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BABESCH 86 (2011), 143-165. doi: 10.2143/BAB.86.0.2128097.

The 2nd-century AD crisis in (Venetia, Northern Italy) A mixture of historiographical determinism and archaeological scarcity?

Jonas Danckers

Abstract

Traditionally, the 2nd century AD in Roman Altinum (Northern Italy) has been described as a period of crisis. As a similar ‘commercial and agricultural’ setback has earlier been proposed for the whole Italian peninsula in general, this article evaluates the epistemological basis of this local variant. A historiographical research firstly contextualises the origins of the classical pan-Italic crisis idea. Starting from critiques on this influential concept, a new archaeological methodology for tracing a crisis in antiquity is proposed. Applying this approach to Altinum and the Venetia region, it can be argued that the alleged ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ for the town was not a reality but rather a mixture of historiographical determinism and archaeological scarcity.*

INTRODUCTION favourable geographical position made it quickly an ideal place for interaction between the Venetian The Roman town of Altinum, situated at the north- people and the rest of the Adriatic.2 From the 2nd western edge of the lagoon of (Northern century BC onwards, the involvement of Rome Italy), was one of the most important commercial within the region of Venetia initiated a complex hubs of the High Adriatic (figs 1-2). Altino, as it is cultural process for this lagoonal town.3 Because called today, became a permanent settlement at of its key position in trade between the Alpine the start of the 1st millennium BC (fig. 4).1 Its and Transalpine regions and the and

Fig. 1. Altinum and the surrounding Venetia region (map by Frank Carpentier).

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crisis’ idea, that are not satisfactorily supported by archaeological evidence. As a conclusion does not stem directly from the data, probably other (non-archaeological) theories influenced its gene- sis. The first section of this article will therefore clarify the historiography of the influential pan- Italic ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ idea. Tracing the genealogy of the crisis theory will lead to a better understanding of the complex interplay between ideology, fragmentary written and archaeological sources in its making.12 In a second section cri- tiques on this traditional idea will make clear Fig. 2. Field, with visible archaeological material, why it cannot uncritically be applied all over around the museum and church of Altino (photo Italy. These will also provide a basis for the out- author). line of a methodology which will establish better criteria for the identification of a crisis in antiquity. Plain, Altinum prospered widely in the 1st cen- In the third and last part of this article this method- turies BC and AD.4 ology will be applied to the case of Altinum and Following the traditional view of Scarfi and Venetia and in this light the archaeology of the Tombolani,5 however, Altinum experienced a seri- town and its territory will be reassessed. This ous crisis in the 2nd century AD and was from focus on the history of an idea will assist in rais- then on in decline, until it was dealt a final blow ing awareness of similar problematic interpreta- in the 5th century AD when the city was looted by tions in other contexts. the Hun.6 The Myth of Venice further accounts that the inhabitants of Altinum fled to the sur- HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE ‘2ND-CENTURY AD CRISIS’ rounding lagoon and describes how the town THEORY became, indirectly, the predecessor of Venice.7 Recently this traditional view has partially been Recent research has indicated that studying the challenged by Tirelli, who demonstrated that Alti- history of archaeology is not only interesting in num remained inhabited after the so-called bar- itself, but that it is even more relevant for the con- barian invasions.8 textualisation of older ideas upon which new Nonetheless, a ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ continues interpretations are consciously or unconsciously to be mentioned for Altinum since from then the based.13 Archaeologists are influenced by their commercial and agricultural activities of the social and intellectual background and an increased would have been drastically reduced awareness of this could lead to more nuanced and consequently a cultural decline would have interpretations. An evaluation of the epistemolog- been started. Furthermore, De Franceschini has ical basis of the local ‘2nd-century crisis’ for Al - argued for a similar ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ for the tinum therefore needs to reconsider its conceptual whole Venetia region, while Busana has stated that, genesis. although this crisis displayed local differences Although the first proponents of the local crisis within Venetia, traces of an ‘agricultural crisis’ are theory did not refer explicitly to the theories that observable all over the Italian peninsula.9 There - incited them to make this interpretation, they fore one could suppose that the ‘2nd-century AD surely were influenced by concepts which circu- crisis’ was not only a local, but also a regional and lated at that time within their scientific commu- a supraregional phenomenon. However, Patterson nity.14 The idea of a general crisis for the Italian remarked recently that the idea of a widespread peninsula in the 2nd century AD, although nearly crisis for Early Imperial Italy is too simplistic always described in broad and superficial chrono- because of the diverse nature of the peninsula.10 logical and geographical terms, existed already, The aim of this article is to evaluate the episte- and its origins can be retraced through references mological basis for a ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ at in other publications.15 Busana for instance, explic- Altinum. Although Altinum has (exceptionally) not itly refers to the Italian ancient historian Lo Cascio, been overbuilt by a modern Italian city, it has been who ascribes the general pan-Italic economic re- excavated only fragmentarily (fig. 2).11 Its biased gression of the 2nd century AD to a growing com- archaeological record offers a unique opportunity petition between the peninsula and the provinces to reveal interpretations, such as ‘2nd-century AD of the Roman Empire.16 After a period of Raub -

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kapitalismus in the Late Republic, Italy would have tition of the provinces’ finally made the Italian lost its Mediterranean monopoly and specific peninsula collapse into a general economic crisis mode of production in the 2nd century AD, urging in the 2nd century AD, was illustrated with excerpts the propertied class to assume a so-called rentier of classical literature.23 mentality.17 Lo Cascio’s seemingly coherent account Following Weber, Rostovtzeff postulated that is composed of different ideas which can ultimate- due to this crisis, the Italic bourgeoisie assumed a ly be retraced to the influential oeuvres of Michael rentier mentality and contented themselves with Rostovtzeff and Andrea Carandini.18 A sketch of a smaller but safer yield. They were inclined to their lives and work will allow us to illustrate lease their land to tenants (coloni), switched from how their initial formulation of the general crisis the intensive cultivation of olive and wine to more theory fitted well within their intentions and extensive grain culture and bought lands from ideas, and how they came to be so influential later impoverished peasants (process of estate accumu- on. lation in the hands of the rich).24 In chapters 5, 6 and 7, he further described the 2nd-century AD Back to the beginning: Rostovtzeff and Carandini. situation and amplified the outlined sharp con- trast between bourgeoisie and proletariat, city and Michael Ivanovich Rostovtzeff (1870-1952) was a countryside, leading class and army, etc.25 Russian ancient historian and archaeologist, who Subsequently, Rostovtzeff pictured how, from was forced to go into exile to the United States at Septimius Severus onwards, the high expenses of the outbreak of the Communist Revolution in a proletariat-dominated Roman army got the Em - 1917.19 His Social and Economic History of the pire into a tight spot. The socio-economic upheaval Roman Empire (SEHRE) and Social and Economic brought about by the ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ in History of the Hellenistic World (SEHHW) were the Italy was supposed to have been the main reason very first systematic socio-economic histories of for the ‘poor’ population (and the army) to turn antiquity as until then the Altertumswissenschaft against the cities and the bourgeoisie. Rostov - had mainly focused on political and religious his- tzeff’s broadly defined ‘2nd-century crisis’ for Italy, tory.20 He was likewise the first historian to sys- was, true to Gibbonian tradition, a necessary fore- tematically develop the general ‘2nd-century AD runner for the subsequent crisis of the 3rd century crisis’ idea for Italy. Moreover, as Rostovtzeff and consequently the whole gradual disintegration argued that this crisis resulted in a changing rela- of the Empire. tionship between bourgeoisie and proletariat, ulti- The impressive volume of source material he mately leading to the fall of the Roman Empire; applied, the well-organized and prosaically elab- this negative vision, as built up in the different orated storyline and the renewing socio-econom- chapters of his SEHRE, fulfilled a specific role in ical aspect quickly made the SEHRE into an influ- his account.21 ential standard publication that left a clear mark In the first chapters of his SEHRE, Rostovtzeff on Roman archaeology and history.26 Already in described how the so-called bourgeoisie formed 1933 Giovanni Sanna translated the SEHRE in the basis for the flourishing of the Roman Empire. Italian as the Storia economica e sociale dell’impero In the late Republic, this profit-oriented class of Romano (SESIR).27 The ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ landowners, merchants and industrialists had hypothesis was not further systematically elabo- altered the simple Italic agricultural system into rated until ‘the decline thesis has been restated, a more ‘scientific’ and capitalistic system that gen- with great energy and power, and with new argu- erated more profit by concentrating on the culti- ments, by a group of Italian scholars led by vation of grapes and olives, instead of grain. Ros- Carandini’.28 tovtzeff based this modernistic vision of the Roman Archaeologist Andrea Carandini (°1937) heavily economy on a few fragments of and influenced the Italian antichistica as he pled for an Pliny, who both described techniques for a more Italian classical archaeology that would be un re- effective management of rural estates. In chapter lated to art history and would made use of New 3 Rostovtzeff clarified that this process originally Archaeology excavation techniques.29 Carandini took place in Italy but that from the Julio-Claudian and his team clearly worked within a Marxist in - period onwards the provinces too started to eman- terpretative framework as they considered Roman cipate themselves economically. As the provinces history as a discontinuous succession of economic were consequently no longer dependent on the modes of production, which in turn determine the import of Italic products, the Italic monopoly was socio-cultural qualities of society. Archaeological strongly undermined.22 The idea that the ‘compe- material is used to enforce this theoretical frame-

