Universiteit Gent Academiejaar 2006-2007
“an example to them who account themselves the flower of knighthood”
An analysis of the concept of chivalry as applied to Sir Walter Scott’s The Talisman
Promotor: Prof. Dr. M. Demoor aaaaaaaaaaaa Verhandeling voorgelegd aan de Faculteit Letteren en Wijsbegeerte voor het behalen van de graad van licentiaat in de Taal- en Letterkunde: Germaanse talen
door
Olivier Wauters
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I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. Marysa Demoor, for helping me to find a fitting subject, for her suggestions concerning the structure of this dissertation and for her general guidance. I would also like to thank Prof. Erik Kooper whose lectures on Middle English proved to be a welcome inspiration.
Further thanks should go to my parents and brother, my girlfriend Sofie and her parents, and everyone else for their unfailing support and patience.
2 Contents
Introduction...... 1 PART I – Chivalry: the theoretical conept...... 5 1. The concept of chivalry...... 6 1.1. A problematic notion...... 6 1.2. Sword, cross and table...... 7 1.2.1. The sword...... 7 1.2.2. The cross ...... 13 1.2.3. The table...... 16 1.3. Scott’s outlook on chivalry ...... 20 1.4. The decline of chivalry...... 22 1.5. The status of chivalry...... 25 1.6. Conclusion...... 27 PART II – Analysis of Sir Walter Scott’s The Talisman ...... 28 2. A chivalric disequilibrium...... 29 2.1. Introduction...... 29 2.2. The Third Crusade...... 30 2.3. The virtuous Crusaders?...... 31 2.3.1. King Richard I...... 31 2.3.2. Sir Kenneth...... 36 2.3.3. The Crusading princes...... 39 2.4. The noble Saladin...... 44 2.5. A lack of unity, the undoing of the Crusaders ...... 47 2.6. Conclusion...... 50 3. Chivalry and the role of religion ...... 52 3.1. Introduction...... 52 3.2. The chivalric perspective ...... 52 3.2.1. The Crusaders...... 53 3.2.2. Saladin...... 57 3.3. Light and Dark ...... 58 4. The female fortress...... 60 4.1. Introduction...... 60 4.2. Edith and courtly love ...... 60 4.3. Dull days in the Crusader camp ...... 63 4.4. Cultural differences...... 64 5. The Crusade as a “rencontre de civilisations” ...... 67 5.1. Introduction...... 67 5.2. Differences between the Crusaders and the Saracens ...... 67 5.3. External and internal cultural references...... 70 5.3.1. Blacks...... 70 5.3.2. The Crusader camp: internal differences and stereotypes...... 71 5.3.3. From Achilles to Satan...... 72 5.4. The multicultural Diamond of the Desert ...... 73 5.5. A metaphorical view ...... 75 Conclusion...... 78 Bibliography...... 82
3 Introduction
A quick look at Sir Walter Scott’s bibliography suffices to see that he is a prolific writer. In addition to a number of poems and short stories, he wrote about thirty novels. One of the main reasons of Scott’s obsession with writing is to be found in the enormous amounts of money he wanted to invest in the expansion of his estate in Abbotsford1. Indeed, in order to ensure the financial means would keep up with the costs of his ever-growing spendthrift, he drastically increased the production of fiction2. However, this was insufficient to avert financial problems3. Fortunately, he was a lot more successful at writing than at managing his financial affairs. The production of novel after novel, all of which sold incredibly well4, lay at the basis of his nickname ‘The Wizard of the North’5. However, a marked contrast to Scott’s success in his own days6 is the fact that “few read Scott today”7. Nowadays, Scott’s oeuvre can be divided into two categories; a small selection of novels that are still popular, such as Waverley and Ivanhoe, and a large number of works that are a lot less known, such as The Talisman, the novel which will be the object of discussion in this dissertation. The discrepancy of popularity is also visible in the amount of secondary literature on the different novels. Since “The Talisman is one of the least read [novels]”8, the number of publications about this novel is very small. My personal interest in history in general and in life in the Middle Ages in particular led me to Sir Walter Scott and the selection of The Talisman is based on two considerations. First of all, the Crusades can be found in the higher regions of my list of fascinations with the Middle Ages; thus, The Talisman’s setting during
1 John Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott: a critical biography, Oxford: Blackwell, 1995. pp.154- 157 and p.203. 2 Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, p.254. 3 Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, p.292. 4 Serge Heirbrant, Componenten en compositie van de historische roman: een comparatistische en genologische benadering, Leuven : Garant, 1995. p.129. 5 Heirbrant, Componenten en compositie van de historische roman, p.117. 6 Scott lived from 1771 until 1832. G.A. Kohnstamm and H.C. Cassee, Het Cultureel Woordenboek. Encyclopedie van de algemene ontwikkeling, Amsterdam: Anthos, 19997. p.204. 7 Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, p.196. 8 Margaret Bruzelius, ““The King of England… Loved to Look upon A MAN”: Melancholy and Masculinity in Scott’s Talisman.” Modern Language Quarterly 62:1 (2001): 19-41. [Online version via MLA] p.39.
1 the Third Crusade was perfect. Secondly, I also tried to find a novel of which every word had not yet been turned and twisted in every possible direction. As said before, this is indeed the case with The Talisman. When one takes into account these two motivations, it is not surprising that The Talisman was selected in function of an analysis of the concept of chivalry9. It will become clear later on that chivalry is a multi-layered concept. In brief, it describes the different aspects of life as a knight and his function in society. Scott demonstrated a profound interest in the concept of chivalry; in 1818 he wrote an essay on this subject for inclusion in the Encyclopaedia Britannica10. Scott’s fascination with history started when he was still a boy. Scott had many health problems during his life11 and as a child he was sent to Sandyknowe to spend some time with his aunt, since conditions of living were much better there than in the cramped house in unhealthy Edinburgh12. The importance of his prolonged stays in Sandyknowe is twofold. First of all, he became acquainted with storytelling; indeed, the main activity that kept young Walter occupied, was listening to stories about historical events13. Secondly, his aunt taught him to read14. As such, the art of producing tales about the past was already known to the young Scott, who was of course to evolve into a hugely successful author of historical novels. The notion ‘historical novel’ poses a problem; the term ‘historical’ seems to link it to the science of history, whereas its status as a ‘novel’ implies that it is indeed a work of fiction. The vast number of publications on this subject indicates that the historical novel is a complicated affair. Indeed, Serge Heirbrant notes that “no unanimity exists at all concerning the relation between the historical novel and historiography”15. Although Scott did not invent the genre, he certainly played an important role in defining it16. However, the nature of the historical novel is at present not the main concern. One final remark concerns the question to which type
9 The term chivalry is derived from French; la chevalerie is the collective term used to refer to les chevaliers (knights) in general. Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.301. 10 Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, p.179. 11 Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, p.11. 12 Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, p.12. 13 Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, pp.12-14. 14 Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, p.14. 15 Heirbrant, Componenten en compositie van de historische roman, p.70. (my translation) 16 Heirbrant, Componenten en compositie van de historische roman, p.54.
2 of historical novel The Talisman belongs. Heirbrant places it in the group containing novels which feature historical figures (such as Richard I and Saladin in the case of The Talisman) in fictional scenes (most of the storyline of The Talisman)17. The Talisman was first published in 182518. Together with The Betrothed it was “published […] as Tales of the Crusaders”19. The latter title was, however, rather misleading20 for the storyline of The Betrothed “never left Wales”21. Luckily, The Talisman compensated the lack of crusading action in The Betrothed. Critics reacted with mixed feelings; The Talisman had many fine qualities but it was clear that the novel was not quite up there with earlier novels like Waverley22. However, the main quality of The Talisman is that it is “perhaps the first novel is [sic] English to portray Muslims in a positive light”23. As has been briefly mentioned, the focus of this dissertation will be on the way in which Scott applied the concept of chivalry in The Talisman. In order to carry out this analysis, it is necessary to examine that concept in more detail, for it encompasses multiple dimensions; I will divide the concept into what I will call the three pillars of chivalry, being the military, religious and social aspects. This will be done in the theoretical part, chapter one. Part of this first chapter will be devoted to the analysis of Scott’s view on chivalry as he described it in the aforementioned ‘Essay on Chivalry’. The practical analysis will be done in the second part, which consists of chapters two through five. The aim of the second chapter is to provide an analysis of the main characters, both Christian and Muslim, and to find out who is the most chivalric one. Religious and social dimensions will be dealt with in chapters three and four. The third chapter discusses the relation between religion and chivalry including the evaluation of the depiction of Muslim culture in the novel, which, as has been pointed out, is one of the main assets of The Talisman. The analysis of the social pillar of chivalry will mainly concentrate on the depiction
17 Heirbrant, Componenten en compositie van de historische roman, p.43. 18 Paul Barnaby, “The Talisman (Tales of the Crusaders)”, 27/04/2007, Walter Scott Digital Archive.
3 of women in the novel, as well as on their roles in both Western and Eastern society. The fifth and final chapter will broaden the intercultural comparison to a general comparison between the Crusaders and the Saracens, while also discussing a number of influences from other cultures. A discussion of animal imagery as a means of cultural reference will round off both this chapter and the discussion of The Talisman.
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PART I
CHIVALRY: THE THEORETICAL CONCEPT
5 1. The concept of chivalry
1.1. A problematic notion
While for most people the word ‘chivalry’ evokes images of armoured knights fighting to win the grace of their love interests24, there is obviously more to it than just that. The notion ‘chivalry’ is a complex and problematic notion for a number of reasons. Firstly, chivalry is not a static concept. A typically medieval concept, it evolves just like the world in which chivalry has its place. The term is used most frequently from the eleventh until the fifteenth century but, as James Ross Sweeney notes in The Dictionary of the Middle Ages, comparing eleventh century chivalry to the thirteenth or fifteenth century equivalent clearly shows that evolution in the medieval world has left its mark on the concept of chivalry25. Secondly, chivalry encompasses multiple dimensions; it is active in the military, social and religious field26. What is more, many examples are not confined to just one of the three fields. The concept of the crusade, which is a typically medieval phenomenon, is a prime example. First of all, there was the impact on society, with many knights and often the king and his entourage leaving the country. The military and religious aspects are obvious; the goal of the crusades was primarily religious in nature, the most important being the liberation of Jerusalem. The way in which the objectives were to be completed was of a military nature. A third problem concerns the status of chivalry; is it to be considered a real way of life or just an ideal promoted in medieval – and later – literature? Fourthly, not only does the concept differ horizontally – i.e. in the course of time – but vertically as well; chivalry affects the poor medieval peasant in a different way27 than it does the knight.
24 Maurice Keen has called chivalry “an evocative word, conjuring up images in the mind – of the knight fully armed, perhaps with the crusaders’ red cross sewn upon his surcoat; of martial adventures in strange lands; of castles with tall towers and of the fair women who dwelt in them.” Maurice Keen, Chivalry, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984. p.1 25 Joseph R. Strayer et al., Dictionary of the Middle Ages, New York: Scribner, 1982-2004, p.301. Henceforth referred to as Dictionary of the Middle Ages. 26 This corresponds to the tripartite description by The Catholic Encyclopedia in its entry on chivalry. Charles Moeller, “Chivalry”, in The Catholic Encyclopedia, ed. by Kevin Knight.
6 The aim of this chapter is to delve deeper into the nature of this complex concept and to come up with a workable description with which Scott’s The Talisman will then be analyzed. After attempting to cover the main aspects of medievalism, a section will be dedicated to Scott’s own view on chivalry, as described in his Essay on Chivalry, written for the Encyclopaedia Britannica in 181828.
1.2. Sword, cross and table
The structure of this paragraph is as follows: each of the three main aspects of medieval society – and more precisely its chivalric nature – will be analyzed in turn. This is the most effective way to discuss the evolutions within each of the three domains29. The three objects mentioned in the title refer to the three fields of study: the sword stands for the military aspect, the cross represents the religious field and the table has been chosen as a reference to society.
1.2.1. The sword
1.2.1.1. Impact of chivalry on the knight The knight’s task, according to the traditional model, consisted of fighting for and protecting the other classes30. In stark contrast to modern times war was considered an entirely normal affair, a state of peace being very exceptional31. The original meaning of the word chivalry has its roots in this kind of society: chivalry, in its oldest sense, refers to a group of knights32. As such, the image of chivalry as one figuring knights in battle corresponds to its most essential meaning. Specific attitudes towards women, for instance, were not yet the order of the day. In the course of time, however, the class of knights became more self-conscious and
28 Walter Scott, “Essay on Chivalry” in The Miscellaneous Prose Works of Sir Walter Scott. Paris: Baudry’s European Library, 1838, p.195-262. 29 Of course, sometimes overlaps between different categories may occur, in which case links to the other domain(s) in question will be established. 30 This scheme is often used in education, stating that in medieval society with its three classes, the knight fights, the clergy prays and the peasants labour, each class for the two other classes respectively. 31 Richard Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, London: Sphere Books, 1974. p.202 32 Dale H. Hoiberg and Theodore Pappas (eds), The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2005, volume III, p.249 (henceforth: Encyclopaedia Britannica); and Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.301.
