crisis idea. Starting from critiques on this influential concept, a new archaeological methodology for tracing a crisis in antiquity is proposed. Applying this approach to Altinum and the Venetia region, it can be argued that the alleged ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ for the town was not a reality but rather a mixture of historiographical determinism and archaeological scarcity.* INTRODUCTION favourable geographical position made it quickly an ideal place for interaction between the Venetian The Roman town of Altinum, situated at the north- people and the rest of the Adriatic.2 From the 2nd western edge of the lagoon of Venice (Northern century BC onwards, the involvement of Rome Italy), was one of the most important commercial within the region of Venetia initiated a complex hubs of the High Adriatic (figs 1-2). Altino, as it is cultural process for this lagoonal town.3 Because called today, became a permanent settlement at of its key position in trade between the Alpine the start of the 1st millennium BC (fig. 4).1 Its and Transalpine regions and the Adriatic Sea and Fig. 1. Altinum and the surrounding Venetia region (map by Frank Carpentier). 143 94586_BABESCH2011definitief3.qxp:BABesch nieuw nummer leeg 24-08-2011 11:36 Page 144 crisis’ idea, that are not satisfactorily supported by archaeological evidence. As a conclusion does not stem directly from the data, probably other (non-archaeological) theories influenced its gene- sis. The first section of this article will therefore clarify the historiography of the influential pan- Italic ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ idea. Tracing the genealogy of the crisis theory will lead to a better understanding of the complex interplay between ideology, fragmentary written and archaeological sources in its making.12 In a second section cri- tiques on this traditional idea will make clear Fig. 2. Field, with visible archaeological material, why it cannot uncritically be applied all over around the museum and church of Altino (photo Italy. These will also provide a basis for the out- author). line of a methodology which will establish better criteria for the identification of a crisis in antiquity. Po Plain, Altinum prospered widely in the 1st cen- In the third and last part of this article this method- turies BC and AD.4 ology will be applied to the case of Altinum and Following the traditional view of Scarfi and Venetia and in this light the archaeology of the Tombolani,5 however, Altinum experienced a seri- town and its territory will be reassessed. This ous crisis in the 2nd century AD and was from focus on the history of an idea will assist in rais- then on in decline, until it was dealt a final blow ing awareness of similar problematic interpreta- in the 5th century AD when the city was looted by tions in other contexts. Attila the Hun.6 The Myth of Venice further accounts that the inhabitants of Altinum fled to the sur- HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE ‘2ND-CENTURY AD CRISIS’ rounding lagoon and describes how the town THEORY became, indirectly, the predecessor of Venice.7 Recently this traditional view has partially been Recent research has indicated that studying the challenged by Tirelli, who demonstrated that Alti- history of archaeology is not only interesting in num remained inhabited after the so-called bar- itself, but that it is even more relevant for the con- barian invasions.8 textualisation of older ideas upon which new Nonetheless, a ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ continues interpretations are consciously or unconsciously to be mentioned for Altinum since from then the based.13 Archaeologists are influenced by their commercial and agricultural activities of the social and intellectual background and an increased municipium would have been drastically reduced awareness of this could lead to more nuanced and consequently a cultural decline would have interpretations. An evaluation of the epistemolog- been started. Furthermore, De Franceschini has ical basis of the local ‘2nd-century crisis’ for Al - argued for a similar ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ for the tinum therefore needs to reconsider its conceptual whole Venetia region, while Busana has stated that, genesis. although this crisis displayed local differences Although the first proponents of the local crisis within Venetia, traces of an ‘agricultural crisis’ are theory did not refer explicitly to the theories that observable all over the Italian peninsula.9 There - incited them to make this interpretation, they fore one could suppose that the ‘2nd-century AD surely were influenced by concepts which circu- crisis’ was not only a local, but also a regional and lated at that time within