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work. The historical interpretations of the School of themselves, which in the long-run resulted in too Carandini can be defined as ‘laws’ rather than many expenses. The switch to a leasing system and models since sooner than ‘creating a guide for a the extensive cultivation of grain implied fewer more complex reality, they supply interpretations risks anyhow. From 1985 onwards, Carandini fol- as a replacement or explanation of that reality’.30 lowed Rostovtzeff’s lead regarding the emancipa- Carandini re-enforced the Italic ‘2nd-century AD cri- tion of the provinces: in the course of the 2nd cen- sis’ idea by postulating that the ‘Slave Mode of Pro - tury AD the monopoly of Italic slave-run villas duction’ (SMP) had the clear chronological bound- disappeared and relatively more Spanish and aries of 200 BC-200 AD.31 He supposed that the end African amphorae (and their contents) were im - of this production mode during the 2nd century AD ported. Panella, working close to Carandini’s School, caused the entire Italic society to go into crisis. argued that the shift from the large Dressel 2-4 and While slaves were earlier on only sporadically Dressel 6A amphorae to the relatively smaller employed in a domestic context, Carandini pos- anfore a fondo piatto at the beginning of the 2nd cen- tulated that at the beginning of the 2nd century BC tury reflected the decline of the Italic long dis- this situation changed when the Italic elite could tance trade with the provinces and a restructuring easily obtain large rural estates and groups of of its productive economy to a local or regional slaves and could significantly raise production scale (figs 7-8).39 owing to this rational reorganization (SMP).32 The dominance of Carandini’s scuola in the Besides for surplus production of olive oil and Italian antichistica, the prevalence of one’s own wine, ‘gli strumenti pensanti dei Romani’ were from Italian literature for interpretations within Italian then on also being employed in pastoralism, grain classical archaeology and the unintentional appli- production and in urban workshops.33 Carandini cation of the Augustean tota Italia idea, resulted in illustrated the ‘Slave Mode of Production’ with a broad acceptance of the ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ archaeological material such as the Dressel 1, concept all over Italy.40 However, this concept is Dressel 6A and 2-4 amphorae and the Arretine sig- not universally applicable and Rostovtzeff’s and illata production and he used the slave-run villa Carandini’ s discourses can be critiqued from sev- as a guide fossil for the SMP. The most important eral points of view. material contribution to the construction of the SMP concept was the excavation of the so-called Back to critiques : the ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ theory slave-run villa of Settefinestre (Southern Etruria), revisited. whose dating supposedly fitted perfectly within the defined timeframe.34 Here, the rational use of Firstly, the origins of the Italic ‘2nd-century AD cri- slaves was demonstrated as Carandini inter- sis’ idea were largely determined by Rostovtzeff’s preted a few cubicula on the southwestern side of anticommunist and Carandini’s Marxist ideolog- the villa as ergastula or slave quarters.35 ical backgrounds. Critics have pointed out how The ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ idea for Italy is cor- Rostovtzeff’s SEHRE was an indirect critique on roborated by Carandini as he situated the down- the Russian Revolution. His negative description fall of this lucrative SMP system during this cen- of the 2nd century AD and the consequences for tury.36 He underpinned his proposition that ‘l’aurea the so-called proletariat, can be interpreted as a età degli Antonini è stata per l’Italia il momento della way to revenge the fallen bourgeoisie, to which rovina’ historically by means of a negative reading he belonged.41 Carandini’s dogmatic Marxist atti- of the edict of Domitian and the alimenta of Trajan tude should be situated at the other end of the and archaeologically by the presumed link spectrum.42 As the end of his SMP is not put for- between the disappearance of the Dressel 2-4 and ward as a testable model but in a motley style Dressel 6A amphorae (fig. 7) and the decreasing imposed as a historical reality, his approach could quantity of settlements in maritime Etruria.37 He be called deterministic.43 He only mentioned the read all this as ‘a move from intensive viticulture evidence that fitted within his theory, leaving lit- using slave labor to less intensive cereal cultiva- tle potential for variability. tion and tenancy, implying a decline in the prof- Secondly, Carandini’s and Rostovtzeff’s 2nd- itability and productivity of agriculture and hence century views were primarily based on ancient leading to a crisis in Italian society and economy historical sources. Although Rostovtzeff’s SEHHW as a whole’.38 Initially, Carandini attributed the dis - was amply supported by archaeological evidence, appearance of this villa system to internal causes: his SEHRE, and consequently the ‘2nd-century cri- the decrease of the cheap supply of slaves forced sis’ idea, was not.44 In 1926 no survey data were the villa-owners to maintain large slave families available for , nor did Rostovtzeff

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refer to the disappearance of villas or amphorae entirely oriented towards profit, and the majority from the archaeological record. Recently, several of the peninsula simply strived for autarky. The rural surveys have indicated ‘a general trend of lucrative, slavery-based and market-oriented villa- declining numbers of rural sites on the Italian system as described by Rostovtzeff and Carandini, countryside’ in the 2nd century AD in particular.45 constituted only one niche of the Early Imperial Carandini, with the SEHRE at the back of his Italic economy. So, the so-called ‘competition of mind, used this general trend of diminishing set- the provinces’ probably did not herald a common tlement density and his excavation of the recession for the entire Italic economy, but only Settefinestre villa to argue for a period of crisis affected a few villas in certain regions of Italy, and estate accumulation.46 The core of this inter- which produced olive oil and wine for export, pretation, however, remains based on historical such as examples from maritime Etruria and the sources that only relate to a specific social class. Adriatic coast.53 In this view it is not appropriate Since small land owners, tenants, and day labour- to extrapolate the singular history of the Sette - ers stay out of historical sight 47 and a less dense finestre villa in the export-oriented Ager Cosanus settlement pattern does not a priori imply ‘estate to the entire Italic countryside.54 accumulation’,48 there is good reason to question Fourthly, this tendency to generalization is an- the application of the historically determined neg- other salient feature of Carandini’s and Rostov - ative vision to the whole of 2nd century AD Italy. tzeff’s accounts of 2nd-century AD Italy. Rostov- Thirdly, the ‘2nd-century AD pan-Italic crisis’ tzeff’s one-size-fits-it-all Roman history can be concept is embedded in a rather modernistic view linked to the tradition of the grande synthèse.55 It on the ancient economy. Rostovtzeff, who pro- is problematic to use this kind of general synthe- jected his modern critique into the ancient world, sis for the historical reconstruction of specific is exemplary of this tendency. He did not distin- periods and regions.56 Carandini’s proposition guish between the modern economic system and about the fixed chronological boundaries of the the ancient one, using modern economic terms SMP and the dominance (and end) of this slave- such as ‘capitalistic’, ‘industrial’, ‘competition’, run villa-system all over Italy is so deterministic ‘global market’, etc. He described the Roman that Finley defined it as ‘Procrustean treatment Empire as one economic union using historical of the evidence’. Again, ‘Roman Italy was not an fragments of Dio of Prusa. According to him the entity, but a complex network of landscapes and ‘2nd-century crisis’ applied to the entire peninsula cities widely divergent in nature’.57 for the Italic mentality was completely profit-ori- The definition of a slave-run villa is indeed far ented. Also Carandini can be placed within the from unequivocal. Apart from Marxist ideology modernistic camp as he saw the SMP as the dom- and the above mentioned classical texts, there is inating economic system in Late Republican and no proof for slave quarters in villas.58 This turbid Early Imperial Italy and considered the almost identification means that the strict chronological capitalistic villa-system emblematic of the entire delineation of the SMP between 200 BC-200 AD peninsular economy. Their modernistic ideas can be questioned.59. Stating an abrupt ending of influenced unconsciously many other interpreta- the slave-run villa-system is problematic as a tions all over the Italian peninsula.49 diminishing settlement density, or the disappear- However, such modernistic attitudes are prob- ance of the Dressel 2-4 and 6A amphorae cannot lematic in the light of the current tendency of con- only or straightforwardly be connected with the sensus in the debate on ancient economies.50 overall demise of the slave-run villa. Early Imperial Keeping in mind the mental legacy of Finley, the rural Italy was characterized by a myriad of vary- Roman economy is currently considered a pre- ing settlements types.60 Moreover, until recently industrial one and less powerful in production. the 2nd-century Italic flat bottom amphorae were Although the pursuit of autarky is seen as a basis relatively understudied. Their scarce typological for the ancient economic mentality, the possibility recognisability and the 2nd-century AD switch to of relative economic growth (and crisis) is not non-ceramic containers, like wooden barrels, has being ruled out.51 Nonetheless, this economy ‘does given a distorted view of the Italic wine and not have to be that monocolore, does not have to olive-oil production of this period.61 Total produc- be labeled according to its predominant pattern, tion was a priori not smaller, but apparently and does not have to be more than a loosely artic- archaeologically less visible. Tchernia has even ulated mélange of separate systems each with its argued for increased wine production during this own rules, purposes and ideology’.52 Consequently, period.62 Some regions show a diminishing den- it is logical to argue that Roman Italy was not sity of rural settlements as early as the 1st century