7 awareness grew that they held an important and indeed exemplary position in society33. Subsequently, rules and prescriptions of how knights should behave came into being34. The meaning of the word chivalry thus evolves from its basic meaning to “the worthy action or behavior of a knight on the battlefield or elsewhere”35. Whereas the battlefield is clearly reminiscent of the original view on chivalry, the ‘elsewhere’ can be seen as referring to the next major function of chivalry, where it becomes synonymous with courtesy36. An important theme that comes to the fore is that of the woman. Although this will be discussed in more detail later on, it is already worth pointing out that the emergence of this ‘trend’ of courteous behaviour towards women coincides with the appearance of the lady in literature37. The question that should be answered first, though, is that of the nature of the knight. Who was ‘the knight’, what was his life like? Knights were elite members of society; they were aristocratic not only because of their lineage but because of their worth as well38. Wealth constituted an important factor in the knight’s life39. Costs ranged from armour40 to horses41 and other persons, i.e. attendants42 and, in a number of cases, lesser nobles who had found a patron in the knight in question43. However, chivalrous behaviour, while closely linked to knighthood, was not restricted to the class of knights. Chivalrous behaviour in the non-material sense – i.e. requiring lots of money like in the aforementioned examples – could be exercised by other individuals as well and could even lead to
33 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.301. 34 Numerous lists containing ideals of knightly behaviour have been published. See for instance: Richard W. Kaeuper, “Chivalry and the ‘Civilizing Process”, in Violence in medieval society, ed. by Richard W. Kaeuper, Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2000, p.31 and Juliet Vale, “Violence and the Tournament”, in Violence in medieval society, ed. by Richard W. Kaeuper, Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2000 p.154. 35 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.301. 36 Encyclopaedia Britannica, p.249. 37 This is indeed a novelty in 12th century English literature. In Anglo-Saxon times the woman was typically ‘invisible’ in the background. Erik Kooper, Middle English, lecture format. 38 Keen, Chivalry, p.16-17. 39 The fear of impoverishment was a popular theme during the Middle Ages. This is also reflected in literature. Adequate examples can be found in the Middle English stories of Sir Cleges and Sir Launfal. Kooper, Middle English. 40 Catholic Encyclopedia. 41 Catholic Encyclopedia. 42 Catholic Encyclopedia. 43 Kooper, Middle English.
8 being knighted44. There existed indeed a second type of knight, which consisted of those people who had not been born a knight but had performed a great deed and were subsequently dubbed a knight. An often recurring example can be found in leaders in war who had displayed a lot of courage and were rewarded with knighthood.
1.2.1.2. The tournament
While from a modern perspective the image of knights competing in tournaments may seem like nothing more than yet another activity the upper-class indulged in when they had nothing else on their hands, there is a lot more to it than appears at first glance. The tournament was characterized by a number of important social functions. As will be exemplified later on, Scott was aware of the important place the tournament occupied in knightly life and included a (special kind of) tournament in The Talisman. The tournament’s basic form differed from the one-on-one horseback fights that have become so stereotypical. The main event of the original tournaments consisted of the mêlée or group encounter, with one-on-one combat on horseback as an additional but minor part45. The nature of these early encounters was also rather different from the late medieval ones; rules were almost non-existent and especially in mêlée battles “[t]he line could […] be thin between mock war and the real thing”46. Early tournaments did not take place within strictly confined areas like the later jousts did; instead, the two groups the participants were divided into could use enormous amounts of land for their ‘hobby’. Not only were there no or only vague boundaries, referees and judges were absent from the tournament as well. This only changed well into the thirteenth century47. Unsurprisingly, many a knight met his end partaking in these aggressive forms of entertainment48. Despite these frightening side-effects – from a modern perspective anyway – and the condemnation by the Church, the mêlée maintained its immense popularity. From
44 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.151. The example given here contains the anecdote of someone who was “knighted at the end of his chivalric career”. 45 Juliet Vale, “Violence and the Tournament”, p.145 46 Keen, Chivalry, p.85. 47 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.167 48 Apart from the many ‘regular’ knights, the list of casualties also contains many important figures, such as earls and counts. Keen, Chivalry, p.87.
9 Maurice Keen’s list of explanations for this popularity, three should be mentioned here. Firstly, the nature of the mêlée, with its aggressive group attacks, was a perfect training for war situations49. Secondly, already in those days the financial aspect formed a great attraction to the participants50; after all, as has been remarked before, knights both wanted and had to be wealthy. A third important reason had to do with the fact that the patrons, who acted as the tournaments’ sponsors, often provided support for literature as well51. In other words these patrons could enhance their popularity by means of literary approval of the patrons themselves and/or the tournaments organized by them. The joust was of a very different nature. Not only was it not such a brutal form of fight as the mêlée, it also took place in quite distinct circumstances. Jousts were held within confined areas, called the lists, and normally surrounded by stands and boxes for the spectators52. These much more confined spaces, which became the norm around 122553, aided in making tournaments a much more civilized event as opposed to the mêlée, where the almost non-existent boundaries did not enable a thorough degree of control. Jousting required millimetre-perfect hits to successfully unhorse one’s competitor54, which was not the case for the more brute mêlée. Another difference between the two disciplines was that the mêlée provided the possibility to exercise combat strategies, which was not possible for jousting tournaments. Since the lance, which was the primary weapon for the joust, was not very important on the real battlefield55, “a skilful jouster was not necessarily a skilful warrior”56. The joust was thus a lot less linked to the actual battlefield than the mêlée was, and provided much more of a diversion from ‘everyday’ battle situations. An important role in the jousting tournament was played by the lady, and this subject will be elaborated on in more detail later on. Finally, the popularity of the tournament can also be measured from the numerous orders devoted exclusively to tournaments57.
49 Keen, Chivalry, p.88. 50 Keen, Chivalry, p.88-89. 51 Keen, Chivalry, p.90. 52 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.168. 53 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.168. 54 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.169. 55 As soon as they shattered, they were rendered useless. Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.169. 56 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.169. 57 Keen, Chivalry, pp.186-187.
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1.2.1.3. War Not only did the knight occupy an elite position within society, the same was true on the battlefield as well. First of all, the knight usually had the advantage of being a member of the cavalry – hence the tournaments exercised on horseback – which provided the knight with a more secure position than on foot58. Secondly, the knight’s armour protected the wearer against many attacks which were deadly for normal troops. Finally, in the event a knight got overpowered, he was only rarely killed59. In most cases the knight was taken captive and ransoms were asked in return for the knight60. The biggest threats to the knight’s life were those that could affect any person: illness and diseases61. A second danger was also to be found in the medical sector: medieval surgery62 – which would be completely unworthy of that name nowadays. Knowledge of the human body and the functions of the different organs was limited and led to risky operation techniques. On the battlefield, the knight was supposed to be a beacon of chivalrous behaviour for the other warriors. However, knights and ordinary soldiers wanted to ensure that they were compensated for the expenses they had had to make. This was particularly troublesome in campaigns involving mercenaries. Just like regular knights, mercenaries had to purchase their weapons themselves63. This was a rather costly affair and, not contented with merely winning back that sum of money, a little profit was more than welcome. The resources they turned to in order to achieve this were of a questionable nature. After being disbanded when the battle was over, their weapons were more than once used to set out on a pillaging journey64. However, not only mercenaries were tempted to indulge in this sort of detestable behaviour; sometimes entire armies had to be restrained from plunder65. Whether by plundering or paying ransoms, “[c]hivalry became a question of
58 Keen, Chivalry, p.218. 59 An important exception was the Battle of the Golden Spurs in 1302, in which the Flemish forces killed every French knight they could lay their hands on. Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.198. 60 Keen, Chivalry, p.220. 61 Keen, Chivalry, p.222. 62 Keen, Chivalry, p.223. 63 Keen, Chivalry, p.229. 64 Keen, Chivalry, p.229. 65 This was especially the case with sieges. Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.204.
11 business”66. Barber even describes chivalry as a “layer of high idealism”67 covering the real atrocities of war.
1.2.1.4. A special kind of war: the Crusades According to the Catholic Encyclopedia “[t]he Crusades introduced the golden age of chivalry”68. The Crusades being primarily religiously inspired, such a quote could be expected from a work like the Catholic Encyclopedia, and there is a certain degree of truth in it; the Crusades were one of the defining (series of) events of the Middle Ages. For now, the main focus of attention will be the non-religious motivations behind the Crusades; the religious motivations of these enterprises will be discussed in the next paragraph. Apart from being religious expeditions, the Crusades were meant to be showcases for the values of chivalry. But, as Thomas F. Madden stresses, they remained wars, “so it would be a mistake to characterize them as nothing but piety and good intentions”69. The religious aspect is precisely what differentiates the Crusades from classical chivalry, which, originally, was not influenced by religion70. Knights who took part in the Crusades had, besides the common goal, a number of personal interests as well. Contrary to what might be expected, money was not one of them. In fact, the whole organization in all its aspects required a copious amount of money from the participants. Instead, an important value was found in the form of penitence for a sinful life71. However, looting still occurred frequently during the Crusades; here as well it was difficult to keep the soldiers from attempting to enrich themselves72. During the Crusades, tournaments were organized for the knights; the idea behind this was twofold: apart from being a good “outlet […] in a society [of] restraints”73, it also ensured that the knights were kept well-trained for emergency situations like surprise attacks.
66 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.205. 67 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.210. 68 Catholic Encyclopedia. 69 Thomas F. Madden, The Real History of the Crusades, 15/08/2005
12 A few exceptions aside – such as the completion of the First Crusade – the overriding legacy of the Crusades is not the military one. Religiously and socially their importance was much larger, as will become clear in the next paragraphs.
1.2.2. The cross
As has been shown before, the original ideas behind the concept of chivalry had nothing to do with religion. However, from the tenth century onwards “the church sought to refashion and civilize the brutal bloodletting of an emerging knightly class”74. Regulations were developed to counter this trend. One of the most important ones was known as the truce of God and stipulated that hostile activities were not allowed on certain days75. In practice, however, the rule was often violated; a striking example can be found in the fact that, during the First Crusade, the attack on Constantinople took place on Holy Thursday76. Tournaments were also frowned upon by the Church. Apparently “tournaments encourage[d] all seven of the deadly sins”77 and were blamed for maintaining a “cult of violence”78. When measuring the popularity of the tournament, however, it becomes clear that not many knights saw a conflict between the tournament and the Church79. Over time, though, the Church “became more tolerant of war”80. The ceremony of the dubbing of a knight, which had so far been entirely secular in nature, received a full religious makeover. The original, secular ceremonies featured symbolic procedures, such as the blessing of the sword81, which, together with a religious vow, bound the knight to the Church82. Without a shadow of a doubt, the clearest example of the less hostile attitude of the Church towards war is to be found in the Crusades, which were launched with a religious goal. The appeal to the knights in Europe to join the First Crusade turned the pope into a “summoner of
74 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.302. 75 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.215 76 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.215. 77 Keen, Chivalry, p.95. 78 Keen, Chivalry, p.96. 79 Keen, Chivalry, p.98. 80 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.302. 81 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.302. 82 Catholic Encyclopedia
13 armies”83. The objectives the First Crusade hoped to fulfil consisted of coming to the rescue of the Christians in the Eastern territories as well as liberating the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem but not, contrary to popular belief, the conversion of Muslims84. In fact, Muslims were tolerated in the areas conquered by the Crusaders; they “were generally allowed to retain their property and livelihood, and always their religion”85. The Christian element within chivalry led to a new type of knight: the knight (in service) of Christ86. According to Sweeney “the virtues of the Christian knight consisted of fidelity, piety, and service to God”87. These values corresponded to the ideals sweeping through the Crusader ranks on their way to Jerusalem. The synthesis of the military and religious dimensions led to a spectacular new phenomenon from the twelfth century onwards. To ensure the safety of pilgrims travelling to and in Jerusalem, religious orders were founded which consisted of knights-cum-monks88. Apart from a number of – smaller – national orders, there were three major orders: the Hospitallers, the Knights Templar, and the Teutonic Knights. Our focus here is on the Knights Templar, since this is the most prominent order in The Talisman. As was also the case with the other orders, the Knights Templar had been founded to help fellow Christians, which they indeed did – as long as these fellow Christians were not members of the Hospitallers, for there existed a great rivalry between these two orders89. Since the military orders were to act as the “strong right arm”90 of the Church, the latter had to bestow upon the orders enough elbow room. However, especially the order of the Knights Templar became incredibly wealthy. This formed a stark contrast to the original intention, which stated that they would live an ascetic life91. Their wealth originated
83 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.217. Only in the thirteenth century was there an unsuccessful attempt at conversion by the Franciscans: compare Madden, The Real History of the Crusades. 84 Madden, The Real History of the Crusades. 85 Madden, The Real History of the Crusades. 86 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.302. 87 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.302. 88 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.227. 89 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.304. 90 Keen, Chivalry, p.49. 91 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.303.
14 not only from gifts92 but also from “banking and money-lending”93 practices. Remarkably, these are the same activities that the Jews were well-known for too. This did not go down too well with the Church, but others were displeased with the order’s huge growth in wealth, property, and members as well as their independence94. Because the orders felt that they did not have to obey secular authorities, they often opposed or disobeyed royal orders95. This was an important reason why the French king Philip IV was among the many rulers who hated the orders, and more specifically the Knights Templar. He started a large-scale persecution of the Knights Templar and forced pope Clement V, who was not much more than a pawn of the French king, to abolish the order96. Templars who had not been killed mostly joined the other orders97. The abolishment of the Templars combined with the unsuccessful later Crusades led to the success of a new kind of order, namely the secular orders98. The influence of religion affected not only the orders; Christian values entered the chivalrous behaviour of ‘ordinary’ knights as well, resulting in an “interpenetration of Christian and secular values”99. This sometimes resulted in remarkable combinations, such as the aforementioned organization of tournaments during the Crusades, despite the explicit disapproval of the Church. As has been said, the main reason for knights to join the Crusades was not a financial one; feelings of community and penitence were more important factors. Closely linked to the latter factor was the fact that crusading knights would receive a full pardon100, which was, to the believing knights, a most welcome reward considering the usually sinful way of life of the aristocratic knights.