their scientific commu- a supraregional phenomenon. However, Patterson nity.14 The idea of a general crisis for the Italian remarked recently that the idea of a widespread peninsula in the 2nd century AD, although nearly crisis for Early Imperial Italy is too simplistic always described in broad and superficial chrono- because of the diverse nature of the peninsula.10 logical and geographical terms, existed already, The aim of this article is to evaluate the episte- and its origins can be retraced through references mological basis for a ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ at in other publications.15 Busana for instance, explic- Altinum. Although Altinum has (exceptionally) not itly refers to the Italian ancient historian Lo Cascio, been overbuilt by a modern Italian city, it has been who ascribes the general pan-Italic economic re - excavated only fragmentarily (fig. 2).11 Its biased gression of the 2nd century AD to a growing com- archaeological record offers a unique opportunity petition between the peninsula and the provinces to reveal interpretations, such as ‘2nd-century AD of the Roman Empire.16 After a period of Raub - 144 94586_BABESCH2011definitief3.qxp:BABesch nieuw nummer leeg 24-08-2011 11:36 Page 145 kapitalismus in the Late Republic, Italy would have tition of the provinces’ finally made the Italian lost its Mediterranean monopoly and specific peninsula collapse into a general economic crisis mode of production in the 2nd century AD, urging in the 2nd century AD, was illustrated with excerpts the propertied class to assume a so-called rentier of classical literature.23 mentality.17 Lo Cascio’s seemingly coherent account Following Weber, Rostovtzeff postulated that is composed of different ideas which can ultimate- due to this crisis, the Italic bourgeoisie assumed a ly be retraced to the influential oeuvres of Michael rentier mentality and contented themselves with Rostovtzeff and Andrea Carandini.18 A sketch of a smaller but safer yield. They were inclined to their lives and work will allow us to illustrate lease their land to tenants (coloni), switched from how their initial formulation of the general crisis the intensive cultivation of olive and wine to more theory fitted well within their intentions and extensive grain culture and bought lands from ideas, and how they came to be so influential later impoverished peasants (process of estate accumu- on. lation in the hands of the rich).24 In chapters 5, 6 and 7, he further described the 2nd-century AD Back to the beginning: Rostovtzeff and Carandini. situation and amplified the outlined sharp con- trast between bourgeoisie and proletariat, city and Michael Ivanovich Rostovtzeff (1870-1952) was a countryside, leading class and army, etc.25 Russian ancient historian and archaeologist, who Subsequently, Rostovtzeff pictured how, from was forced to go into exile to the United States at Septimius Severus onwards, the high expenses of the outbreak of the Communist Revolution in a proletariat-dominated Roman army got the Em - 1917.19 His Social and Economic History of the pire into a tight spot. The socio-economic upheaval Roman Empire (SEHRE) and Social and Economic brought about by the ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ in History of the Hellenistic World (SEHHW) were the Italy was supposed to have been the main reason very first systematic socio-economic histories of for the ‘poor’ population (and the army) to turn antiquity as until then the Altertumswissenschaft against the cities and the bourgeoisie. Rostov - had mainly focused on political and religious his- tzeff’s broadly defined ‘2nd-century crisis’ for Italy, tory.20 He was likewise the first historian to sys- was, true to Gibbonian tradition, a necessary fore- tematically develop the general ‘2nd-century AD runner for the subsequent crisis of the 3rd century crisis’ idea for Italy. Moreover, as Rostovtzeff and consequently the whole gradual disintegration argued that this crisis resulted in a changing rela- of the Empire. tionship between bourgeoisie and proletariat, ulti- The impressive volume of source material he mately leading to the fall of the Roman Empire; applied, the well-organized and prosaically elab- this negative vision, as built up in the different orated storyline and the renewing socio-econom- chapters of his SEHRE, fulfilled a specific role in ical aspect quickly made the SEHRE into an influ- his account.21 ential standard publication that left a clear mark In the first chapters of his SEHRE, Rostovtzeff on Roman archaeology and history.26 Already in described how the so-called bourgeoisie formed 1933 Giovanni Sanna translated the SEHRE in the basis for the flourishing of the Roman Empire.
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