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AD whilst elsewhere, settlement patterns stay imply a crisis, the quantitative and qualitative less constant and do not change until the 3rd or 4th extensive 2nd-century AD archaeological evidence century AD.63 These observations do not automat- from the cities has, together with the literary evi- ically reflect the demise of the slave-run villa-sys- dence about the appointment of curatores rei pu b- tem in a certain region, but are rather the result of licae in several Italic towns, unintentionally specific regional phenomena. In some Italic endorsed the aforementioned crisis idea for the regions, the classical slave-run villa did even not countryside. Actually, a circular reasoning under- exist.64 lies the crisis idea: an urban crisis, visible in the However, the slave-run villa, considered now stagnation of monumental construction, is the as only one part of the whole peninsular econ- result of the economic difficulties of the country- omy, experienced serious problems in the 2nd cen- side, evident from less archaeological material as tury AD. already formulated a amphorae, found in the towns. possible explanation for the demise of this excep- This section clarified the genealogy of the tra- tional system as he stated that ‘bene colere neces- ditional pan-Italic ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ idea. sarium est, optime damnosum’ (HN 19.38). Morley Critiques on this modernistic, generalizing and endorsed this view when he pointed to the risk mainly historically based top-down approach in- of focusing farming only on the production of dicated that it is necessary to take into full account wine and olive oil for export.65 He argued that the the geographical, historical and socio-economic appearance of Spanish and African amphorae differences of Early Imperial Italy. Recently, John (and their contents) on the Roman market only Patterson stressed this regional variability and slightly reduced the price, but that this small dif- argued consequently also against a general decline ference was enough for the villa owners to shift thesis in Landscapes and Cities.69 The ancient histo- their estates towards a less intensive way of rian succeeded, by means of epigraphical and lit- exploitation of leasing and grain cultivation. erary fragments, in sketching an alternative, social Tainter’s theoretical framework provides the understanding of Early Imperial Italy.70 Patterson means to understand this ‘ability of a system to pictured how the Italic cities all reacted differently adjust its configuration and function under dis- to the difficulties they encountered. He argued turbance’ more clearly.66 Instead of describing this that, while during the Augustean period civic life process negatively as the anelasticità della villa,67 I was characterised by formal politics and the local would like to stress this positive recuperative urban elites still heavily invested in the construc- power for this exceptional system. tion of monumental buildings, this attitude seems Fifthly and lastly, the emphasis in Italian clas- to have changed in the 2nd century AD, when the sical archaeology on the ‘golden’ Augustean era increasing fashion for banqueting and distribu- is another factor which has unwittingly strength- tions of food made benefaction possible for well- ened the argument for a ‘2nd-century AD crisis’. off citizens beyond the traditional elite. This move The period after such an era is often a priori de- to ‘sociability’, also visible in the restoration and scribed in rather negative terms. Furthermore, construction of places where people usually gath- numerous cities across the peninsula elaborated ered (amphitheatres, baths and macella), reflected their monumental centres during the 1st centuries a strategy of the city to draw not only on the tra- BC and AD. As classical archaeology had an obvi- ditional elite but also on ambitious and more ous predilection for displayable and visible (urban) affluent benefactors from across the whole com- architectural and artifactual remains, the present munity. As Patterson was convinced that the nec- known archaeological record contains dispropor- essary financial means to climb the social ladder tionally more information about these centuries. could be gained with larger estates, he saw ‘estate In the 2nd century AD, cities had already con- accumulation in the hands of the rich [as] a natural structed most large, monumental buildings and and almost inevitable process in the landscape of therefore logically experienced a relative standstill Italy’.71 Like the aforementioned critiques, these in urbanisation. Consequently, also amphorae, one-sided sources emphasise only the more let- which were widely used for the foundations and tered part of society.72 Although Patterson’s focus drainages in the ancient town centres of the 1st at first sight seems an ideal way to shed the pre- centuries BC and AD, are badly represented for sented historiographical burden, he fails to develop the next century. Contexts outside the monumen- a systematic approach to evaluate the validity of a tal centres, where amphorae were still used, are supposed crisis. Therefore, as it is clear that the relatively less frequently excavated.68 Although classical ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ theory cannot un - less urban constructions do not automatically critically be applied to all Italic contexts, I will now

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Fig. 3. Davies' model. A flow diagram of resource movement (Davies 1998, fig. 11.3).

propose an alternative, archaeological, bottom-up archaeological ‘region’ may ‘simply be an artefact approach that can counterbalance this one-size- of research’, since its delineation varies, depending fits-it-all idea. This methodology, based on a on whether it is defined by the consumption or model of John Davies in order to prevent a lapse production of material culture.75 Defining a region into modernistic interpretations, will enable us to is consequently far from straightforward. The Au - judge if the ‘commercial and agricultural activi- gustean Regiones of Italy for instance are admin- ties’ of a city and its territory were really drasti- istrative units that seldom show a geographical, cally reduced in (or even during specific periods let alone archaeological similarity. These consid- of) the 2nd century AD, or if this interpretation erations teach us that the first step of our method- was unjust formulated. ology has to define this versatility of ‘regions’ to which a city belongs, a priori starting from the METHODOLOGY available secondary literature. Secondly, our methodology needs to describe Any methodology for the identification of a crisis in more detail the socio-economic characteristics in antiquity needs to depart from a contextualisa- of such a ‘region’. Frequently, models are used to tion of the city and its territory in its wider geo- understand different regional and local economic graphical and socio-economical context. The con- transactions in a systematic manner, the way they cept of ‘region’ seems a useful tool for such a are archaeologically visible and the reason(s) for systematic description. As Italy consists of land- their eventual changes.76 The model of John Davies scapes as different as the mountainous Apennines, seems to provide a firm background for the sec- the Po Plain and the Tyrrhenian and Adriatic ond step of our methodology, as it strongly empha- coastlines, it seems possible to geographically sizes that the ancient economy was not entirely demarcate regions across the peninsula.73 How - market-oriented and consequently overtly counter- ever, Reger recently noted that the definition of a balances the presented modernistic vision (of slave- ‘region’ implies a range of other significances.74 run villas and their production for export) (fig. 3).77 He pointed out that ‘regional identity can be sought Davies makes clear how the sum of essential in polity, ethnicity and culture’ and stressed that an movements within an economic system consists

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of ‘exchanges’, but also of unidirectional flows of sider carefully data from rural surveys, as well as goods, services or money. These transactions were the eventual changes in extension, infrastructure, taking place in and between economic cell struc- production and consumption in the city. A metho - tures that range from an individual cell as big as dologically correct urban survey can point out if a Robinson Crusoe island to contacts which trans- a city is shrinking, a possible sign of decline. As an gress the boundaries of municipia or provinces. abrupt stop of infrastructure works (e.g. roads, Davies presents his model in three - definitely not depots) can reflect a period of economic difficul- chronological - stages. Stage 1, for which he con- ties, it is necessary to check if a city and region siders the household as a basic unit, is the sim- remain as connected to the wider world as before plest level in the economic system. Besides trans- by roads over land and water, or if there are ob- actions between households (e.g. transactions servable signs of abeyance. A last part of our focus between typical farms, labour of tenants), Davies on the city has to verify whether there are sub- stresses the importance of a kind of market place stantial changes in artisanal production (e.g. wool, where some of these transactions and other exter- ceramics, metal, etc.) or consumption of particu- nal contact could take place. Stage 2 incorporates lar, archaeologically traceable products (ceramics, entities which exceed the sheer pursuit of autarky. content of amphorae, mammal and fish bones, etc.). In this stage we can include more market-oriented In contrast to a one-sided focus on the monuments units such as, for example, landowners of slave- of a city or ancient texts, observations of changes run villas, private employers such as mines, arti- in a wide array of archaeological patterns (settle- sanal workshops, religious organizations such as ment patterns, artisanal activities etc.) can lead to temples and sanctuaries or partner organisations a detailed assessment of a city’s diachronic eco- (e.g. collegia). Finally, Stage 3 completes Davies’ nomic welfare. A disadvantage of this method is scheme, incorporating the actions brought on by that it is largely dependent on the available archae- the Roman state. This stage, which distinguishes ological data for a city and region. The excavations the Roman economy form other pre-modern econ- of numerous Imperial Italic cities probably did omies, covers political and military services, taxes, not always yield enough information to make sub- wages paid by state companies, redistributions to stantial conclusions about their economic history. other Roman provinces (e.g. , Urbs), the im - Nevertheless, this bottom-up approach provides a pact of the army on a regional economy, etc. All of way out of the deterministic and pan-Italic frame- these stages were in reality interacting with each work and gives an impetus to write histories on other (fig. 3).78 Instead of using this model explic- the micro-level by means of archaeological data. itly to organise the knowledge about a ‘region’, Notwithstanding the mentioned difficulties, I will our methodology would like to use it implicitly apply now this methodology to Altinum in order as a guideline. The model helps us to systemati- to evaluate the presumed ‘2nd-century crisis’ for cally consider the plurality of socio-economical the town. spheres of which a ‘region’ consists. Consequently, this ‘second step’ of our methodology will neces- CASE STUDY: ALTINUM AND VENETIA sarily be closely knit with the description of a region’s characteristics. Characterising the regions of Altinum A last step of our methodology for tracing an economic crisis in antiquity has to focus both on From Augustean times onwards, Altinum made the available archaeological data in the city and part of the X Regio ‘’ (figs 1, 4). its territory. Davies makes clear that in antiquity But it is logical that this administrative region was cities and their hinterland were communicating not characterised by homogeneous (economic) vessels which needed one another to survive. This characteristics.80 The region Venetia as defined by implies that if the Italic countryside got hit by a cri- Pliny (HN 3.126) and Livy (5.33.10) has a for Italy sis, this would have had serious repercussions on unique ecological particularity.81 The landscape of the Italic cities, because artisans, merchants and this part of Gallia Cisalpina is distinguished by the other city dwellers were largely dependent on the specific succession of the Adriatic Sea, the lagoons, agricultural production of their rural fellows. If a the fertile plains, and the low and high Alpine decrease in settlement density in some regions mountains.82 Intraregional communication was constitutes the archaeological proof of an eco- facilitated by an abundance of rivers.83 None- nomic crisis, then the artisanal production in the theless Pliny describes the inhabitants of Venetia neighbouring town(s) should also testify to reduced et Histria as belonging to different ethnic groups activity.79 Our methodology therefore has to con- (HN 2.227); the cities of Este, Asolo, , Vicenza,