92 One of these gifts, a house on the site of the Temple of Solomon, resulted in the order being called the Knights Templar. Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.304. 93 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.304. 94 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, pp.230-235. 95 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.235. 96 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.304. 97 Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.304-305. 98 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.303. 99 Keen, Chivalry, p.57. 100 See for instance Pope Innocent III’s call to join the fifth Crusade. Ken Pennington, “The Crusades of Pope Innocent III”.
15 1.2.3. The table
The reason why the table has been chosen as the symbol to represent social life is that large feasts, such as banquets – which self-evidently involved the use of tables – were among the most prominent examples of social interaction with people other than military in nature. An important demographic group which has so far remained all but left out of this discourse is that of the women.
1.2.3.1. Of women and courtly love The role of the woman or lady is not to be underestimated, though. Barber even claims that “chivalry and the worship of fair ladies are so intimately bound up as to become almost indistinguishable”101. Indeed, the concept of courtly love is another important characteristic of medieval society, or at least its literature. As we have seen, the woman remained in the background up to and including the eleventh century, at least in the Western tradition. Consequently, the subject of love did not feature on the ‘to do’ list of early medieval writers. This changes around the end of the eleventh century102. The origin of this new position of the woman is a rather mysterious one. Several authors note that there was no earlier or contemporary culture from which this new development was derived103. There was, however, a change in attitude towards women as maintained by the Church. In the first centuries of its existence, the Catholic Church “was strongly biased against women”104. However, the worship of Mary formed a first step towards a more positive view. Although “as individuals [they] were highly regarded”105, in general the literature retained its anti-feminist character106. Consequently the influence of the Church did not represent a major step in the new attitude towards women and the new subject of courtly love.
101 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.71. 102 Michael Delahoyde, “Courtly love”.
16 Roman literature and culture did not contribute much either; although love themes occur, they are of a completely different kind than courtly love. Michael Delahoyde lists a number of examples. The love between Dido and Aeneas, for instance, “always reads like eros – hot lust”107 whereas Ovid’s Ars Amatoria is an ironic108 “take-off on more serious [love] manuals”109. In other words, the appearance of courtly love was not an immediate evolution; therefore its roots have to be sought not long before the first expression of courtly love. Indeed, there is a general consensus that the situation in southern France was the immediate cause110. Due to the increasing importance of court life, women finally received more attention than before. The emergence of courtly love can be linked to this in a number of ways. The twelfth century was less characterized by war than the previous ones111, which meant that the main focus of literature shifted from the battlefield to the knight in non-violent surroundings, that is to say, either his own house or castle, or that of his lord or king. In times of peace up to one third of the time was spent at the court of the knight’s lord or king112. As head of the household, the woman held a prominent place, yet out of reach to the knight113. This formed the basis of the aspect of longing so typical of courtly love literature. The court was also the place where this literature was recited. Because of the predominantly female audience poets had to adjust their subject matter in order to come up with something that would be interesting for women114. Debora B. Schwartz explains that, consequently, “[t]he narratives still concern the deeds of brave warriors, but the Middle English knight (unlike the Old English thane) is motivated by love for his lady.”115 The road to success for the courtly lover was a very long one – sometimes even endless, for success was certainly not attained every time. Although written in a comic style, Michael Delahoyde’s description of the process captures its essence
107 Delahoyde, Courtly love. 108 Delahoyde, Courtly love. 109 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.72. 110 Compare: Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.73-74; Delahoyde, Courtly love; and Schwartz, Backgrounds to Romance. 111 Kooper, Middle English. 112 Kooper, Middle English. 113 Kooper, Middle English. 114 Schwartz, Backgrounds to Romance. 115 Schwartz, Backgrounds to Romance.
17 well. It is an adaptation of the famous work The Art of Courtly Love116, written by Andreas Capellanus117 in the late twelfth century. Debora Schwartz, however, remarks that this work is already in itself “a satire mocking the conventions of courtly love”118. During the first stages – which could take up quite some time – the lady was not even aware of the fact that a knight had developed a special interest in her119. When the lady finally did find out about the knight’s intentions, and providing the latter behaved courteously, she then presented him with small rewards, ranging from a first smile to a girdle120. After a long time and many efforts, the knight was – hopefully – able to reap the rewards. As the Middle English examples indicate, the ideal of courtly love expanded beyond the borders of the troubadour and trouvère culture and reached the other side of the Channel – as well as Germany (at that time known as the Holy Roman Empire) and Italy.
1.2.3.2. The secular orders As has been briefly pointed out, the downfall of the religiously inspired orders meant the time had come for the secular orders to shine. These were very different in nature. Perhaps the most famous example is the Order of the Garter, although it is a rather exceptional example; whereas most orders were relatively short-lived, the Order of the Garter has been in existence for more than 600 years now121. The description of a secular order as “a skilful interweaving of politics and chivalry”122 adequately describes its nature – that is, in the case of the large orders. The example of the Order of the Garter embodies this perfectly. It was a small and exclusive order which “combined with its main purpose, the furtherance of chivalry, those of
116 The original Latin title, De Amore, did not include the courtly aspect. Compare: Capellanus, Andreas, De Amore, ed. by L. D. Benson, 28/04/2006.
18 religion and charity”123. Maurice Keen confirms this view, stating that both secular virtue and “contact with the church”124 are important aspects of the secular orders. The Order of the Garter was highly influential, and through their tactic of including important persons from non-English territories, the Order attempted to expand the network of nations friendly to the English cause125. Jealousy between orders of this calibre was not uncommon, as the foundation of the Order of the Star in France showed. Whereas the Order of the Garter prided itself on the limited number of 26 members, the Order of the Star wanted to express splendour by having hundreds of members126. Not all the orders, however, were as important as the ones in the examples cited above; also, most of them did not have political goals. Some of the orders had as their main occupation sport and play, or courtly love127. This becomes especially clear in Keen’s description of the three different types of lay confraternities128. As this is not our main concern, this distinction will not be discussed elaborately. One important aspect, though, concerns the fact that, regardless of the type of secular order or lay confraternity – for some of the lesser confraternities were indeed rather crude in nature129, great or small, long-lasting or short-lived130 – they “were [all] geared to a single, central end, the celebration of martial prowess”131. Despite these forms of community feelings the knight remained primarily an individual with a personal goal, namely the achievement of honour both for himself and for the woman he had chosen as the object of his devotion.
123 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.305. 124 Keen, Chivalry, p.177. 125 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.305. 126 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.304-306. 127 Keen, Chivalry, p.186. Indeed the influence of literature is an important one, as the focus on courtly love already suggests. See Keen, Chivalry, p.194. 128 The term ‘lay confraternity’ has been chosen to stress the difference with the primarily religiously inspired orders. Keen, Chivalry, p.180. 129 Keen, Chivalry, p.197. 130 Some orders disappeared after long periods of inactivity, others included in their statutes that they would exist for a limited time only, such as jousting brotherhoods or Turniergesellschaften. However, these statutes could be renewed to increase the lifespan of the confraternity in question. Keen, Chivalry, p.186-187. 131 Keen, Chivalry, p.198.
19 1.3. Scott’s outlook on chivalry
As said before, Scott’s Essay on Chivalry provides an interesting – and extensive – view of what the notion of chivalry meant to him132. Scott always prided himself on being well-informed; in this case that seems to be completely true. Most of what has been discussed so far in this chapter can also be found in Scott’s article. It is therefore not my intention to discuss every last detail; instead, the discussion will concentrate on those aspects which have either remained unmentioned – sometimes because they only appear in Scott’s article – or which are truly characteristic of the way in which he defined chivalry. Scott distinguishes between “the primitive sense”133, with which he refers to “cavalry, or a body of soldiers serving on horseback”134, and “the peculiar meaning given to the word in modern Europe”135. In addition to the aspects of chivalry we have already discussed, Scott emphasizes a number of additional elements. Throughout the essay he stresses the darker facets and side-effects of chivalry as well. Two considerable dangers mentioned by Scott are the following: first of all, in his discussion of the values of “generosity, gallantry, and an unblemished reputation”136 he remarks that “in actual practice, every institution becomes deteriorated and degraded”137. As will become clear later on, this critical view is also to be found in The Talisman, especially in the characters of Montserrat and the Grand Master of the Templars. A second point concerns the later development of the religious influence on chivalry. In practice, Scott argues, these are conflicting forces; indeed “religion [acted] not as a check upon the horrors and crimes of war, but as itself its most proper and legitimate cause”138. According to Scott, this is the disgrace of the Great Age of Discovery; the merciless killing of non-Christians in the New World was, Scott reckons, a direct consequence of these conflicting interests139. Whereas the medieval ideas and ideals of chivalry were indeed
132 Scott himself absolutely loved soldiering and even formed his own cavalry troop. See Sutherland, The life of Walter Scott, p.61 and pp.66-67. 133 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.195. 134 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.195. 135 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.195. 136 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.199. 137 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.199. 138 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.203. 139 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.203.
20 praiseworthy, they were sadly often not reflected in practice, where they tended “to degenerate into a ferocious propensity to bigotry, persecution, and intolerance”140. Although Scott writes that religious motivation is the most important influence on the knight, the subject of courtly love is described much more elaborately than that of religion. He finds the origins of the devotion to women with “the northern tribes”141, who, despite always being and having been depicted as unmannered, almost beast-like warrior troops, were very advanced when it came to attitudes towards women142. The courteous and respectful behaviour that was maintained in the exchange of social contacts between the sexes allowed for a very different society than those in which women became “willing, and accommodating slaves of the voluptuousness of the other sex”143 and men “first indifferent, then harsh and brutal, to the unfortunate slaves of their pleasures”144. The Scandinavian Sagas contain many examples of the devotion of a man to his chosen woman; the high position of the Scandinavian woman was not just material from stories and fairytales: women were indeed highly regarded there145. The transposition of these attitudes onto medieval society can thus explain the popularity of events such as tournaments, where, as we have seen, the honour of a lady was often the main prize and was even more of a motivation to perform well than the knight’s own glory146. Scott’s view on the importance of women is summed up nicely in the following passage – notwithstanding the small tinge of dramatic exaggeration.
Without such an empress of his heart, a knight […] was a ship without a rudder, a horse without a bridle, a sword without a hilt; a being, in short, devoid of the ruling guidance and intelligence, which ought to inspire his bravery, and direct his actions.147
It may be clear from this description as well as from the passage on the process of courtly love – which corresponds essentially with what has been said before as well as with the discussion of courtly love in The Talisman – that Scott was an advocate
140 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.205. 141 These consist of the Germans and the Scandinavians. Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.205. 142 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, pp.205-207. 143 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.205. 144 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.205. 145 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.207. 146 That is, the two are obviously connected, but the knight’s main concern was to do well for the lady; personal glory only came after that. 147 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.208-209.
21 of these high ideals. Stories which mocked these ideals or celebrated their opposites did not escape Scott’s blame. The Canterbury Tales, known to most people for the fabliau stories, were deemed “improper to recite”148. Having ensured he worked hard enough for both God and his lady, the knight could finally upgrade his own honour and glory – but, again, this was already partially achieved while devoting himself to his lady. In Scott’s article as well this mainly comes down to a – very detailed – description of the different forms of tournaments. Tournaments allowed the knights both to gain and display their honour. Another way to display honour was by guarding a passageway, such as a bridge, letting people pass only if they acknowledged the honour of the knight and the beauty of his lady; if they did not, a personal fight would ensue149. There existed of course also a different kind of glory, namely notoriety. Bands of medieval highwaymen were often led by knights, who “pretended that in their lawless license they only exercised the rights of Chivalry, which permitted […] its votaries to make war without any authority but their own”150. One of the reasons why Scott attached so much importance to the rules of chivalric behaviour is because “from the wild and overstrained courtesies of Chivalry has been derived our present system of manners”151. This concludes the discussion of Scott’s description of the nature of chivalry. A few other aspects are touched upon by Scott, but they do not fall into the scope of the subject we are concerned with here. Any useful small details left out here will be mentioned under the appropriate heading in Part II, which contains the analysis of The Talisman.
1.4. The decline of chivalry
The title of this paragraph is a problematic one; Maurice Keen believes it would be better to speak of a change in nature rather than of a decline152. Either way the fact remains that chivalry, as we have seen in our discussion, ceased to exist at some point. Indeed, this did not happen overnight. Ferguson even writes about the Indian
148 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.216. 149 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.219. Variants of this topos are to this day a popular way of representing –sometimes mockingly – the Middle Ages. 150 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.243. 151 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.220. 152 Keen, Chivalry, p.238.