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Oderzo and Altino were considered as part of the ern Italian coast. Is seems however reasonable that territory of the Veneti (fig. 1).84 During the , we are currently underestimating this production.94 this ethnic group seems to characterise Venetia by Consequently, as the result of the bias towards means of a common language, religion, and mate- typically ‘Roman’ material and the vastness of the rial culture.85 production areas of tableware and amphorae, it Commonly, it is stated that the so-called Roman - does not seem possible to archaeologically delin- isation of Northern Italy erased a lot of the specific eate a production region as specific as Venetia. On regional characteristics of Venetia.86 Its friendly the other hand, as Venetia imported many more relationship with Rome and its opening up to the products from the Aegean than from the Western remainder of the peninsula, would have caused Mediterranean because of easy supply by Adriatic Venetia to conform to a globalizing ‘Roman culture’, shipping routes, it can roughly be identified as a visible in a uniform architecture, material culture, ‘region’ based on consumption.95 Nonetheless and way of life.87 Recent discussions note that this Venetia has some specific administrative, geo- cultural process cannot be considered that simple graphical, ethnic, archaeological, etc. features; and call for a more regional approach and a crit- Altinum’s ‘regions’ do evidently not all coincide ical use of the concept of Empire.88 However, the with this ‘artificial’ unit. However, as secondary classical idea of a predominating Roman culture literature focus persistently on the Venetia region and the emphasis on monumentality made Roman in its classical sense, for convenience we will take archaeologists working in the focus mainly this Augustean region as a starting point for the on ‘typically Roman’ and displayable tablewares characterization of the ‘regions’ of Altinum. and amphorae and much less on local and regional Modern literature sketches some salient features common wares from this period. This bias in ar - of Venetia that are related to its geographical out- chaeological data-collection impedes a straight- line. Several authors picture how its agriculture forward archaeological delineation of the region(s) was intensified after the construction of centuri- to which Altinum belonged. A definition of ‘pro- ation fields and the settling down of coloni in duction regions’ on the basis of tablewares and Gallia Cisalpina, but that as a result, small to amphorae, the best documented ‘Roman’ find cat- medium-sized landownership prevailed in this egories, does not seem very useful for this pur- part of the X Regio.96 Large slave-run latifundi, as pose. Although most tablewares recovered in described by Carandini, seem to have barely Venetian cities - besides some typical Arretine sig- spread in Venetia.97 Archaeological and historical illata and a few variants from all over Italy, Gaul evidence seem to confirm this assertion. Busana and the Roman East - were produced in Northern for instance notes that the rural settlements of Italy itself, the production centres of this sigillata Venetia are relatively small in comparison with Padana cannot be localized more precisely, but those in Central Italy. She further suggests that they are certainly not restricted to Venetia only.89 their technical and planimetrical characteristics Furthermore, insufficient study of the later sigil - can inform us about economic activities per- lata tardopadana, typical of Northern Italy between formed here and the (limited) extension of their the Flavian period and the 3rd century AD, indi- fundus.98 Nonetheless, the example of the enor- rectly reinforced the ‘2nd century crisis’ idea.90 mous villa of Venezia Nuova in the Valli Grandi Amphorae reflect similar problems as the fine Veronesi demonstrates that a small part of the ware pottery. Besides some ‘exotic’ specimens, Venetian economy exceeded the level of mere most of the studied amphorae of the cities of autarky.99 By means of epigraphical evidence on Venetia were produced in Central Adriatic Italy amphorae it is also suggested that some members and Istria. Evidence for large scale amphorae pro- of the local elite invested in the production and duction in Northern Italy is rather scarce.91 Wine transport of olive-oil and wine.100 How ever, histor- amphorae, such as the Lamboglia 2, Dressel 6A, ical sources corroborate the prevalence of small Dressel 2-4, and anfora a fondo piatto types, were and medium-sized property as they hardly men- most frequently found, but are not attributable to tion any large landowners.101 a well-defined production region, certainly not Sheep breeding is another distinctive character- only to Venetia (figs 7, 8).92 Our knowledge about istic of Roman Venetia.102 On analogy with Central oil amphorae is even less certain as recent studies Italy, agriculture and sheep breeding in Venetia point out that some Dressel 6B amphorae, tradi- were traditionally seen as discordant economic tionally only ascribed to Istria, were possibly pro- activities. Since the establishment of centuriation duced in the Po Plain.93 Only few production places fields, an extensive system of transhumance would for fish sauce are presently known for the North - have existed which led numerous flocks of sheep

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Fig. 4. (A) Map of the Roman city of Altinum (B) Geographic setting; grey: urban areas; brown: salt marshes; green: alluvial plain and coastal areas (Ninfo et al. 2009, fig. S2; reprinted with permission from AAAS).

to the nearby mountains, to prevent crop damage their secondary products an important part of in the plains during spring and summer. However, Venetia’s economy. Bonetto recently suggested that this system may This balanced co-existence of agriculture and perhaps fit for profit-oriented latifondisti operating pastoralism to fulfil the needs of the local small between the Central Apennines and coastal plains, and medium-sized landowners, contrasts sharply but that sheep breeding was organized differently with a tendency in literature that considers Venetia in Venetia because of its differing regional fea- as a bulwark of extensive trade with the Trans- tures.103 Based on Varro (Rust. 2.3; 9.10), he stated alpine provinces.105 According to this modernistic that contrary to the existence of large flocks in view of the economy of the Alto Adriatico, the Ro- Central Italy, the small to medium-sized land - man conquest of the Northern provinces opened owners of Venetia possessed rather small flocks of up an enormous market for products from the Po sheep. Bonetto emphasised that the existence of Plain. The most radical current within this ten- extensive transhumance to the nearby mountains dency assumes that Italic merchants started to in- is exaggerated and pled for a more complementary vest in this trade between Northern Italy and Nori- relationship between agriculture and pastor alism cum, (and later on Raetia and Vindelica) in the plain.104 Nonetheless, the ready availability after the fall of Delos in 89 BC.106 Within the tra- of salt in the nearby lagoons (a necessary mineral ditional view, Mansuelli explained how the flour- for sheep), the quick geographical succession of ishing of the North Italic cities was the result of plains and low and high Alpine mountains (ideal their commercial relations with the Transalpine for the practice of transhumance), and the strong provinces and how the loss of these contacts (be- synergy between pastoralism and agriculture, cause of provincial economic emancipation), re - rendered sheep breeding and the processing of sulted in a serious crisis.107 Not infrequently, the

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close commercial relations with and Pan - ation fields of Altinum.114 Apart from the 19th-cen- nonia are illustrated by the vast presence of Roman tury research of the Reale Deputazione Veneta di material in the settlement of Magdalensberg (No - Storia Patria, only the University of Padua’s Ca’ ricum).108 However, in line with Davies’ model it Tron project systematically procures archaeologi- is likely that this trade was only a secondary phe- cal information about a part of Altinum’s terri- nomenon.109 The mercantile town of Magdalens- tory.115 This interdisciplinary project aims to recon- berg is not representative for all (trans)Alpine set- struct the history of the Ca’ Tron estate, an area of tlements. Italic merchants did import typical (Italic) about 1137 hectares, situated to the northeast of the products such as olive-oil, olives, wine, tablewares, ancient town centre.116 An archaeological survey etc. to these regions, but these were relatively lim- in this area (786 ha) revealed nine Roman sites, ited in number, as most perishable goods (grain, situated predominantly in the higher eastern and meat, fruit, vegetables, etc.) were produced local - northern parts of the estate.117 Most of these sites ly.110 An eventual loss of these commercial relations can be dated between the 1st century BC and the in the 2nd century AD would probably not have 1st century AD. Only two of them, villa rustica A had serious repercussions for the local farmers of (larger site, presence of mosaics and stucco) and Venetia. Since the amphorae production of North - complex M (medium-sized site), survive into the ern Italy is considered as insignificant and the 2nd century AD. Busana has used this survey data estates were small to medium-sized, the share of to plead for a 2nd-century AD economical-settle- market-oriented units in Venetia’s economy seems ment crisis in Altinum’s territory. She stressed that rather limited, though it is clear that Venetia played this data, together with the example of the sur- an important role in the trade between Central viving villa of Venezia Nuova and other settle- Italy and the Northern provinces. In addition, ments from the adjacent territories of Patavium Tassaux pointed out recently that the idea of a and Concordia, endorses the idea of estate accumu- 2nd-century decline of this supposed extensive lation for Venetia.118 Busana likewise elucidated trade, is mainly based on an exaggerated focus on that the crisis which struck the whole of Italy, the Dressel 6A, Dressel 6B and Dressel 2-4 manifested itself with varying strength in Vene- amphorae (figs 7, 8). Considering that wooden tia.119 In her research on the villas of the X Regio barrels and flat bottom amphorae are respectively De Franceschini at first sight confirmed this idea. archaeologically less traceable and studied, he She argued that the barbarian threat of the Mar - does argue for an ongoing trade between Italy comanni and Quadi on the Northern imperial bor- and the Transalpine provinces from Caesar up ders from 166 AD onwards, the unrelentingly until the Severan dynasty.111 Permanent and tem- commercial competition between provinces, the porary military presence in Northern Italy also concentration of property ‘in the hands of a few’, had an important impact on Venetia’s economy.112 and the demographical Italic crisis as a result of the Bearing Davies’ model in mind, Venetia can be Antonine plague, implied a serious menace for described as a region with a majority of small to the welfare of the Venetian economy.120 However, medium-sized landowners and a minority that she contrastively argued elsewhere that ‘the villa were more market-oriented (fig. 3). Building on economy of the X Regio demonstrated a surpris- these insights, the last step of our methodology ing vitality contrary to the rest of Italy and Gaul’ can now proceed to the evaluation of the episte- because ‘90% of the villas survive into the 3rd cen- mological basis of the traditionally supposed ‘2nd- tury and 76% into the 4th century AD’. She ex - century AD crisis’ for Altinum. plained this elevated survival-rate by the fact that the Roman army at the Northern borders still Back to the data: revealing patterns in territory and constituted a substantial market for the villas of town Venetia. Her conclusions may be criticized because, besides being heavily influenced by the ideas of Altinum: territory Rostovtzeff, Carandini and Gibbon, De Frances- chini only discussed the most monumental settle- As explained above, our methodology will firstly ments (with clear walls and foundations) of focus on the available data from the town’s terri- Venetia et Histria and consciously left so-called tory. The territory of the municipium Altinum con- ‘ghost-sites’ (with only concentrations of tesserae, sisted of centuriation fields, pastures, woods, ceramics, bricks or tiles) out of consideration. As swamps and other lands outside the centuriatio.113 rural surveys all over Italy indicate the survival There exists an extensive discussion about the of larger villas in particular from the 2nd century exact position and measurements of the centuri- AD onwards, it is clear that considering only these