22 summer of chivalry, which took place in early sixteenth century Tudor England153. The list of causes of decline – or ‘change in nature’ – is long and varied. A good starting point can be found in our initial stereotypical image of chivalry, namely that of the knight in full armour. New weapons and strategies were introduced onto the battlefield of the late Middle Ages, the most important being without a shadow of a doubt the use of gunpowder. The use of (primitive) guns and cannon caused an evolution that was the exact opposite of the evolutions during the preceding centuries. The increasing power and effectiveness of weapons had brought about the need for body armour that became ever thicker154. Guns and cannon, however, were strong enough to penetrate the armour, rendering it entirely useless against these forms of attack. The spreading of these weapons thus caused the armour to disappear almost completely, and in the rare cases it was retained, it only had limited functions155. A second consequence was that the lance, one of the most important symbols of the knight, disappeared almost completely from the battlefield as well156. A third military reason lay in the type of army that was used in battle. At the end of the Middle Ages standing armies had started to replace the traditional army157. This had a number of consequences. The king had a more manageable army at his disposal158, whereas knights, “arriving and departing from the host at pleasure […] and engaging in frequent brawls with each other, rather weakened than aided the cause they professed to support”159. The flipside of a permanent army was of course that it required a lot of money, which had to come from – sometimes very harsh – taxations160. The change in spirit that caused the end of chivalry can also be traced in literature. The most famous and influential work from the period marking the decline of chivalry161 is of course Cervantes’ Don Quixote. The image of Don Quixote fighting windmills because he believes they are giants forms a direct attack
153 Arthur B. Ferguson, The Indian Summer of English Chivalry: Studies in the Decline and Transformation of Chivalric Idealism, Durham: Duke University Press, 1960. See also Keen, Chivalry, p.238. 154 Keen, Chivalry, p.243. 155 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.252. 156 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.252. 157 Keen, Chivalry, p.240-241; Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.252-253. 158 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.253. 159 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.252. 160 Keen, Chivalry, p.243. 161 This period is to be situated around 1500-1600. Keen, Chivalry, p.238.
23 on the chivalric concept and ideals in general and on the unrealistic protagonists of medieval romances in particular162. Sancho Panza, on the other hand, remains realistic and perceives everything like it is163. However, Don Quixote is more than just an ironic take on chivalry, for “[if Cervantes] began by satirising the mere formulae of chivalry, he ends by hinting at alternative views of life”164. The days of the great chivalric romances having been long gone, their place was taken by a new genre, which was typical of the modern Europe of the Renaissance: the novella. Initially a specialty developed in the great Italian cities, the novella “has little sympathy for either knight or bourgeois”165. These stories also spread much more quickly than the romances a few ages earlier. Indeed, the invention of printing techniques allowed for a wide distribution of materials166. Political reasons also played a role in the decline. In this context Scott refers to the nature of the large-scale national conflicts, being in the case of England the Wars of the Roses167. Whereas in conflicts between different nations the spirit of chivalry was normally well respected, this was, according to Scott, not true for conflicts within one country’s boundaries; these wars “were of a nature so bitter and rancorous, as was utterly inconsistent with the courtesy, fair play, and gentleness, proper to Chivalry”168. Political and religious matters met each other in the decline of the Crusade. Keen lists a number of reasons for this decline. The later Crusades produced few or no results, which caused the enthusiasm of the participants to diminish169. Then, from the end of the fifteenth century onwards, the great expeditions moved beyond the boundaries of the Old World; the Americas, India and Africa mainly replaced the Holy City as the main destination170. Finally, the great religious conflicts of the sixteenth century saw Christians fighting amongst themselves171, rather than travelling to Jerusalem as a united force.
162 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.322-323. 163 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.323. 164 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.324. 165 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.332. 166 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.334. 167 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.254. 168 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.254. 169 Keen, Chivalry, p.251. 170 Keen, Chivalry, p.251. 171 Keen, Chivalry, p.251.
24 A final main cause can be found amongst the social evolutions of knighthood and nobility. The hereditary nature of later knighthood meant that “knighthood could be bestowed on an infant, who could not have deserved the honour, or be capable of discharging its duties”172. Finally, the purely knightly class became smaller and smaller when the rich trading merchants arrived on the scene. The latter were in general a lot wealthier than the knights, who had to spend much of their money on items related to their status as a knight. Intermarrying was usually seen as the best solution, combining the knight’s title with the merchant’s wealth173. Knights were no longer the (only) leading class in society; the wealth of the merchants in the emerging cities enabled the latter to become very powerful as well.
1.5. The status of chivalry
The aim of this paragraph is to briefly look at the status of the notion of ‘chivalry’. We have now analyzed its main aspects but the question as to its real impact on society remains. In this context the influence of literature was of major importance, for several reasons. First of all, lives and adventures of knights were often written down by clerks174, which in a way removed the facts beyond the boundaries of reality. Ironically, this can also be said of Walter Scott himself; the biography written by J.G. Lockhart, his son-in-law, has often been criticized for the embellishment of certain aspects of Scott’s life175. For the most part, chivalrous societies did not have idealistic goals. Influenced by literature, romance and lustre were added and everything became glamorized in order to conform to the ideals of chivalry176. The influence of literature was perhaps the most important influence on both the conception and the nature of the chivalric orders177. The nature of chivalry was already during its own days a problematic one. Early fifteenth century writer Alain Chartrier attacked the knights for their
172 Scott, Essay on Chivalry, p.249. 173 Kooper, Middle English. 174 Together with the monks who worked as copyists they were among the few groups of people who knew how to write. 175 This remark recurs, for instance, throughout Sutherland’s The life of Walter Scott. 176 Keen, Chivalry, p.190. 177 Keen, Chivalry, p.194.
25 behaviour and way of living. The criticism concerning the life of ease and the acquisition of wealth through war are but the tip of the iceberg in his works178. All the aspects of central importance to knightly life are attacked; even the knight’s behaviour as a warrior is heavily criticized. The problem is the respect between knights of different nations, for “a knight’s job is to fight his country’s foe, not fraternise with them”179. Literature was heavily criticized for its lack of realism, and courtly love underwent the same treatment180. The reason for this is clear; in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the main yardstick for criticism was realism181, and it was exactly in this department that courtly love was lacking, for “courtly love bears no relation to what actually goes on”182. Finally, chivalry had nothing at all to do with the common people. The courteous behaviour knights maintained towards women and fellow knights was certainly not reflected in the treatment of serfs.
178 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.329. 179 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.329. 180 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.331. 181 The novella or short story (literally something like ‘news item’) satisfied the demand for realism. The best example of the new realistic story can be found in the genre that has already briefly been mentioned, namely the fabliau, which was definitely the most down-to-earth of all genres. 182 Barber, The Knight and Chivalry, p.331.
26 1.6. Conclusion
Whether seen as a list of commendable ideals or just plain unrealistic nonsense, the fact remains that chivalry is a multi-facetted notion. In his primary function the knight served as a warrior. Aristocratic in nature, he was very powerful, owing obedience to only two higher levels on the medieval pyramid of society, namely the King, as the earthly representative of God, and possibly, higher nobles, such as earls. When not on the battlefield, the knight was often found at the royal court and there as well, special rules and prescriptions had to be followed, the most well- known of which were the rules of conduct towards women. The inclusion of religion in knightly life provided the knight with an additional employer; he was now in the service of both the king and God or Christ183. The combination of war and religion introduced a typically medieval phenomenon: the Crusade. This is reflected in the novel which is the object of our discussion; the backdrop against which the story of The Talisman unfolds is provided by a series of events from the Third Crusade184. The foundation of the great orders of chivalry was a consequence of this; they had to safeguard the routes to Jerusalem and help pilgrims en route. Another reason why these orders are of importance is the discrepancy between their vows of abstinence and the luxurious life they harboured in reality. This is again a nice example of the problematic status of chivalry, with its conflict between ideals and reality. It is clear from Scott’s Essay on Chivalry that he approves of the high ideals of chivalry185; as such, it will be interesting to see how they are incorporated in The Talisman.
183 In this function the knight was called miles Christi, a knight of Christ. Dictionary of the Middle Ages, p.302. 184 The call for the Third Crusade was launched by Pope Gregory VIII in 1187; the main part of the Crusade itself lasted mainly from 1189 until 1192. Compare Ellis L. Knox, “The Third Crusade”.
27
PART II
ANALYSIS OF SIR WALTER SCOTT’S THE TALISMAN
28 2. A chivalric disequilibrium186
2.1. Introduction
The aim of this second chapter is to measure the level of chivalry present in each of The Talisman’s main characters. A short introduction to the causes and main events of the Third Crusade, which, as has been said in the previous chapter, provides the backdrop of Scott’s novel, will serve as a useful basis to understand its relevance in history. After that, the main focus will be on the main characters. Our first port of call will be the camp of the Crusaders, traditionally seen – at least in Western society – as very chivalric in nature. In the second part of this chapter, the figure of Saladin, seen as the embodiment of the oppressor of the Holy Land, will be the subject of thorough analysis. Scott’s contrast between both parties can then be compared to the traditional view which portrays the Crusaders as virtuous and chivalric in nature, while the representatives of the East are usually seen to be the exact opposite; this analysis will conclude this chapter. The structure of each character analysis is as follows. As a first step, Scott’s representation of the character in question will be compared to the real-life equivalent187. This can already give important clues as to what has been changed by the author, thus clarifying, partly or completely, his vision on the values that the particular character stands for in the novel. Indeed, the second step will be to look at the fictionalized representation of these characters, and to assess them in terms of chivalrous behaviour, providing textual materials to prove the point. In many cases comparisons can be made between the way in which characters describe themselves and how they are seen by the narrator and/or other characters. Two elements that have been left out are Scott’s view on religion in The Talisman and the discussion of attitudes towards women in general and courtly love in particular. These topics will be dealt with in chapters three and four respectively.
186 Contrary to the word ‘chivalrous’, which refers to polite and honourable behaviour in general, the term ‘chivalric’ is used to indicate values connected to chivalry in the medieval sense. 187 The historical account of the characters will be limited to major and relevant elements; it does not fit within the scope of this dissertation, nor is it our aim, to provide an extensive account of the lives of these characters.
29 2.2. The Third Crusade
It is not the aim of this paragraph to provide an exhaustive overview of every single participant and event of the Third Crusade. Other, specialized works can do this more adequately than would be possible here. Furthermore, the events described in The Talisman are mostly fictional. What this paragraph does aim at is to briefly discuss a number of elements that are relevant for the analysis of Scott’s novel188. The direct cause of the Third Crusade was the fall of a number of Eastern cities, Jerusalem being the most important one189. The new pope, Gregory VIII190, launched the call to liberate Jerusalem in 1187. As said earlier, the main part of the Crusade lasted from 1189 until 1192191. As in Scott’s novel, the two main leaders were Philip II, King of France, and especially Richard I, King of England. Further historical characters also making an appearance in the novel include Archduke Leopold of Austria, Conrad of Montferrat192 and Henry of Champagne – although the latter is barely mentioned in the novel. The Muslim armies were led by Saladin, the other great figure of the Third Crusade. As in The Talisman, Richard and Saladin are generally seen as the figureheads of the Third Crusade193. The Third Crusade did not achieve its goal; Jerusalem was not recaptured. However, as befitted his generosity, Saladin drew up a treaty which allowed Christian pilgrims to journey to the Holy Sepulchre. Again, this is only a very selective and summary overview presenting the major characters. Not only are the actions in The Talisman mostly fictional, the story could not have taken place in the period suggested in the novel. It is suggested that the events take place not long before the establishment of the treaty; by that time, however, Philip had long departed for France again.
188 The main source for this overview is the excellent article from The On-line Reference Book for Medieval Studies. Ellis L. Knox, “The Third Crusade”.
30
2.3. The virtuous Crusaders?
The traditional view on the concept of the Crusades, in the West at least, consists of the polarization between the Western Crusaders and the Eastern occupiers, the former fighting (usually) for the conquest and liberation of Jerusalem, thus creating a safe route for Christians to travel to the Holy Sepulchre. The view which sees the Crusaders as fighting for a noble cause and Muslims as aggressive occupiers stems from the cultural hegemony of the West over the East194. However, the distinction between both cultures is not the main concern here; instead, the focus lies on the representation and evaluation of the values characteristic of chivalry. In other words, the difference between the Crusaders and the Saracens will – at least at this point – not be discussed as a cultural phenomenon; instead it will serve to illustrate Scott’s preoccupation with showing different forms of appearance – both positive and negative – of the concept of chivalry in itself.
2.3.1. King Richard I
Although in theory the different national armies which together formed the forces of the Crusades and their respective leaders were supposed to be seen as equals, Richard I was and still is generally seen as what might be termed the most equal of the Christian leaders. This privileged position did not go down very well with the other leaders of the Crusades195. In his own days Richard was seen as a courageous and strong monarch, and to this day these characteristics still form the basis of most people’s image of Richard196. However, Richard also had his weaknesses197. These have been especially stressed from the seventeenth century onwards. Until the late Middle Ages courage and feats of arms were seen as the main criteria on which to
194 Edward Said, Orientalism, Harmondsworth: Penguin books, 1995. pp.7-9. 195 Ralph V. Turner and Richard R. Heiser, The reign of Richard Lionheart : ruler of the Angevin empire, 1189-99, London: Longman, 2000. p.130. 196 Turner, The reign of Richard Lionheart, pp.1-2. Richard’s courageous nature was the reason he received the epithet of ‘the Lion-hearted’. 197 One of Richard’s most shocking decisions was to execute almost 3,000 prisoners after the siege of Acre, because Saladin did not meet the conditions that had been agreed upon. Compare Kenneth P. Czech., “Third Crusade: Siege of Acre”.
31 found the evaluation of a monarch198. However, these values started to lose their pre-eminence in the 1600s and
[b]y the end of the nineteenth century, scholars, having become preoccupied with ‘nation-building’ and ‘administrative kingship’, had demoted Richard Lionheart to the category of bad rulers.199
Thus, in the seventeenth century, the image of a violent and uncaring Richard caused his star to fade. However, Turner and Heiser put things in perspective; in their opinion, Richard should not be condemned for the reasons we have just mentioned, for that would be an anachronism200. War was an essential and unavoidable component of the medieval monarch’s functions, “and Richard could hardly have ignored [the] threat to his continental possessions or [the] menace to the Holy Land”201. In other words, the contradicting evaluation of Richard’s fulfilling his role as a monarch stems from the discrepancy between medieval and more recent societies. One of the first character traits Scott ascribes to his fictional version of King Richard is that of courage, which, as we have seen, is in accordance with the image that is generally seen as representative of Richard. However, during a considerable amount of time the English monarch is confined to bed due to “one of those slow and wasting fevers peculiar to Asia”202. Nevertheless, he continues to be described as courageous. In itself courage is a positive value, but combined with Richard’s self-declared weakness – his ambition203 – it forms the basis for the friction and jealousy maintained by the other leaders towards Richard. However, on multiple occasions, Richard is described as a jealous person as well. The following example is a good illustration of his jealousy. Since his illness does not permit him to leave his sickbed, Richard is no longer able to participate in the meetings of the council, at which the leaders of the Crusade regularly confer. Thus, his leading role has to be temporarily taken over by someone else. Unable to reconcile himself with this idea, he vehemently declines every candidature to replace him, out of pure jealousy and
198 Turner, The reign of Richard Lionheart, p.3. 199 Turner, The reign of Richard Lionheart, p.3. 200 Turner, The reign of Richard Lionheart, p.242. 201 Turner, The reign of Richard Lionheart, pp.242-243. 202 Walter Scott, The Talisman, London: Frowde, 1905. p.89. 203 Scott, The Talisman, p.100.
32 defence of his own honour204. Richard’s obsession with honour and glory is another element that helps in depicting him as a medieval man aware of chivalric attitudes. However, this too can form the basis of conflicts, especially in those cases where Richard’s search for his own glory is at the expense of the unity of the Crusaders. This is illustrated in one of the defining actions in the novel, namely the theft of the English banner. Placed at a higher point than the banners of the other nations, it was both a showcase for Richard’s – and England’s – honour and a cause of jealousy from the point of view of the other monarchs. Indeed, when some time before the theft of the banner the Austrian Archduke places his own banner next to Richard’s, the latter pulls Austria’s banner from the ground and firmly places his foot on it205. On a number of occasions Richard expresses his wish and repeats his vow to carry on with the Crusade, condemning the other leaders who all “seek [their] own ends”206. However, despite Richard’s intentions, he too seeks his own ends, namely the augmentation of both his own honour and glory and, consequently, that of England. His will to improve England’s glory is also proof that he did care for his home country, which is also clear from the passage in which Richard receives a letter describing the situation in England and upon reading that Albion is in a state of uproar and rebellion, he is deeply touched and much saddened by this news207. However, this is again partly undercut by the addition that these “incidents [were] mortifying to his pride”208. In other words, his own reputation is still his main concern. A further passage can be seen as either defending or condemning Richard; when the hermit of Engaddi predicts that Richard will die soon, the former adds that he will be buried
without the tears of a people, exhausted by thy ceaseless wars, to lament thee, without having extended the knowledge of thy subjects, without having done aught to enlarge their happiness.209
204 Scott, The Talisman, p.97. 205 Scott, The Talisman, p.186. 206 Scott, The Talisman, p.272. 207 Scott, The Talisman, p.313. During Richard’s absence, England, then ruled by Richard’s brother Count – and later King – John, was not a very desirable place to live. Conflicts between John, Count Geoffrey Plantagenet and bishop Longchamp, deplorable living conditions for the lower classes, imposed by the nobility, and the subsequent rebellion proved a heavy burden on and severe test of England’s unity. See also Turner, The reign of Richard Lionheart, pp.110-140. 208 Scott, The Talisman, p.313. (my italics) 209 Scott, The Talisman, p.277.
33 Richard’s reply is that at least he will have died neither without renown nor without the lament of his love, Queen Berengaria210. This can indeed be seen as an indication that he is not really concerned with what his people in England would think of him; however, it is unlikely when the importance he attaches to honour and glory is taken into account. This second interpretation is also confirmed by the fact that Richard sees his reply as “lamentations”211; they (are an attempt to) make up for the possible loss of honour in England. However, Richard is not constantly described in negative terms. While he is indeed depicted as an inferior ruler in comparison to Saladin, he generally appears as a man struggling with himself and his own values. Richard’s character is shaped by a lot of conflicting values, which appear under a number of guises. The most important one concerns the general cause of the Crusade. Richard expresses his wish to remain united with the other Christian princes212, which is indeed a necessity if the Crusade is to succeed, and makes this clear to the other leaders during a remarkable speech upon his recovery. He admits his “rash errors”213 but convincingly argues that through most of his actions prior to the time span described in the novel, it was not personal glory that he wished to achieve; instead, his actions served the Crusade as a whole. An example Richard provides is that
if I have, in the hurry of march or battle, assumed a command over the soldiers of others, such have been ever treated as my own, when my wealth purchased the provision and medicines which their own sovereigns could not procure.214
In this instance Richard’s eloquence enables his being placed in a positive light by the other monarchs again. However, eloquence can in this case be perceived as the shrewd and thus negative capability to talk oneself out of awkward situations by diverting the other participants’ attention to Richard’s positive accomplishments. In the end, Richard is still after personal glory for, no matter what he says, had the Third Crusade succeeded, Richard would certainly have been remembered as its leader.
210 Scott, The Talisman, p.277. 211 Scott, The Talisman, p.277. 212 Scott, The Talisman, p.275. 213 Scott, The Talisman, p.294. 214 Scott, The Talisman, p.294-295.
34 Richard is thus condemned by his allies because of his “uncurbed haughtiness”215. On a number of occasions, however, Richard is seen to sincerely set aside his personal pride. The first instance is when Richard comes to terms with the French monarch and proffers his hand. Here Richard is described as “humble and reconciling”216. A second remarkable event occurs during the Crusader troops’ saluting of the new English banner. When Philip climbs the small mount on which Richard and the banner are situated, Richard descends a number of steps so that the two monarchs meet in the middle, thus indicating their equality217. The examples illustrating Richard’s obsession with his own honour and glory clearly outnumber the instances where he gives up his own stubbornness. He tries to keep the different parties united but only to help the Crusade succeed in its goals. If it were not for that, he would love to get rid of the French and Austrians218. He does have his good sides too; he is not evil-hearted, which clearly sets him apart from the Grand Master of the Knights Templar, for instance. On the one hand Richard is a man characterized by pride, luxury, and bloodthirstiness219, on the other – as Sir Kenneth recognizes – “when unmoved by his heady passions, [he] is liberal, generous, and truly noble”220. Despite Richard’s obvious flaws, the narrator as well still refers to him as “the good King Richard”221. He also possesses a number of refined chivalric qualities, such as his passion for music and poetry222 and the sincere love towards his wife, which was not a common sight in the Middle Ages, when most royal marriages solely served political and territorial ends. In both cases, however, these qualities fall just short of “equall[ing] his appetite for warlike fame”223. This appetite casts a shadow over Richard’s qualities; these, however, are specifically mentioned as well and aid in moderating the way in which Richard should be perceived. In terms of chivalry, the essential role of the character of Richard is to draw the boundary between the intrinsically positive characteristic of
215 Scott, The Talisman, p.87. 216 Scott, The Talisman, p.290. 217 Scott, The Talisman, p.363. 218 Scott, The Talisman, p.147. 219 Scott, The Talisman, p.280. 220 Scott, The Talisman, p.382. 221 Scott, The Talisman, p.303. 222 However, this can again be reversed by saying that his praise of the minstrel Blondel might – partly or completely – originate in the expectation that, in return, the minstrel would depict King Richard as a refined and sophisticated person. 223 Scott, The Talisman, p.396.
35 honour, and the consequences of that characteristic becoming too dominant in comparison to other essential chivalric characteristics.
2.3.2. Sir Kenneth
Towards the end of Scott’s novel, Sir Kenneth of the Couching Leopard224 is revealed to be David, Earl of Huntingdon, Prince Royal of Scotland. There was indeed a historical David, Earl of Huntingdon, who was given the earldom of Huntingdon by King Richard I225, but this historical Prince David was not a member of the Third Crusade. This leaves Scott with a lot of freedom in constructing the fictional David, or Sir Kenneth, who is David’s ‘alter ego’ until the revelation of his real identity at the very end of the novel. The novel opens with a scene describing a solitary knight on horseback, trudging through an endless desert landscape, soon to meet Saladin in disguise. Despite Richard’s fame in battle, it is Sir Kenneth who immediately sets a masterly example of skill in mounted battle, eventually defeating Sheerkohf – Saladin’s alter ego – in “a mêlée in the way of proof of valour”226. Indeed, valour and honour, important chivalric values as they are, occupy a central place in Sir Kenneth’s life as well. Contrary to Richard, Sir Kenneth does not allow these specific values to overpower other key aspects of the ideal chivalric knight’s behaviour. In fact, at one crucial point he even completely forgets his military honour; he is lured to the ladies’ tent and abandons his duty of guarding the English banner after the aforementioned action by the Archduke of Austria. The banner is stolen during his absence and together with England and Richard, the Scottish knight is dishonoured by this failure, only narrowly escaping execution for treason. This contrasts strongly with the two instances in which he is able to achieve honour, namely during the opening battle already mentioned, and during the judicial duel near the end. In all three passages, the image of the lance is of special importance, representing the value of honour. Two elements may serve to prove this point.
224 The Couching – or Couchant – Leopard’s motto is “I sleep, wake me not.” [Scott, The Talisman, p.3.] In a joking reference, Scott describes how, already during the first night of Sir Kenneth’s stay in the grotto of Engaddi, the knight is awoken by the hermit. In the ensuing event Sir Kenneth catches a glimpse of his loved Lady Edith. [Scott, The Talisman, p.74.] 225 Turner, The reign of Richard Lionheart, p.108. This is probably how Scott got the idea to include the character of David in the novel. 226 Scott, The Talisman, p.124.
36 Firstly, as we have seen, the lance was the weapon of the tournament, in which honour, for the knight himself and/or his lady, was the central motive. Secondly, the analysis of the three scenes mentioned proves this point. During the first battle, in which Sir Kenneth is described as brandishing his lance, he emerges as the victor227. The lance is also the means with which Sir Kenneth manages to restore his honour, winning the judicial duel by unhorsing Conrade of Montserrat228. While still carrying out his duty of guarding the banner, the Scottish knight is again described as being in possession of his lance229. When he is lured from his post, he does not take his weapon with him. When he returns, after the banner has been stolen, the description of the scene does not include the lance anymore230; it has disappeared together with the value it stands for – Sir Kenneth’s honour. Sir Kenneth is clearly devastated by this “breach of military discipline”231; he even sheds bitter tears and is ashamed to be found by El Hakim232 in such a “womanlike expression of sorrow”233. He would even like to change places with his dying dog, which was wounded while fulfilling his duty234. Indeed, already before the theft of the banner does he indicate that his honour is dearer to him than his life235. Later on, when Sir Kenneth returns to the camp in the disguise of Zohauk, a mute black slave, he is seen to have learnt his lesson; he is presented with a visit to Edith236, who recognizes him but, however much Sir Kenneth longs to speak with her, he remains silent and thus lives up to the honour that had at this point been granted to ‘Zohauk’ by King Richard. Apart from that capital mistake, Sir Kenneth is represented as a knight excelling in the values of chivalry. His bravery saves Richard’s life on two occasions; he is a proficient and successful warrior as well as a devoted lover and a
227 At the end of the story, Saladin once more explicitly compliments Sir Kenneth for his honourable victory. Scott, The Talisman, p.455. 228 Scott, The Talisman, p.440. 229 Scott, The Talisman, p.198. 230 Scott, The Talisman, p.219. 231 Scott, The Talisman, p.206. Although the English baron Lord de Vaux had started to believe otherwise, Sir Kenneth’s treason confirms the former’s view that Scots are “ever fair and false”. Scott, The Talisman, p.121. See also p.235. 232 El Hakim, the physician, is Saladin’s second disguise. It is in this role that he cures the ailing King Richard. 233 Scott, The Talisman, p.220. 234 Scott, The Talisman, p.222. 235 Scott, The Talisman, p.201. 236 Scott, The Talisman, pp.386-387.