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examples gives a distorted view of what hap- until recently only sporadic finds illustrated its pened in this period. However, notwithstanding monumental nature.128 A few epigraphic fragments the scarce archaeological data for Altinum’s terri- inform us about the construction of a temple, por- tory, we can suggest a change in settlement pat- ticos, and gardens during the consulship of Ti- tern during the 2nd century AD. This does not berius (CIL V 2149); the construction of a theatre have to be a priori a negative development albeit (CIL V 2185) and interestingly, the 2nd-century AD our historiographical research has demonstrated restoration of the balinea of Altinum.129 Further- that this is how it has often been seen in the past. more, a suburban villa near to the Sioncello and To verify this negative view we need to focus on a domus near to the present archaeological museum, the available data on the extension, infrastructure, both dated in the 2nd century AD, have been exca- production and consumption of the town Altinum. vated (fig. 2).130 Even though the evidence on the Only reduced activity in the city can confirm an extension and (ongoing) building activity at Alti - eventual economic crisis in the countryside.121 num is extremely scarce, it does not argue con- vincingly for a general crisis in the town in the 2nd Altinum: town. century. Traditionally, Roman Altinum’s position at the Recently a detailed map of Altinum has been pro- junction of several roads is said to have advan- duced by means of aerial photographs and a DEM taged its commercial role (fig. 1).131 As the town (fig. 4).122 However, unlike many other Italic cities, was opened up by an extensive road system to the a systematic archaeological urban survey has never other cities of Venetia, Italy and the Transalpine been carried out for the town of Altinum.123 As provinces and equipped with a substantial har- Altino was never superseded by medieval or mod- bour structure (e.g. docks, channels, and depots), ern constructions, such a survey would have the an economic crisis would possibly be visible in a potential to reveal the city’s extent through the disintegration of this infrastructure.132 Again, there ages (fig. 2). Nonetheless, a drastic reduction of the is scarce evidence to reveal such phenomena in town’s extent in the 2nd century AD is supposed the 2nd century AD. without such survey data.124 This interpretation is A 3rd-century inscription from , which based on two small excavations in the centre of the mentions the decay of the as the result town, and therefore seems problematic. of lagoonal floods (CIL V 7992), is traditionally In evaluating the validity of the supposed local used as an argument in favour of a ‘2nd-century ‘2nd-century crisis’, it is important to note that, crisis’ in Altinum, arguing that as the result of re- besides the fact that most excavations in Altino duced commercial activities, this important road were unsystematic and their publications widely had become defunct.133 On the other hand, it seems disjoint, the present archaeological record of Al - possible to interpret this fragment as evidence for tinum predominantly contains data from the 1st the repair of a part of the Via Annia which had century BC and the 1st century AD. Recently, the been damaged by lagoonal floods. The occurrence absence of data from pre-Roman Altino was ad - of the Via Annia in the later Itinerarium Antonini dressed to some extent by new research on this and , and the erection of mile- period. But the period from the 2nd century AD stones on this road in the 3rd and 4th centuries AD, onwards remains inadequately documented.125 seem to indicate that the Via Annia did not suffer This lack of data does not a priori hint to a general from a deep crisis in the 2nd century AD.134 crisis. Most excavations at Altinum were con- Several classical historical sources emphasise ducted in the Augustean and Julio-Claudian the importance of the lagoonal routes between necropoleis close to the main traffic arteries of the and Aquileia and mention how these tra- city (fig. 4).126 Consequently, the idea that a remark- versed the present lagoon of Venice and were con- able population drop struck the city in the 2nd cen- nected with Altinum (fig. 1).135 Although Dorigo tury AD, is more a reflection of the fact that the persistently advocated a dry lagoon for the Roman later cemeteries, further from the urban centre, era,136 it seems reasonable that the features of the are poorly excavated, than an ancient reality.127 Roman lagoon were quite similar to the present Before the groundbreaking results of the recent one.137 Because of its humid conditions, a system- mapping of Altinum, the internal structure of the atic archaeological survey has never been carried town was hardly known (fig. 4). As only limited out in the lagoon of Venice. However, the excavations were carried out in the town centre, immense amount of archaeological data that ama- and neighbouring cities seem to have used Alti- teur archaeologist Ernesto Canal collected here num as a quarry in medieval and modern times, randomly during the last forty years, allows us to

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Fig. 6. Firmalamp stamped ANDRIA. Probably pro- duced at Altinum during the 2nd century AD (Valleri 2003, fig. 1, c-d).

Fig. 7. Dressel 2-4 Fig. 5. Argine of Canale dell'Arco from the lagoon of amphora from Venice, strengthened with amphorae (Fozzati/ Toniolo Altinum (Toniolo 1998, fig. 1). 1991, fig. 16).

evaluate the chronological development of the lagoonal routes.138 Most of the material consisted of amphorae, probably used for infrastructure works in the lagoon.139 The banks of channels and waterways which ran through the Roman lagoon were, amongst other materials, strengthened with amphorae from nearby cities (fig. 5).140 As the edges of these tow paths and banks were mainly consolidated with Dressel 2-4, Dressel 6A and Dressel 6B amphorae, their initial construction can be situated between the 1st century BC and the 1st century AD. However, several of these struc- tures (e.g. Canale San Felice, Canale Rigà, etc.) have been repaired with anfore a fondo piatto and other 2nd- and 3rd-century AD amphorae (e.g. Tri- politana 1, Late Roman 3, Africana 1, etc.), which demonstrates how the infrastructure of the lagoon- al network was still maintained in the 2nd century AD (figs 7, 8). The seaport of Altinum, situated near the pre- sent mouth of San Nicolò, cannot be dated exact- ly.141 Nonetheless, the dating of Roman anchors, found in the deep sea in front of the port, demon- strates that during the 2nd century AD maritime traffic was maintained.142 Most commercial build- ings in the centre of Altinum are dated to the Republican or Augustean periods, as is the mon- umental northern city gate. Nevertheless, a build- ing with porticos excavated in località I Portoni, has been interpreted as a depot and dated to the 2nd or early 3rd century AD.143 The construction of this large commercial building does not seem to Fig. 8. Anfora a confirm the ‘2nd-century crisis’ idea. Although fondo piatto (flat there are not abundant data, it does not seem that bottom amphora) the infrastructure of Altinum experienced any tur- from Altinum moil during the 2nd century AD. (Toniolo 1991, fig. 18).

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As outlined above, the last part of our method- The only detailed information for obvious cera - ology will try to focus on production and con- mic production in Altinum comes from an arti- sumption patterns within the town. Only a serious sanal quarter in its suburbium.148 In an Augustean reduction in production or a general switch in to 3rd-century suburban villa in this quarter, struc- consumption would substantiate the idea of a tures linked to the production of ceramics (a kiln, ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ for Altinum. However, there two vats for the processing of clay, and a network is only evidence for the production of ceramics of water supply channels) have been found and the (and their eventual content), wool and the farm- presence of other kilns is implied by the strong ing of crustaceans. red-coloured subsoil and the abundance of wasters. Although the exact location of the sigillata North of these structures, near to the Via Annia, Padana workshops is unknown, there is never two other kilns have been excavated, in which a supposed a local terra sigillata production for Alti - wide range of ceramic artefacts seem to have been num.144 The 1985 catalogue and its recent update produced (vessels, cups, pots, lids, net sinkers, consequently only present the imported table- loom weights, heating pipes, etc.). Although local wares of Altinum, which date predominantly to ceramic production is clearly attested, it is difficult the 1st centuries BC and AD.145 From the 487 arte- to ascertain whether or not this production de - facts discussed by Ravagnan for instance, nearly clined in the 2nd century AD. At least, this work- all of them were found in the necropolis near the shop seems to have been maintained. and the Via Annia (or their find As amphorae are often considered an indicator location remains unknown). Consequently, the for trade, they were consequently also frequently authors also underline this bias: the presently used in the argumentation for a ‘2nd-century AD known terra sigillata of Altinum does not simply crisis’ in Italy.149 Traditionally a case has been made reflect a ‘2nd-century AD crisis’. Tablewares are sim- for the dwindling number of 2nd-century amphorae p ly not as frequently excavated for this period. in Altinum, interpreted in line with Panella’s theory The oil lamps found in Altinum are catalogued as a sign of the decline of the town and the broader in a similar fashion to the tablewares. It is striking phenomenon of estate accumulation in Northern that oil lamps are collected from different contexts Italy.150 However, as we have argued above, this all over the town, unlike the tableware record.146 application can be criticised since 2nd-century AD The 205 discussed artefacts can be ascribed to at Italic amphorae were not a priori fewer in number, least 41 different manufacturers, including Fortis, but until recently rather less investigated and Vibianius, C. Dessius, Strobilius, etc. Most of them typologically less well-known than their forerun- are found in large numbers in other cities of Gallia ners.151 Similar to other Roman cities of Venetia, Cisalpina, apart from productions carrying the amphorae were used in Altinum for constructions stamp Aper/F, Cai, Orientalis and Sca.Aper/F, which in the centre of the town. The predilection of clas- were probably produced outside Northern Italy. sical archaeology for these contexts made that dis- Although 2nd-century AD examples remain rela- proportionally less amphorae were excavated tively scarce, the types Cai and Sca can surely be from 2nd-century AD contexts.152 Moreover, non- dated to this period. Contrary to the ideas of ceramic containers were used more frequently Ravagnan, Valleri supposed local oil lamp pro- from this period. For Altinum wooden barrels for duction for Altinum because of the following evi- instance were a possible alternative, since wood dence: the excavation of a deposit of iconograph- was definitely available here as epigraphical ically similar lamps near to the Via Annia and sources inform us about a collaboration between another one of 21 similar types at the north-east- foresters of nearby Feltria and carpenters of the ern edge of the town; the presence of production lagoonal town (fig. 1).153 signs on the back of these lamps and the discov- As a consequence, it has been pointed out re - ery of a mould of the Buchi X-a type. The find of cently that Altinum’s complex panorama of am - a Firmalamp stamped ANDRIA (second half of phorae did not change substantially in the 2nd the 1st and the beginning of the 2nd century AD), century AD.154 Most of the amphorae are Italic in which is only known at Altinum, strengthens this nature but from the Augustean period onwards hypothesis as this cognomen is also encountered amphorae were also imported from the provinces. in the local necropolis (fig. 6).147 Nonetheless the The 2nd-century AD wine (predominantly flat bot- evidence for production and consumption of oil- tom) amphorae were, in comparison to the preced- lamps after the 1st century AD remains scanty, ing period, still mainly Italic in origin. Some of again this seems the result of excavation bias, them, as the Amphores Crétoises 1 and Mid Roman rather than the reflection of an economic crisis. 8 amphorae, were imported from Cyrenaica