37 faithful Christian237. Whereas knights usually made their rank apparent by indulging in luxury, this is not the case with Sir Kenneth. This is even more remarkable when one considers that in reality he is a prince. Another positive example of un-princely behaviour concerns Sir Kenneth’s acceptance of the death penalty for abandoning his post. In such a situation, most princes would reveal their true identity. Sir Kenneth, however, had sworn to himself to keep his rank secret until the end of the Crusade238. Thus his honour towards himself is perfectly maintained after his condemnation to death. Indeed, had he not been rescued by the disguised Saladin, he would undoubtedly have died, for we have seen Sir Kenneth will prefer honour to his own life. The revelation of his true identity – that of David, Earl of Huntingdon, Prince Royal of Scotland239 – occurs before the end of the Crusade, but only because Richard finds out who Sir Kenneth really is; as such Sir Kenneth does not go back on his promise. Throughout the story, Sir Kenneth is described as a most virtuous and chivalric person. Despite the fact that “his slender stock of money had melted away”240, he does not resort to the detestable practice of ransoming, or indeed, plainly stealing from Palestinian inhabitants. This single fact already places him above the bulk of the Crusaders, who do engage in such “ordinary modes”241. Indeed Sir Kenneth displays a “spirit of chivalry which [is] still pure from all selfish alloy – generous, [and] devoted”242. The disguise as Zohauk allows Sir Kenneth to enter the society of chivalry again, after his figurative fall. Two aspects of this are worth concentrating on. First of all, it shows that one’s loss of honour is not necessarily a definitive one. Sir Kenneth is ultimately able to regain his lost honour. It is on purpose that I do not speak of ‘loss of chivalry’ here, for the Scot’s mistake does not render him any less chivalrous in other fields. He remains loyal to Edith, despite the fact that, if she was not already from the start243, she is now completely out of his reach. Also, he remains unshaken in his Christian belief, despite El Hakim’s many efforts to
237 As announced, these topics will be discussed in the following chapters. 238 Scott, The Talisman, p.444. 239 We will see later on that Scott’s keeping the reader in the dark on the matter of Sir Kenneth’s real identity is the cause of a number of inconsistencies in the novel. 240 Scott, The Talisman, p.5. 241 Scott, The Talisman, p.5. 242 Scott, The Talisman, p.196. 243 This is at least what Scott wants us to believe; again, see the section on inconsistencies further on.
38 persuade him to become a Muslim244. Again, the fact that he does not defect from the Crusaders but instead accepts his punishment illustrates that, morally, he is still a chivalrous person. Secondly, the development from Zohauk to Sir Kenneth exemplifies how his chivalrous nature propels him from the low position of a black slave into his reawakening as a glorious knight – and, further still, a royal prince. Scott’s point concerning Sir Kenneth’s behaviour seems to emphasize the possibility of redemption. The Scottish knight is without doubt a valorous knight but does indeed fail in executing his task of guarding the banner. However, he does not abandon his chivalric outlook on life and is able to make a grand return within the ranks of chivalry. His mistake is a real eye-opener to himself and, indeed, upon his second assignment, he seems to have learnt his lesson and to have grown in the spirit of chivalry. He may even have perfected himself.
2.3.3. The Crusading princes
Whereas Sir Kenneth and – to a lesser extent – King Richard can be considered sufficiently skilled to pass the imaginary test of chivalry – in which the Scot would clearly surpass the English king – the other leaders of the Crusade ‘help’ to tip the balance in the opposite direction. Only Philip, the King of France, can be considered an exception here. He is the only leader who does not try to break the bonds between the different nations. Philip is indeed seen as a wise man, even by Richard, which is no common feat to admit if one takes into account the almost standardized medieval opposition between these two nations. On more than one occasion it is thanks to Philip and his negotiating skill that the union of the different Crusading parties is ultimately maintained. The most important example is Philip’s fruitful attempt to re-establish order between Richard and Archduke Leopold after the latter’s action of planting his banner next to England’s. When Philip arrives on the scene, both Richard and Leopold revert to a more befitting attitude in terms of chivalric behaviour; it is clear that they do not want to lose face in Philip’s presence245. Admittedly, Philip – like all other Crusaders in the novel – is not perfect. His main shortcoming is his jealousy vis-à-vis King Richard. Whenever
244 Scott, The Talisman, pp.223-224. 245 Scott, The Talisman, p.188.
39 Philip’s jealousy is described, he erects a façade to hide his true feelings. However, this can be seen as a central function of a ruler246; in the aforementioned scene in which Philip accepts Richard’s proffered hand, he downplays his own feelings as “the jealous king of France”247 in order to reunite the different camps. Significantly, when the Grand Master voices the concern that Richard’s haughtiness is certainly not favourable to the cause of the Crusade and the spirit of its participants, a “murmur of assent […] followed it [and] showed plainly that almost all who were present acquiesced in the justice of the accusation”248. Importantly, it is said that almost everyone agreed; bearing in mind Philip’s rational way of thinking, his exclusion from this group seems very likely. Indeed, despite the fact that the Crusade “was enforced upon him by the Church, and by the unanimous wish of his nobility”249 he works hard to keep the expedition together. King Philip acutely realises the importance of diplomacy, the value which can be seen to be central in fashioning his character. Leopold, the Austrian Archduke, delivers a severe blow to the unity of the Crusaders; his dishonouring of the English banner leads to the conflict between England and the other nations. Of course, tensions between the different parties already existed, but Leopold’s action causes it to surface in a violent way. However, Leopold cannot be considered an intrinsically evil person. In fact, Leopold “did not wish to breed dissension in the army of the Cross”250. Like the other leaders discussed so far, Leopold wishes the Crusade to be a success, and thus lends his full support – at least initially. However, Leopold can be seen as a flawed person in terms of chivalric behaviour for a number of reasons. A first – and by now unsurprising – character trait is Leopold’s jealousy, which partly originates in a feeling of inferiority in comparison with Philip and, especially, Richard; they are kings whereas Leopold is ‘merely’ a duke. This is the main reason he plants his banner next to that of England. This action also shows that Leopold is certainly not lacking in courage; the narrator even states that there are “no braver men than the
246 Philip is indeed depicted as “a politician rather than a warrior”. Scott, The Talisman, p.188. 247 Scott, The Talisman, p.289. 248 Scott, The Talisman, p.293. 249 Scott, The Talisman, p.188. 250 Scott, The Talisman, p.178.
40 Germans”251. However, the courage displayed by the Archduke in this instance is mainly the result of his use of alcohol, which is clearly seen to raise his spirits252. Indeed, already in the first scene with the Archduke, the cliché of Austro-German culture is confirmed; Leopold is seen enjoying a copious meal accompanied by large amounts of wine253. A further cause of the Archduke’s decision concerning the banner has to do with the fact that he is highly impressionable – in this case it is Conrade of Montserrat who manipulates the Archduke254. In each case where Leopold wants his pride to shine, he fails miserably; the planting of the banner ends up as a complete disaster255, and the stubborn refusal to accept Richard’s offer of reconciliation does not yield the desired result either256. Leopold is also the first leader to announce to the council his intention to abandon the Crusade257. Whereas Sir Kenneth’s pattern of chivalry starts at a high level, takes a deep fall, and ultimately returns to the original level, Leopold’s pattern is purely a downward curve, starting at a fairly respectable level – although clearly not on the same level as Sir Kenneth’s – but then declines due to a number of decisions conflicting with the ideals of chivalry, ultimately leading him to express his wish to leave the ‘showcase of chivalry’ that the Crusade should have been. He is not able to start anew; he keeps making mistakes. As such, the Archduke is shown to be a character displaying a lack of insight and perseverance. Conrade of Montserrat is to be found lower still on the chivalric ladder. While the initial description shows Conrade as a person possessing both qualities and deficiencies, the latter are of a more serious nature than the former: he is described as handsome as well as “sagacious in council, gay and gallant”258 yet “he was generally accused of versatility, of a narrow and selfish ambition, of a desire to extend his own principality, […] and of seeking his own interest”259. Indeed, his avarice is the main reason why he hopes the Crusade will fail, for “he desires not
251 Scott, The Talisman, p.186. 252 Scott, The Talisman, p.170. 253 Scott, The Talisman, p.170. The representation of the different cultures will be the subject of closer inspection in Chapter 5. 254 Scott, The Talisman, pp.171-179. 255 Scott, The Talisman, pp.186-187. 256 Scott, The Talisman, p.292. 257 Scott, The Talisman, p.376. 258 Scott, The Talisman, p.148. 259 Scott, The Talisman, pp.148-149.
41 the restitution of Jerusalem, but rather prefers being master of a portion of its fragments”260. However, while Conrade is indeed “proud, ambitious, [and] unscrupulous”261, he is “not cruel by nature”262. Furthermore, he is also represented as a God-fearing person; the resounding of the cry throughout the camp to “[r]emember the Holy Sepulchre”263 really startles him, and makes him uncertain about the plan to sow discord in the Crusaders’ camp. This doubt still lends him an air of humanity. Before the judicial duel Conrade is seen to have a bleak outlook on his chances, and when he takes the oath before mounting he knows he is committing “impious mockery”264. After losing the duel he confesses that he was the one responsible for the theft of the banner and again asks for a confessor265. Conrade is indeed not a cruel person; instead, he exhibits a general weakness. Nevertheless, his honesty in the end and his will to co-operate leave room for possible redemption. In marked contrast to his cowardly theft of the banner, which happened at night, Conrade even exhibits a glimmer of courage; he is willing to reveal the dark plots that threaten the Crusade despite the fact that, in doing so, it might endanger his own life. Redemption is certainly no option for Giles Amaury, Grand Master of the Knights Templar. Contrary to all the other leaders of the Crusade he does not possess a single humane, let alone chivalric, value. This is also reflected in his physical appearance; he is depicted as a “tall, thin and war-worn man”266. His questionable behaviour, which is certainly at odds with the values Christianity stands for, will be further discussed in chapter three; here the focus will be on his chivalric qualities – or indeed, the lack thereof. We have seen that Leopold’s decision to plant his own banner next to England’s was not entirely his own decision – Conrade’s influence played a crucial role. Arguably Conrade finds himself in the same situation. It is the Grand Master who convinces Conrade to carry on with the plan. The Grand Masters’s memorable words with which he manages to eliminate Conrade’s doubts and win him over are the following: “Yet
260 Scott, The Talisman, pp.159-160. 261 Scott, The Talisman, p.166. 262 Scott, The Talisman, p.166. 263 Scott, The Talisman, p.166. 264 Scott, The Talisman, p.438. 265 Scott, The Talisman, p.440. 266 Scott, The Talisman, p.148.
42 and but […] are words for fools: wise men neither hesitate nor retract – they resolve and they execute.”267 The plan itself is of the most cowardly level imaginable: the Grand Master’s intention is to let a prisoner escape, allow him to kill his own page – the Grand Master wanted to get rid of him anyway – and let him assassinate the king. This clearly illustrates the moral difference between Conrade and the Grand Master; the plan of the former is innocent in the sense that no one is to be physically harmed, whereas the Grand Master’s plan comes down to regicide. In comparison to the Grand Master, Conrade is almost a saint. The scene of the judicial duel forms the climax of the Grand Master’s dreadful behaviour. He chases away the hermit of Engaddi while he is taking Conrade’s confession and sends the latter to battle in the hope that he will meet his end there, so that he will never be able to reveal the Grand Master’s sinister plans. This is also his motive for eventually killing the wounded Conrade. Like his plan to kill Richard, this final deed is steeped in cowardice and secrecy. The Templar’s own death at the hands of Saladin later on marks the end of this character who was the living embodiment of all negative values connected to the ideal of chivalry. Indeed, the Grand Master is chivalry’s complete antagonist. Although not a leader of a Crusading party, one final character deserves some more attention, namely the English baron Lord de Vaux. His central virtue is without any doubt his prowess268. Throughout the novel Lord de Vaux is described as a capable knight and a good man, who does in fact nothing wrong but does not display any other good qualities either. He is certainly no courtier and is not very refined; the English baron is well aware of this, hence his exclamation that “[he] can neither use many words, nor [does he] delight in listening to them”269. He would, however, do anything for his lord, including offering his own life if it could save Richard’s. This is apparent from his concern and distrust vis-à-vis the figure of El Hakim, especially since they are in “a land where the art of poisoning is as general as that of cooking”270. His bluntness also shines through in the aforementioned quotation regarding the false nature of Scots. However, the character of Sir Kenneth somewhat changes his ideas on this matter. Indeed, when
267 Scott, The Talisman, p.299. 268 Scott, The Talisman, p.91. 269 Scott, The Talisman, p.152. 270 Scott, The Talisman, p.111.
43 Sir Kenneth is sentenced to death, Lord de Vaux exhausts all – indirect – means to convince the Scot to ask Richard for mercy. De Vaux is genuinely convinced that Sir Kenneth is neither a coward nor a traitor271. His lack of refinement is also clear from his reaction to the presence of the apparently famous minstrel Blondel – although he does manage to produce a well-conceived witty remark at this point272. Lord de Vaux is a good man and a representative of chivalry, but only in the military sense273; the other, more refined associations are clearly lacking.
2.4. The noble Saladin
Whereas no Crusader is depicted as displaying perfectly chivalric behaviour, it is difficult to find any flaw in the character of Saladin. Indeed Saladin is portrayed as being superior to King Richard. Already his physical appearance suggests that he is of a different stature – both literally and figuratively – when compared to the Crusaders; he is thin and slender274, whereas most Crusaders are of the huge and bulky type275. However, whereas Saladin’s military tactics and insight are very proficient – exemplified by the way in which he is able to outwit the evil and hostile Templars patrolling the desert276 – he is nevertheless somewhat less skilled when it comes to fighting on horseback: in his initial encounter with Sir Kenneth, Saladin is rather easily defeated277. He is also seen to tell a lie on two occasions, but this cannot be considered ‘un-chivalric’ behaviour; in both cases he lies about his skills as a physician, claiming he “can but use human means”278. This is in fact a wise statement rather than one which should be condemned, for the Grand Master is present as well. It would indeed be foolish to explain the true nature of his healing skills, which lies in the talisman mentioned in the novel’s title, in the presence of a man as dangerous and unscrupulous as the Grand Master.
271 Scott, The Talisman, p.241. 272 Scott, The Talisman, p.393. 273 This includes his faithfulness to King Richard. 274 Scott, The Talisman, p.19. 275 See, for instance, the descriptions of Sir Kenneth, King Richard, Lord de Vaux, the Archbishop of Tyre, and the Grand Master of the Knights Templar. Scott, The Talisman, pp.17-18, p.419, p.92, p.129, and p.148 respectively. 276 Scott, The Talisman, p.341. 277 Scott, The Talisman, pp.8-9. 278 Scott, The Talisman, p.151.
44 Indeed, through all the virtues he displays, the figure of Saladin himself is the reason why the East is presented as superior to the Europeans. Again, this will be discussed later on, for at present Saladin’s chivalric behaviour is our main concern. Apart from the extremely prejudiced Grand Master, whose disgust with Muslims does not allow him to see any good in the character of Saladin, the Crusading princes describe Saladin, in all three guises, in laudatory terms, except for his – at least in the eyes of the Crusaders – regrettable choice of religion, which cannot but make him the enemy of the Crusade. Thus Saladin is seen as “a generous and valiant enemy”279 and even, in King Richard’s words, as “an example to them who account themselves the flower of knighthood”280. Saladin’s most remarkable and admirable quality is his apparently inexhaustible generosity. This is especially apparent in his guise as the physician El Hakim. His actions are remarkable for two reasons; first of all, he ventures into the enemy’s camp and, although disguised, he remains the leader of the Saracens, and as such puts this vital function at stake. Secondly, he does not enter the camp to wreak havoc amongst his enemies; instead, he saves two lives, namely that of Sir Kenneth’s servant281 and, crucially, King Richard’s282. Any other enemy would no doubt seize such an opportunity to put and end to the life of so powerful an enemy, whereas Saladin actually puts an end to his enemy’s illness283. At first sight it may seem simple to provide a cure for the illness; the magical talisman does all the work. Upon closer inspection, however, it becomes clear that things are not so simple; as explained on the very last page of the novel, the transferral of the talisman to other persons causes a decline of the talisman’s powers284. In other words, the talisman derives its power from the person who uses it, and the fact that the talisman never produced any cure as powerful as when Saladin applied it285, is
279 Scott, The Talisman, p.109. 280 Scott, The Talisman, p.180. 281 Scott, The Talisman, pp.132-134. 282 El Hakim remarks that curing a king does not differ in any way from curing a beggar. Scott, The Talisman, p.134. 283 This generosity apparently characterized the historical Saladin as well; during one battle, “[w]hen Richard’s horse was killed out from under him, Saladin sent two to replace it, saying that it was not fit for so gallant a foe not to have a mount”. Knox, “The Third Crusade”. 284 Scott, The Talisman, p.458. 285 Scott, The Talisman, p.458.
45 an indication of the extreme virtuousness of the Saracen286. Saladin’s curing of Richard can be contrasted to the Grand Master’s attempt to kill the English king. This contrast is reflected in the eyes of both characters; Saladin’s “[gleam] with unusual lustre”287 whereas the Grand Master has a “slow yet penetrating eye, and a brow on which a thousand dark intrigues had stamped a portion of their obscurity”288. Not only does Saladin restore the health of both Sir Kenneth’s servant and the King of England, he also does everything that is in his power in order to rescue Sir Kenneth from certain death after his failure to guard the banner – and succeeds, after an elaborate appeal to Richard289. What is more, El Hakim – or Saladin – even aids Sir Kenneth in regaining his lost honour by disguising the latter as the slave Zohauk. In this disguise Sir Kenneth can appear before King Richard again and – after the judicial duel – ultimately succeeds in recovering his lost valour. Whereas the Grand Master violates numerous laws in executing his evil plans, Saladin bends the law in order to achieve virtuous results, like saving Sir Kenneth from being executed. Saladin is also a very considerate host. This becomes clear for the first time when the dishonoured Sir Kenneth290, after a day’s travelling in the company of the disguised Saladin and his troop, wakes up after a refreshing night and finds himself in the most luxurious surroundings imaginable291. This is especially remarkable when one considers that at this point Sir Kenneth is technically a slave – although he is never treated as one by Saladin. Indeed, the contrast between this situation and his living conditions in the Crusader camp, where he was very poorly lodged, is striking. The treatment Sir Kenneth receives from Saladin also serves a potential religious conversion, as will become clear in the next chapter. The reception of the small troop of Crusaders before the judicial duel is another scene confirming Saladin’s reputation as a generous host292. The sheer richness of the banquet offered
286 This also explains why the talisman would lose its powers if Saladin “exchange[d] its virtues either for gold or diamonds.” Scott, The Talisman, p.180. 287 Scott, The Talisman, p.115. 288 Scott, The Talisman, p.148. 289 Scott, The Talisman, p.269. 290 He must still be called ‘Sir’ for Richard’s judgement states that the Scottish knight may “die undegraded”. Scott, The Talisman, p.240. 291 Scott, The Talisman, pp.347-348. 292 Scott, The Talisman, pp.415-426.
46 to the Crusaders once again illustrates Saladin’s sincere hospitality. Saladin also insists on presenting Conrade of Montserrat and his troop with an equally splendid welcoming, not out of sympathy, obviously, but for the augmentation of his good name293. The fact that wine is served again demonstrates Saladin’s concern about the well-being of his guests; Muslims are not allowed to drink wine, but that does not stop Saladin from offering it to his Christian guests294. The reason why Saladin eventually kills the Grand Master is, surprisingly as it may seem, exactly this same care about his good name as a host295. Worryingly, “the marks of the slaughter [were] concealed with such ready dexterity as showed that the case was not […] uncommon”296. Saladin’s behaviour can thus only be described as exuding chivalry to the highest degree. He is described as a noble, wise, refined, and exceptionally virtuous person, which is far more than can be said of any Crusader.
2.5. A lack of unity, the undoing of the Crusaders
The Crusaders’ multitude of characters, each one of them with their own ideas, stands in total contrast to the absence of any form of such plurality on the part of the Saracens. One or two small – though not unimportant, as will become clear later on – exceptions aside, the only Saracen who receives a voice is Saladin himself; consequently, he is charged with representing the whole Eastern culture on his own. This decision by Scott can be assumed to stem from the fact that one of the historical Saladin’s great achievements was the unification of the Eastern tribes297. This renders Scott’s decision an understandable one. On the other hand, simplifications like the one presented here inherently neglect the cultural diversity which continues to exist; the unification of the different tribes did not eradicate cultural diversity. However, this distinction between plurality and unity – or
293 Scott, The Talisman, p.424. 294 Scott, The Talisman, p.424. 295 Using a clever ploy the Grand Master is revealed as the murderer of Conrade, and seconds before the cup from which Saladin has just drunk reaches the Templar’s lips, the latter is decapitated by Saladin. Had he allowed the Grand Master to drink from that same cup, the bond between host and guest would have prevented Saladin from harming the Grand Master. Scott, The Talisman, pp.454- 455. 296 Scott, The Talisman, p.455. 297 Paul Crawford, “Crusades. Crusades and Counter-Crusades”.
47 singularity – does fulfil a useful function when it comes to the comparison of chivalry on a larger scale than the personal sphere, to which our analysis has so far been restricted. Whereas plurality or diversity can seriously enrich societies on the cultural level, this is – according to Scott at least – not the case in the realm of chivalry. The rules of chivalry were, as we have seen in the preceding chapter, well- defined and had as one of their main aims the stability as well as the refinement and sophistication of (the top levels of) society. A determining aspect of almost every single branch of chivalry, during banquets as well as on the battlefield, was the importance of courteous behaviour towards others. In this field the Saracens can be seen as clearly superior. The argument298 that the difference between the Crusaders’ plurality – read: discord – and the Saracens’ unity stems from the difference in terms of government between the East and the West, between the united Muslim world under Saladin’s rule and Europe’s many different nations299, each with their own interests, can in my opinion be dismissed; originally, the East was as much of a patchwork of different ethnic groups as Europe. However, contrary to the different European nations involved in the Crusade, the different Eastern tribes were able to set aside their personal interests and to unite themselves under Saladin’s banner; this fact can be seen as the reason why Saladin is the only Saracen300 with a fully developed personality. The failure of the Western nations to unite under one banner, in this case Richard’s, is the central reason for the failure of the Crusade as a whole. In the novel the different leaders are seen to be continuously rowing and plotting conspiracies rather than taking concrete actions concerning the further developments of the expedition. Despite the fact that they all are wearing the cross301, they are as far from being united as they are from home. Instead of forming a unity with King Richard, the other leaders incessantly unite against the English monarch302. And instead of condemning Archduke Leopold’s action of planting his banner next to England’s, the other leaders actually
298 See the conversation about state structure between Conrade of Montserrat and the Grand Master of the Knights Templar. Scott, The Talisman, p.159. 299 Scott, The Talisman, pp.159-162. This was even more the case in medieval Europe, with its many counties, marquisates, kingdoms, and so on. 300 Two small exceptions will be discussed later on. 301 Scott, The Talisman, p.108. A red cross was stitched onto the capes of the participants of a Crusade. 302 Scott, The Talisman, p.170.
48 applaud him for accomplishing something about which they could only dream303. The Crusade is referred to as an “undertaking wholly irrational”304 and this is reflected in the minds of the leaders –they lack the capabilities and the will to reason rationally, i.e. to take decisions with the eventual goal of the Crusade in mind, rather than their self-importance. It is true that the failure to come to a powerful union is hindered to a large extent by evil intentions, especially by the Grand Master. On the other hand, the actions of the latter can also be seen as originating in an earlier failure to have the different parties come together. On a number of occasions a temporal fusion seems to take place. This is for instance the case when the hermit of Engaddi is preaching to an assembled troop of Crusaders from all the different nations305. Significantly, there are no leaders present to express antagonising feelings. This is one of the very few examples of a genuine, heart-felt unification. On most occasions, however, it is only appearance. After the aforementioned speech by Richard, his glowing enthusiasm affects first the other leaders and then spreads to the whole camp306. However, this feeling “soon faded in the bosom of most and never had an existence in that of others”307. After Conrade of Montserrat fails to achieve the result he had expected after the Archduke of Austria’s act of planting the Austrian banner next to England’s, Conrade is blamed by the Grand Master for having merely “unloosed the bonds”308 between the different nations, adding that they “may again be fastened”309. However, apart from the temporary success after Richard’s speech, the bonds do remain unloosed. When Richard dishonours Austria’s banner by placing his foot on it, he is attacked by an earl but – after Sir Kenneth has deflected the attack with his shield310 – the King, in an incredible demonstration of his powers hurls away the attacker311. At this point, peace returns to the camp, but only because of fear for King Richard, and fear is never a good counsellor. Internalized, the strife continues to exist. As is often the case, the good things, in this case the fragile union, are soon
303 Scott, The Talisman, p.185. 304 Scott, The Talisman, p.189. 305 Scott, The Talisman, p.282. 306 Scott, The Talisman, p.296. 307 Scott, The Talisman, p.297. 308 Scott, The Talisman, p.194. 309 Scott, The Talisman, p.194. 310 Scott, The Talisman, p.186. 311 Scott, The Talisman, p.187.
49 lost, whereas the incidents with the banner and the accusation of Conrade continue to linger on in everybody’s mind312. Worse still, the appeal to Saladin to find a location to organize the judicial duel indeed reveals “to [the] enemy the unhappy spirit of discord which we [i.e. the Crusaders] would willingly hide from even ourselves, were it possible”313. Whereas the Crusaders form an incoherent mix of dissimilar interests and values, the Saracens are presented as a perfect amalgam with one main interest. Thus, the Crusaders’ many nationalities and leaders stand in marked contrast to Saladin, the single leader of the united Muslim tribes. However, two other persons are singled out from the Eastern unity. The first is Hassan, “story-teller and poet by profession”314. His function in the story is merely to reinforce the opinion that Saladin is a refined person, who, like his Western counterpart Richard, appreciates the fine arts. The second character, El Hadgi, is more problematic. In Saladin’s camp he behaves perfectly, and he is seen to be abstemious from wine. However, during his earlier visit to the Christian camp he is seen to be drinking wine, thus neglecting the Islamic prohibition on this matter315. El Hadgi’s function is not easy to define; however, there are a couple of probable explanations regarding his behaviour. First of all, El Hadgi could serve to indicate that complete perfection can never be reached; the apparent perfection of the Saracens is undone by this – admittedly minor – shortcoming. Of course, this does not alter the fact that, in terms of chivalry, the Saracens are seen to be far superior to the Crusaders. Alternatively, El Hadgi may also remind us of the fact that virtuous behaviour requires constant effort as well as a strong character if one is not to stray from the ideals one wishes to live up to.
2.6. Conclusion
The conclusion of our investigation into the nature and guises of chivalry in The Talisman is in fact a straightforward one. Whereas the Saracens, notwithstanding the character of El Hadgi, exhibit the concept of chivalry to the utmost perfection,
312 Scott, The Talisman, p.194 and p.369. 313 Scott, The Talisman, p.374. The Crusaders are of course unaware of the fact that at this point Saladin is already aware of this discord having entered the Crusader camp in the disguise of El Hakim. 314 Scott, The Talisman, p.335. 315 Scott, The Talisman, p.408.