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between the end of the 1st and the mid 3rd century finds are rarely datable, which makes it archaeo- AD. 2nd-century oil amphorae on the other hand, logically difficult to say whether these artisanal are represented by Dressel 6B amphorae, anfore activities are still ongoing in the 2nd century AD. con collo ad imbuto, anforette nord-italiche and also Nonetheless, ’s edict on maximum some African amphorae such as Tripolitana 2 (fig. prices (301 AD) still mentions the precious lana 8).155 This new varied picture of the 2nd-century Altinata and also Tertullian (160-230) describes the amphorae of Altinum contradicts the thesis that appreciated white wool of the lagoonal town (De the imported African and Spanish amphorae hint Pallio 3.6). Consequently a ‘2nd-century crisis’ sce- at the ‘concurrence of the provinces’ and the Italic nario for the wool production of Altinum does not economy suffered a serious setback. This view seem appropriate. was rather the result of limited knowledge of the The last production activity for which the ar - anforette nord-italiche and anfore a fondo piatto, chaeological record of Altinum procures informa- which are now better understood.156 Furthermore, tion is the farming of crustaceans. Pliny the Elder local amphorae production for Altinum does not mentioned the delicious pectines as typical for seem unrealistic, although evidence is extremely Altinum (HN 32.150). Cao argued that these were scarce.157 (5.7.214) and Columella (Rust. capesante, specific small Adriatic mussels which 3.13.8) both point out that the climate around the have to be eaten uncooked. Consequently, she was suitable for vineyards. Addi- supposed only local consumption and stated that tionally, a deposit of anfore a fondo piatto has been Pliny mentioned this crustacean because it fitted found in the aforementioned production area near within the purpose of his encyclopaedia, namely the Via Annia, which leaves the possibility of a describing natural particularities, rather than quot - 2nd-century production open (fig. 8).158 In other ing a typical product of Altinum.165 Further on, Cao words, the new amphorae evidence for Altinum cited Pliny’s description of the intentional farm- does not confirm any more the classical ‘2nd-cen- ing of crustaceans by the construction of artificial tury AD crisis’ idea. underwater biotopes with wooden post and cords As Roman Venetia was known for sheep breed- (HN 9.160). Even though the farming of pectines by ing it is not surprising that several classical authors means of this technique is not attested at Altinum, widely praised the wool production of Altinum there is archaeological evidence for the intentional (Varro, Rust. 1.2; Mart. 14.15; Columella, Rust. cultivation of oysters.166 Besides these 1st-century 7.2.3).159 Sundry theories were expounded about ostrearia, there are no other examples documented, the functioning of Altinum and nearby Patavium, which makes it difficult to guess if production apparently the largest wool production centres of persisted into the 2nd century AD. Gallia Cisalpina. Recently Basso proposed, based Although data about production and consump- on a model of Jongman, that Altinum only pro- tion are not abundant, and too patchy to make duced wool and exported this raw material to thorough conclusions about the economic vigour Patavium, where it would have been processed of the lagoonal town in the 2nd century AD, most into tissues and cloth.160 Literary sources seem to production activities seem to have been main- confirm this idea as for Altinum only the produc- tained. Data on amphorae imports and local wool tion of white wool is mentioned, while production even illustrate economic continuity for (14.147) describes for Patavium the production of the lagoonal town. Construction and restoration gausapae, very thick woollen blankets.161 On the works also seem to go on during the 2nd century. other hand, epigraphic evidence informs us about Besides these arguments against a general crisis the presence at Altinum of several collegia involved for Altinum in this period, it has become clear that in textile production.162 Numerous lead plaques the archaeological record of the town is largely indicate textile trade.163 Other archaeological evi- biased. As repeatedly said, there is a prevalence of dence points to spinning and weaving activities data from the 1st centuries BC and AD. Obviously, in ancient Altinum. It is difficult to estimate the this imbalance does not simply prove a crisis from scale of these activities, but is seems reasonable the 2nd century AD onwards, but rather reflects an to suppose that they were performed at the emphasis in Altinum’s previous archaeological household level.164 The exceptional finds of research. The scarcity of excavated urban contexts wooden reels, bone bobbins, and bronze hooks, from the 2nd century AD does not confirm the point to the process of spinning. More material supposed ‘negative tendency’ for the changing denotes weaving: numerous ceramic loom weights settlement patterns on the countryside. Rather, in the form of truncate cones (450-750 g) have been now we are aware of the deterministic nature of retrieved. Unfortunately, the contexts of these the classical ‘2nd-century crisis’ idea, future

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research can aim a more social and detailed of material from the 1st centuries BC and AD, the understanding of this period of Altinum’s history, lagoonal town was not struck by a serious crisis without its previous historiographical burden. in the following century. In my opinion, a mixture of the scarcity of archaeological material from this CONCLUSION period, the predilection of Italian classical archae- ology for the era of monumental urban expansion The 2nd century AD in the Roman town Altinum and the influential historiographical determinism (Venetia, Northern Italy) is traditionally described of the (modernistic) writings of Rostovtzeff and as a period of crisis. It is said that the commercial the School of Carandini, have incited the idea of role of the town had become insignificant and a ‘2nd-century crisis’ for Altinum. With such a case- that its territory was struck by a serious agricul- study this article has attempted to clarify on how tural crisis. These economic upheavals had serious ideological concepts, expressed by means of a implications for the town resulting in less monu- selection of historical sources and dispersed mental buildings being constructed and a decrease within specific scientific communities, can largely in the consumption of tablewares and amphorae. influence archaeological interpretation. Unlike the Surprisingly, a similar crisis is supposed for the pat chy results, the applied methodology has rest of this region and even the whole Italian hopefully pointed out that a specific archaeolog- peninsula. ical and critical attitude can generate an alterna- This article criticises this traditional view and tive interpretation. argues that the Italic ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ idea is largely determined by the influential writings NOTES of Rostovtzeff and Carandini. Their modernistic and generalizing idea that an economic (and con- * I would like to thank Prof. Jeroen Poblome, Prof. Ilse sequently general) crisis struck the whole Italian Schoep, Mr. Frank Carpentier (Katholieke Universi teit Leuven, Belgium), Prof. Hannelore Vanhaverbeke peninsula as the detrimental result of the compe- (Mehmet Akif Ersoy Üniversitesi Burdur, Turkey), Dr. tition between provinces is problematic in today’s Patrick Monsieur (Universiteit Gent, Belgium), Dr. consensus about ancient economy, or citing Morley: Martin Sterry (University of Leicester, UK), Mr. Ben Jervis (University of Southampton, UK), and Ms. Aude Goovaerts for their welcome help and advice. All errors ‘The picture of crisis has clearly been over- remain my own. This article, a summary of my drawn. What appears to be at stake is a crisis Master’s thesis, has been written with the support of in a limited sector of the economy, the intensive the Collegio dei Fiamminghi (Bologna, Italy) and the slave-run villa producing wine for the market. Research Foundation - Flanders (FWO) (Belgium). The result was a decline, not of Italian agricul- 1 Bonetto 2009. Some sparse prehistoric finds indicate also earlier human presence in this area. The stable set- ture or viticulture as a whole, but of a particu- tlement originated on a few alluvial terraces between larly intensive form of cultivation...’167 the estuaries of the local , Dese and Zero rivers and the lagoonal area. Nonetheless, this idea has influenced lots of ar - 2 Capuis/Gambacurta 2003. Archaeological evidence of a large commercial sanctuary, already present in the 5th chaeologists in their interpretations. Parallel to century BC near to Altino’s presumed harbour, points Patterson’s appeal for a focus on the micro-scale to the involvement in exchange networks with the and the recognition of the particularities of the Piceni, Daunians and Etruscans (e.g. and Spina). different Italic regions, I argue for a methodology 3 Azzara 1994, 18-33. The Veneti assisted Rome already that can verify the epistemological basis of such in the 3rd century BC in their struggle against the and and supported them during the Second a crisis archaeologically. After a description of the Punic War (218-202 BC). Polyb. 2.23.3, 2.24.7. From the ‘regions’ of a certain city (inspired by Davies’ 2nd century BC onwards, the foundation of the Roman model), this methodology has to focus on the colony of Aquileia in 181 BC, the stationing of troops in available data of a city and its territory. I argue the easternmost part of the region, the construction of transport roads (as the laying of the that focussing on the data from the countryside between Genua and Aquileia in 148 BC, the construction together with the information on the extension, of the in 132 BC between Ariminium and the infrastructure, production and consumption of a Venetia region and the building of the Via Annia in 131 certain city, can provide a more positive compre- BC between Aquileia and Atria) with the remainder of hension of this period. the Italian peninsula and the colonization by Roman veterans of extensive areas around already existing Applying this methodology to Altinum, it be - local settlements as Padova, Altino, Este and , comes clear that the archaeological record of this left a more visible mark on Venetia and radically altered town is largely biased. I would like to argue that its former characteristics. The inhabitants of Altinum notwithstanding the disproportional abundance were granted the Ius Latinum in 89 BC and received

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Roman citizenship and the status of a municipium in 49 ing Trajan’s reign (CIL XI 1147; CIL IX 1455) and a frag- BC. Altinum is considered as an interesting case-study ment in which Pliny the Younger (Ep. 3.19) described for the analysis of the changing characteristics of this the purchase of an estate neighboring his villa in Italic region during the 1st century BC given the archae- Comum (or Tifernum Tiberinum, see also Patterson 1987). ological potential of its extensive necropolis. For its so- On the despair and poverty of the peasants see called Romanisation see Cresci Marrone/Tirelli 1999. Rostovtzeff 1966, 100. 4 The construction of the Via Claudia Augusta in 46 AD on 25 Salmeri 1999, 334-335. He emphasized, for example that the already existing Via Drusus from 15 BC, the devel- Italy still had a large rural population, which was will- opment of the lagoonal routes between Ravenna and ing to take up service in the army because of its precar- Aquileia and its substantial harbour infrastructure, the ious conditions. Rostovtzeff 1966, 104-105, 204. growth of the monumental centre of the town and the 26 Shaw 1992, 221 and Salmeri 1999, 340-341. Salmeri links appearance of extensive necropoleis and well-built villas Rostovtzeff’s writing style to the great Russian prose in its territory are commonly seen in the light of this tradition. The clear contrast he makes between protag- economic boom of Altinum. onists such as war and peace, city and countryside, rich 5 Scarfi/Tombolani 1985, 85. and poor, etc. and his capacity to link great episodes 6 Cresci Marrone/Tirelli 2003; Ghedini et al. 2002. Besides together make Rostovtzeff’s work a pleasant read. In the supposed ‘2nd-century crisis’ for Altinum and the this view Rostovtzeff’s quote that ‘history still remains fact that the climatological difficulties of the 3rd century a branch of literature’ is interesting too. Rostovtzeff could have worsened the already dwindling economic 1966, 7. situation of the town, the seat of the episcopate of 27 Bandelli 1999, 132-159. Grado still moved to Altinum in the 4th century. 28 Garnsey/Saller 1987, 60. 7 Ammerman/McClennen 2001. 29 Wickham 1988, 183-193. Albeit originally educated with- 8 Tirelli 1995. in the School of Bianchi Bandinelli, Carandini quickly 9 De Franceschini 1998, 805. Nonetheless, she does not developed his own view as a professor of classical define the duration of this crisis into more detail. archaeology at the Università La Sapienza di Roma. He Busana 2002. directed several large excavation projects in Carthage, 10 Patterson 2006. Piazza Armerina, the Terme del Nuotatore at Ostia, the 11 Cresci Marrone/Tirelli 2007. Nonetheless, the internal Palatine in Rome and the villa of Settefinestre. structure of the town has recently become much better 30 Morley 2004, 22. known by a groundbreaking mapping project. See note 31 Rathbone 1990, 195-196; Spurr 1985, 123-131. His con- 122. ceptual framework is based on Marx’s Grundrisse and 12 On historiographical research for archaeology see Trigger the works of Štaerman. 2006. On the relationship between ancient history and 32 Following Toynbee, he alleged that the second Punic archaeology see Sauer 2004. War (218-202 BC) led to a drastic depopulation of Italy. 13 Trigger 2006. Toynbee 1965, passim. The impossibility of small farm- 14 For the first direct reference to the ‘2nd-century AD cri- ers to work their fields due to their obligatory army ser- sis’ idea for Altinum see Scarfi/Tombolani 1985. vice, combined with migration to colonies outside Italy 15 Busana 2002, 235; Garnsey/Saller 1987, 59-60 and and the substantial proscriptions of the 1st century BC, Goodman 1997, 194-195. One of the main points of cri- led to the release of inexpensive lands. Meanwhile, tique to the use of the ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ concept is Rome’s expansive wars brought large quantities of the absence of subtle distinctions in its general chrono- slaves to the Italic market. Pucci 1985, 15-21. logical definition. 33 Gabba/Pasquinucci 1979; Giardina 1981, 87-113. 16 Lo Cascio 1991, 358-365. 34 Carandini 1985. 17 Lo Cascio 1991, 701-721. During the period of Raubkapi - 35 Lo Cascio 1982, 394-396. The use of slaves would have talismus the elite would have been pursuing a surplus enabled the villa to export wine and olive oil to its hin- production based on the rational use of slaves and the terland and to Rome, but, given its monopoly position, large-scale export of olive-oil and wine. to the western provinces especially. 18 These references can be found in Busana 2002, 235 and 36 Carandini 1989, 116-117. Lo Cascio 1991, 313. 37 Giardina 1997, 234-264. It is important to note for later 19 Wes 1990; Shaw 1992. Rostovtzeff had strong political critiques that emphasis is laid on this specific region. affiliations with the liberal party and the tsarist regime. 38 Morley 1996, 135. After a stay in England, he was offered a chair in ancient 39 Panella 1989, 163-165. history in 1926 and in classical archaeology in 1941 at 40 For the tota Italia idea see Witcher 2006, 88. For a sharp the universities of Wisconsin and Yale respectively. critique on traditional Italian classical archaeology see 20 For the SEHRE see Rostovtzeff 1926. For the SEHHW Terrenato 2005. The ideas of the Carandini School, often see Rostovtzeff 1941. developed on the basis of evidence from Central Italy, 21 Salmeri 1999, 310-341. were also applied in Italian areas where socio-economic 22 Rostovtzeff 1966, 93. and geographical conditions were much different. This 23 Rostovtzeff cited Columella’s story about difficulties in becomes also evident in other discussions. See for Italic wine-growing (Rust. 1.1.18-20), referred to problems example Bonetto 2004, 58. In his study of pastoralism on Pliny the Younger’s estate (Ep. 9.15) and paraphrased in Gallia Cisalpina Bonetto described how, for a long Domitian’s wine edict prohibiting the cultivation of time, ideas about intensive transhumance of Central new grapevines on the Italian peninsula and ordering Italy were applied to North Italian contexts, without the provinces to destroy half of their vineyards (Suet. reckoning with the specific regional character of this Dom. 7.2, 14.2). area. See also for the discussion on sheep breeding 24 He supposed the worsening conditions of the rural notes 102-104. population on basis of the creation of the alimenta dur- 41 Shaw 1992.

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42 Spurr 1985, 126. observable in 2nd-century Italy. 43 Andrea Giardina however postulated that criticisms of 70 Patterson 2006. Although Patterson’s account is an Carandini’s Marxist point of view place themselves out absolute must to grasp better the complex intertwine- of the debate. Giardina 1997, 239. ment of phenomena during the 2nd century AD, it is a 44 Salmeri 1999, 319. confusing one as he describes and explains the socio- 45 Patterson 2006, 69. economic condition of Italic regions and towns at the 46 Duncan-Jones 1990, 140; Potter 1979, 141-142. same time. 47 Harris 1993, 22. 71 Patterson 2006, 267-269. 48 Alcock 1993. 72 See note 47. 49 See note 40. 73 Patterson 1987, 120. 50 Bang 2008; Scheidel et al. 2007, 1-15. 74 Reger 2007. 51 Morley 2007, 1-16. 75 Reger 2007, 67. For the historiographically difficult 52 Davies 1998, 241. delineation of ethnic ‘regions’ see Jones 1997. 53 Patterson 2006, 60-61. 76 See note 30. 54 Patterson 1985, 140. 77 Davies 1998. 55 Shaw 1992, 221. In this angle he had also connections 78 Davies 1998, 242-251. with Eduard Meyer and Ulrich von Wilamowitz-Moel- 79 Poblome 2006, 200-201. lendorff. 80 See note 3. 56 Vera 1995. 81 Rosada 1992. 57 Flohr 2008. 82 A passage of Livy (10.2.4-15), where he describes how 58 Spurr 1985, 123-131. scouts of the Spartan king Cleonimus report the same 59 Rathbone 1983, 160-168. The standard work Società Ro- distinguishing features, points out that already in mana e produzione schiavistica (SRPS) for example states Roman times one was aware of this particularity. See the period 200 BC-200 AD as a fixed chronological entity, Braccesi 1989. but contains an article which suggests an embryonic 83 Rousse 2006. SMP form for 3rd-century BC Latium. Most authors, 84 Azzara 1994, 22. however, place the origins of the slave-run villa system 85 On the Iron Age Veneto see Capuis 1993. One of its spe- in the 1st century BC. Giardina/ Schiavone 1981. cific characteristics was horse breeding. 60 Marzano 2007, 223-233. 86 On Roman Venetia in general see Buchi 1987. See also 61 Patterson 2006, 60; see also Purcell 1985; Tchernia 1986, note 3. 296. 87 On the in the area see Bosio 1970 and 62 Tchernia 1986. The crisis would be visible in the appear- Bosio/Rosada 1980. By means of written sources ance of large quantities of provincial amphorae and less (Polyb. 2.28.2.), several authors describe the relation and smaller Italic amphorae. The first aspect is often between the Venetians and the Roman ‘oppressor’ as illustrated by the apparent prevalence of African and friendly. See Cresci Marrone/Tirelli 1999. Spanish amphorae in Ostia. Though, it is likely that Italic 88 Hingley 2005. wine and olive oil were not transported to the Urbs 89 Mazzeo Saracino 2000. For a catalogue of the excavated through Ostia, but rather directly. For the second tablewares for nearly all Venetian cities, see Zabehlicky- aspect: as Panella in 1989 still stated that there were no Scheffenegger 1992. The exact locations of production successors for the Tyrrhenian Dressel 2-4 amphorae and centres of the sigillata Padana remain highly hypotheti- the Adriatic Dressel 6A, at the moment the Spello cal since, except the recent identification of a tableware amphorae and other anforette italiche are respectively workshop in Padua, their existence is implied by the documented as their 2nd-century substitutes. presence of production waste. Schindler-Kaudelka/ 63 See note 53. Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 2006; Cipriano et al. 2006. 64 In Venetia, the region of our case-study, slave-run villa’s Archaeometrical studies assume the existence of 20 to are nearly absent. See notes 96 and 97. 30 sigillata Padana ateliers all over Northern Italy. See 65 Morley 1996, 141. Picon 1994. 66 Tainter argued with his general collapse-theory that soci - 90 Buchi 1987. eties invest more and more in complexity to overcome 91 On the discussion about (the extension of) amphorae problems. However, at a certain moment a society will production in Northern Italy see Righini 2001. Over the get less return-on-invest, and will either have to increase last two decades, the numerous amphorae of the Roman its complexity again (with a renewed risk of disappear- cities of Venetia, have been extensively catalogued. See ance), or apply resiliency and reduce its complexity. Cipriano/Ferrarini 2001; Pesavento Mattioli 1992, 2000; Tainter 1988, 195; 2006. Applying this theory to the dis- Toniolo 1991. cussed slave-run villas, one can suppose that the so- 92 Tchernia 1986, 338-341. Traditionally wine amphorae called villa-systems enabled this resiliency to reorganize (here for Northern and Central Italy) are ascribed to themselves into a less intensive system. Vera 1995, 195. types with more or less clear chronological boundaries. 67 Carandini 1985. The Lamboglia 2 amphora was produced between the 68 Pesavento Mattioli 1998. See especially note 152. 2nd and 1st century BC in the Central Adriatic. Nonnis 69 Patterson ‘tacitly encourages scholars to focus on local 2001. Archaeometrical analyses cannot ascribe these and regional developments and to write history on a amphorae to a more specific production-region. Its micro-level rather than a macro-level’. Flohr 2008. By morphological successor, the Dressel 6A amphora, is means of survey data, he illustrated for example how produced between the 1st century BC and the 1st century intensively cultivated Coastal Etruria, suburban South AD in the Central Adriatic and (possibly, as one exca- Etruria and the mountainous landscapes of Samnium vated atelier and epigraphical evidence on these wine and diverged in settlement density and rural amphorae allows for ascribing certain productions to exploitation, concluding that different phenomena are the X Regio) Northern Italy. Despite Tchernia’s hypoth-

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esis that the wine of these amphorae was extensively 116 Mozzi 2005. exported to Rome, its distribution spread mainly to 117 Busana 2007. Northern Italy. Simultaneously, Dressel 2-4 amphorae 118 Busana 2002, 238. were produced in the same area, sometimes even in the 119 Busana 2002, 235-236. same ovens as the Dressel 6A amphorae (stamped by 120 De Franceschini 1998, 805. the same persons). This form was used throughout the 121 Scarfi/Tombolani 1985, 75. Mediterranean possibly because of its overall recognis- 122 Ninfo et al. 2009. The first areal photographs were taken ability as a wine amphora. The anfora a fondo piatto (flat during a severe drought in July 2007. bottom amphora) was produced between the mid 1st 123 Patterson 2006, 13-17; Bonetto 2008. and the 3rd century AD and had several regional vari- 124 Scarfi/Tombolani 1985, 85. ants although most of them were produced around 125 Cresci Marrone/Tirelli 1999 and also Bonetto 2009. Forlimpopoli. See Pesavento Mattioli 2000. 126 Cresci Marrone/Tirelli 2005; Scarfi/Tombolani 1985, 93 Cipriano 2004. This production activity was probably 103-158. economically relatively insignificant. Climatologically, 127 Scarfi/Tombolani 1985, 85. olive oil production is primarily possible near Lake 128 Tombolani 1987, 331; Ninfo et al. 2009. Garda, the Adriatic coastline and the Colli Euganei. 129 Brusin 1928, Dressel 6B amphorae stamped with VARRI PACCI for 130 Scarfi/Tombolani 1985, 83-93. example, are epigraphically attributed to , while 131 Tombolani 1987. petrography points towards a production in the terri- 132 On the Roman roads of Venetia see Bosio 1970. Altinum tory of ancient Tarvisium. Cipriano/ Mazzocchin 2004. was easily accessible by road but was also within easy 94 Righini 2001. reach of the Adriatic and its adjacent rivers. Further on, 95 Toniolo 1996; Kozlicˇic´, 2006. the lagoonal route between Ravenna and Aquileia is con- 96 Bandelli 1991, 89; Bonetto 2004, 58; Buchi 1987, 104-183 nected with Altinum’s port. See also Tirelli 2001 and note and Chevallier 1983, 232-233. 3. 97 De Franceschini 1998; Grassigli 1995, 221-240. 133 Busana/Ghedini 2004. 98 Busana 1999, 2002. Busana based these arguments on 134 Basso 2002. (De arch. 6.6.). Further on, she made an arti- 135 Bosio/Rosada 1980 and Bosio 1984. ficial distinction between small (129-160 m2) and larger 136 Dorigo 1983. (830-2700 m2) rural settlements and illustrated how the 137 Ammerman 1999. buildings of the first group are mostly rectangular in 138 Canal 1998. shape, consisted of interconnected rooms and are ori- 139 Modrzewska 1993. ented outwards (centrifugal scheme). Larger examples 140 Fozzati/Toniolo 1998. on the other hand had a central courtyard, which con- 141 Canal 1998, 45-55. stituted the pivotal space of the house, and had one 142 Beltrame 1993. open side (centripetal scheme). 143 Tirelli 2001, 313. 99 Busana 1999. 144 Schindler-Kaudelka/Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 2006, 100 Zaccaria 1989. 156. 101 Bandelli 1991; Tassaux 2003. 145 For the tableware catalogue see Ravagnan 1985. For its 102 Basso et al. 2004; Bonetto 2004. update see Cipriano/Sandrini 2005. 103 Bonetto 2004. See also notes 33 and 40. 146 Valleri 2003, 357. 104 Besides farmers who owned some sheep, Martial (4.37) 147 Valleri 2003, 357-359. informed us that there were also independent shep- 148 This production area on the left bank of the Sioncello, herds who used publicly available pastures to tend close to the Via Annia, was ideally positioned for the their sheep. supply of water and raw materials. See Cipriano/San- 105 Baldacci 1967, 8; Chevallier 1983, 287; see also Tirelli drini 1998 and 2000. 2001, 296. 149 Toniolo 1991, 210. For the influential article on 2nd-cen- 106 Baldacci 1967; Cipriano 2003. tury Italic amphorae see Panella 1989 and note 39. 107 Mansuelli 1962. 150 Malizia 1989, 636-637. 108 Schindler-Kaudelka/Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 2006; 151 Patterson 2006, 60. See also notes 61 and 62. Tassaux 2004. 152 Pesavento Mattioli 1998. She defended this view for 109 Davies 1998, 239. several Venetian contexts. The predominance of 1st-cen- 110 Schindler-Kaudelka/Zabehlicky-Scheffenegger 2006, tury amphorae in the archaeological record of Patavium 154. for instance, does not indicate a ‘2nd-century AD crisis’ 111 Tassaux 2004, 193. but rather reflects the more reduced use of anfore a fondo 112 Permanent presences, for example the fleet of Ravenna piatto in the construction of the monumental centre of and detachments around Aquileia, were continuous the town (as the foundation of the main monuments economic actors (wood working was in this view also was already laid down in the 2nd century AD) and the an important aspect of Venetia’s economy. See also note easy entanglement during determination of sherds of 153 and Buchi 1987, 120-125). The campaigns between this type with other course wares. Pesavento Mattioli 166 and 180 AD of and 1992, 161-166. Similar arguments are made for Modena (who died at Altinum in 169 AD on his way back to and Este. See respectively Scotti 1988, 95-96; Toniolo Rome) at the had a positive impact on Aquileia 1988, 45-74. The amphorae of the Polesine on the other and probably on the whole economy of Venetia. On the hand reflect more chronological variety because they are importance of this factor see Buchi 1987. not only collected in the historical heart of a single city 113 Lacchini 1973. but across a much wider region. Toniolo 1987, 45-74. 114 Mengotti 1984. 153 Salamito 1990. 115 Ghedini et al. 2002. 154 For the most recent interpretations see Cipriano 2003,

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247; Tirelli/Toniolo 1998, 87. For the traditional cata- kets (13th – 20th century), Padua, 49-79. logue of the amphorae of Altinum see Toniolo 1991. Basso, P./J. Bonetto/M. Davanzo/D. Davanzo 2002, La via 155 Cipriano 2003, 247-248. Annia tra Altino e : storia, percorso, struttura, in 156 Modrzeweska 1993. F. Ghedini/A. Bondesan/M.S. Busana (eds), La Tenuta 157 Malizia 1989, 637. di Ca’ Tron. Ambiente e storia nella terra dei Dogi, Verona, 158 Cipriano/Sandrini 1998. 125-138. 159 Bonetto et al. 2004. Beltrame, C. 1993, Ancore antiche dai litorali di Venezia e 160 Basso et al. 2004. Caorle, RdA 17, 42-45. 161 Cottica 2003. Bizzarini, L. 2005, Quattro laminette plumbee da Altino, 162 Buonapane 2003. We know, for example, the centonarii, Annuali del Museo Civico di Rovereto 21, 121-135. who collected old clothes and tissues and reworked Bonetto, J. 2004, Agricoltura e allevamento in Cisalpina: them, the lotores, who washed textiles, and the lanarii alcuni spunti per una riflessione, in B. Santillo Frizell purgatores, artisans who processed raw wool. (ed.), Pecus. Man and Animal in Antiquity, Proceedings of 163 Bizzarini 2005. the Conference at the Swedish Institute in Roma (September 164 Cottica 2003. 9-12, 2002), Rome, 57-66. 165 Cao 2003. Bonetto, J. 2009, Veneto. Archeologia delle Regioni d’Italia, 166 On the site of the Roman necropolis of Brustolade, north Rome. of the town, a large ditch (length 8-10 metres, breadth Bosio, L. 1970, Itinerari e strade della Venetia Romana, Padua. 3.5-4 metres) has been excavated, where in the 1st cen- Bosio, L. 1984, Note per una propedeutica allo studio sto - tury BC an artificial rough underground of mortar and rico della laguna veneta in età romana, Atti dell’Istituto pebbles was created for the easy attachment of oysters. Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti 142, 95-126. The construction of the necropolis concealed this Bosio, L./G. Rosada 1980, Le presenze insediative nell’a - deposit of ostrea Edulis. Other ostrearia in Altinum also rea dell’Alto Adriatico dall’epoca romana alla nascita came to an end in the 1st century BC, probably because di Venezia, in L. Bosio (ed.), Da Aquileia a Venezia, of a changed water balance from salty to brackish. Milan, 505-563. Balista/Sainati 2003. Braccesi, L. 1989, L’avventura di Cleonimo (a Venezia prima 167 Morley 1996, 135. di Venezia), Padua. Brusin, G. 1928, Grado – nuove epigrafi romane e cristiane, BIBLIOGRAPHY NSc 53, 282-284. Buchi, E. (ed.) 1987, Il Veneto nell’età Romana I. Storiografia, organizzazione del territorio, economia e religione, Verona. Alcock, S. 1993, Graecia Capta. The Landscapes of Roman Buonapane, A. 2003, La produzione tessile ad Altino: le , Cambridge. fonti epigrafiche, in Cresci Marrone/Tirelli 2003, 285- Ammerman, A.J./C. McClennen (eds) 2001, Venice before San 297. Marco. Recent Studies on the Origins of the City, New York. Busana, M.S. 1999, Ruri aedificiorum rationes. Elementi Ammerman, A.J./C. McClennen/R. Housley 1999, Sea- per lo studio dell’ insediamento rurale nella Venetia, in level change and the Archaeology of Early Venice, Antiq- L. Quilici/S. 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