50 this cannot be said about the Crusaders. The individual members are shown to possess chivalric qualities of a varying level. Richard and especially Sir Kenneth undeniably display chivalric qualities of a reasonably high level. However, they also have a number of lesser and greater flaws, which make them pale before Saladin. Considering that they are the most chivalric members among the Crusaders, it is self-evident that, from a chivalric point of view, the other Crusaders are even less of a match for Saladin than Richard and Sir Kenneth. On the level of the community the Saracens easily outshine the Crusaders as well. To a certain extent chivalry was indeed individualistic, but its aim to provide prescriptions for an orderly society indicates that consideration for others was a necessary component of chivalry as well. It is in this field that, in always being preoccupied with their personal and national interests rather than with the common goal, the Crusaders fail miserably. By uniting themselves behind the figure of Saladin, the different Eastern tribes give up all internal discord in favour of the common cause, which is to stop the advancing Crusaders and defeat them. In the absence of such unity, the Crusaders are indeed handicapped, more so than by their limitation in numbers, and military victory is bound to remain elusive.
51 3. Chivalry and the role of religion
3.1. Introduction
In our overview of the concept of chivalry, the impact of religion was the second pillar. The aim of this chapter, therefore, is to analyze the role of religion and the degree to which it influences the chivalric behaviour of the various characters. This is particularly interesting when one takes the background of the novel’s events into consideration; the motivation of the Crusade is mainly religious in origin316, the goal in this case being the liberation of the Holy Sepulchre as well as the well-being of pilgrims en route to Jerusalem. Although the main focus will be on the way in which religion affects the spirit of chivalry, an additional paragraph has to be devoted to the comparison between Christians and Muslims, this time not as different views on the religious influence on chivalry, but as distinctive religions. The article on The Talisman from the Walter Scott Digital Archive stresses the novel’s importance as “the first novel is [sic] English to portray Muslims in a positive light”317.
3.2. The chivalric perspective
As said before, this paragraph will concentrate on the connection between religion and the concept of chivalry, in the sense of an opposition between different gradations of chivalric behaviour in terms of religion. In order to maintain a clear overview, the same structure as in the previous chapter will be applied, concentrating on the Crusaders first and then comparing the results to the Saracen attitudes.
316 In theory the extensive military force serves only to achieve the religious goals; in reality, of course, military power was often abused by directing it against innocent civilians and by pillaging entire villages and cities in the process. Compare: Scott, The Talisman, p.5. 317 Paul Barnaby, “The Talisman (Tales of the Crusaders)”, 27/04/2007, Walter Scott Digital Archive.
52 3.2.1. The Crusaders
3.2.1.1. The laymen All the major leaders from the Crusader camp are Christians, which is unsurprising, considering the religious motive of the expedition318. Here we will analyze the most important examples. Already on the first pages, Sir Kenneth is described as a religious man with “devout thoughts as his best companion”319. Inside the chapel at Engaddi, he is allowed to witness what is apparently a fragment of the cross on which Christ died320. Sir Kenneth behaves in a very reverential way and the fact that he is allowed to witness so important a relic is necessarily proof of his being a good Christian. Just like in the previous chapter, however, Sir Kenneth is not entirely perfect, although it has to be said that his flaws are scarce and minor in nature. As we have seen, Conrade of Montserrat is in se a religious person as well, only do his actions not always apply the ideals of his religion to his own life. He realizes that he is involved in the plan to kill Richard, and, admittedly, he is aware of the fact that this is a particularly heinous crime; however, he does not abandon the plan, despite the fact that he is clearly remembered of the gravity of the deed321. Furthermore, at one particular moment he is seen to make an utterance that is not just un-Christian in nature but even anti-Christian; displeased with the – temporary – revival of the chivalric spirit after King Richard’s speech to the assembled council and outraged by the – incorrect – prospect of the marriage of Richard’s kinswoman Edith to Saladin he swears “by Mahound and Termagaunt, for Christian oaths are out of fasion”322. Only once more do we see him occupied with matters of a religious nature, namely before the final judicial duel, at which point he realizes that he will lose the battle, since the “trial by combat is an appeal to the justice of
318 Of course, the expansion of national honour as well as the hope of enrichment sometimes played a role as well in the Crusades. The latter perspective often attracted many a knight who hoped to return a rich man. However, as we have seen, chances of achieving this were small. To other, adventurous knights, the main attraction consisted of the grand scale of these expeditions. 319 Scott, The Talisman, p.5. 320 Scott, The Talisman, pp.68-69. 321 As we have seen, he believes the cry “Remember the Holy Sepulchre” to be a bad omen, and he even realizes he “[has] raised the devil with a vengeance”. Scott, The Talisman, p.166. 322 Scott, The Talisman, p.297.
53 God”323, and bearing his guilt in mind, Conrade realizes he cannot possibly emerge victorious. A final interesting character with a remarkable vision on the relation between religion and chivalry324, is Edith. She is what might be termed a ‘stubborn Christian’ in the sense that she refuses to see any virtues in anyone who is not a Christian. Sir Kenneth is not shaken in his belief either, but his close contact with Saladin in his different disguises opens his eyes to the fact that a one-sided – in this case negative – view does not produce an accurate image of Saladin’s religion. In Edith’s opinion, however, anything which or anyone who is not Christian is not good, period. This can clearly be seen during her audience with Zohauk, Sir Kenneth’s alter ego as a Nubian slave. The thing she most regrets about Sir Kenneth’s disguise as Zohauk is the loss of his religion, and the fact that he is no longer a Christian knight325. When Sir Kenneth fails to reply – since he is not allowed to fall out of his role as a mute slave, he has no other choice – she realizes that she cannot treat him like a Christian anymore and, disgusted, leaves the scene326. The imperfection of the relationship between religion and chivalry can also be found in minute details. King Richard’s mentioning that “the German boar [i.e. Leopold] breakfasts ere he hears mass”327 should not be dismissed as a trivial anecdote; it shows a genuine religious disrespect in the sense that the Archduke’s primary concern is the earthly and bodily satisfaction that results from having breakfast instead of the spiritual satisfaction which Holy Mass is supposed to bring about328.
3.2.1.2. The clergy A minor but interesting character is the Archbishop of Tyre. While he is described as a “sagacious and reverend prelate”329, he is also described to represent “that
323 Scott, The Talisman, p.429. 324 Notwithstanding, ‘chivalric behaviour’ was usually not a character ascribed to women. 325 Scott, The Talisman, p.388. Despite Sir Kenneth’s disguise, Edith immediately recognizes him. 326 Scott, The Talisman, p.388. 327 Scott, The Talisman, p.271. 328 The term ‘breakfast’ originally refers to the fact that only after attending Holy Mass early in the morning was the ‘fast’ to be ‘broken’. Kooper, Middle English. 329 Scott, The Talisman, p.283.
54 acuteness of intelligence which distinguishes the Roman Catholic clergy”330. Furthermore, when he is requested to witness the effectiveness of El Hakim’s healing powers, he reluctantly enters Sir Kenneth’s “wretched hut”331 and when the recovered squire asks to be blessed, the Archbishop grants his request, but without approaching him. The Archbishop obviously does not want to risk his own physical well-being by approaching the squire and providing him with spiritual well- being332. The most interesting cleric is without doubt the hermit of Engaddi. He is certainly not perfect either; a long time before he became the hermit of Engaddi he dishonoured a nun who consequently committed suicide. However, he is certainly not a bad character throughout. Although he does attack the disguised Saladin when he approaches the hermit’s grotto with Sir Kenneth, he is nevertheless seen to be hospitable, allowing Saladin to spend the night in his dwelling. Being a penitent hermit, his grotto is obviously far less splendid and comfortable than Saladin’s camp at the end of the novel. He is regarded as a wise man and even enjoys Saladin’s protection, the latter having decreed that no one is allowed to harm the hermit333. He is also the confessor of both Sir Kenneth334 and Conrade of Montserrat before the trial by combat. When he is interrupted in the latter occasion by the Grand Master, the hermit condemns the Templar for his evil influence on Conrade. However, the hermit is not a perfect Christian either, as his past makes clear335. This is the reason why he often uses the penitential device in his house336. When Sir Kenneth and Saladin are in the hermit’s grotto, the latter reads in the stars that someone who is in his presence at that moment will become a powerful Christian ally of King Richard337. Obviously everyone believes the prophecy is about Saladin, but it turns out to be about Sir Kenneth, in reality Prince David, who,
330 Scott, The Talisman, p.127. 331 Scott, The Talisman, p.129. 332 Scott, The Talisman, p.133. 333 Scott, The Talisman, p.59. 334 This is the second time the hermit functions as Sir Kenneth’s confessor, the first time being prior to Sir Kenneth’s planned execution. Scott, The Talisman, pp.259-260. 335 The hermit used to be a noble knight, Alberick Mortemar, whose love was sent to a convent. Alberick became a cleric in that same convent and eventually dishonoured the lady, who committed suicide afterwards. She is buried in the hermit’s dwelling place in Engaddi. Scott, The Talisman, pp.278-279. 336 See for instance: Scott, The Talisman, p.86. 337 Scott, The Talisman, p.447.
55 by marrying Edith, Richard’s kinswoman, indeed reconciles Richard with a mighty foe, namely the Scots338. This plotline, involving the Hermit’s use of astrology, is another example of the hermit’s imperfect religious behaviour. Astrology, the aim of which is to acquire knowledge about the future, was seriously frowned upon by the Church. The doctrine of the Church states that only God himself possesses the power to know the future, and humans do not339. Consequently, the hermit’s prediction was meant to fail from the start, as a sort of punishment for the use of a heathen practice.
3.2.1.3. The Grand Master of the Templars340 The Talisman contains many descriptions which put the Templars in an unfavourable light341 and the Grand Master himself seems to come straight out of hell. Drawing up the list containing the Grand Master’s crimes and traitorous behaviour would in itself suffice to conclude that he clearly does not live like a virtuous Christian. In many instances he is completely at odds with the values he is supposed to be representing. King Richard describes him as “a worse Pagan than [Saladin] – an idolater – a devil-worshipper – a necromancer – who practices crimes the most dark and unnatural”342. The Grand Master’s un-Christian behaviour is not only apparent from his physical crimes but also from a number of remarkable utterances during religiously inspired events. At the end of a speech later on, everyone says “amen” in reply, except for the Grand Master343. Not only is he dishonourable by not pronouncing the word, on top of that he uses this moment to talk to Conrade about the despicable conspiracy against the Crusade, itself a religious undertaking. The Grand Master is thus seen to be acting against Christendom. With the addition of the murder of Conrade, the Grand Master’s portrait is anything but commendable.
338 Scott, The Talisman, p.448. 339 Kooper, Middle English. 340 As we have seen in Chapter 1, the Templars, just like the other military orders, originally served the Church by protecting pilgrims to Jerusalem and by providing them with a place to stay at night. However, the orders’ increasing power and wealth meant that they were strong enough to act as independent institutions, owing obedience neither to the Church nor to secular rulers. For this reason, the discussion of the Grand Master of the Templars has been added as a separate paragraph, fitting into neither of the previous paragraphs. 341 See for instance Scott, The Talisman, p.284, pp.340-341, and p.364. 342 Scott, The Talisman, p.99. 343 Scott, The Talisman, p.375.
56 3.2.2. Saladin
Saladin is presented as a true believer. During the return to his camp Saladin and his followers interrupt their journey to go to prayer344. Even Sir Kenneth “could not help respecting the sincerity of their […] zeal and [he was] stimulated by their fervour to apply supplications to Heaven”345. Moreover, not only does Saladin behave in the way a Muslim should, he also perfectly executes most of the Seven Works of Mercy346, which are originally Christian ideals. After a long day’s travel with Sir Kenneth as his ‘slave’, Saladin provides Sir Kenneth with food and drink, provides him with clothes, and comes to visit him347 – at this point Sir Kenneth is indeed as a prisoner. He is also seen to be genuinely hospitable, as his reception of the Crusaders demonstrates. Also, he not only visits the sick but even cures Sir Kenneth’s squire348 and King Richard349. The fact that he is not seen to bury the dead can be explained by the lack of dead people; the Grand Master is only described to be taken away350 and it is not clear what will happen to his body. Next to the Seven Corporal Works he also exercises most of the Seven Spiritual Works. He tries to convert Sir Kenneth351, who is ignorant from Saladin’s point of view. His counsel to Sir Kenneth even allows the latter to completely regain his lost honour. When Sir Kenneth casts a melancholy view on the Crusader camp after being forced to leave it, Saladin immediately comforts him352. He forgives his enemy, and, as has been said before, even signs a treaty that allows Christian pilgrims to travel to Jerusalem in safety. The Grand Master’s death illustrates that
344 Scott, The Talisman, pp.337-338. 345 Scott, The Talisman, p.338. This quotation has been stripped of all the terms carrying a connotation of Saladin’s religion, since this will be the subject of the next paragraph. The original meaning has been retained, though. 346 There are two lists, namely the Seven Corporal Works of Mercy and the Seven Spiritual Works of Mercy. The Corporal Works, written down in the Bible, are to (1) feed the hungry, (2) give drink to the thirsty, (3) welcome the stranger, (4) clothe the naked, (5) visit the sick, (6) visit the prisoner, and (7) bury the dead. The Spiritual Works are to (1) teach the ignorant, (2) counsel the needy, (3) chastise the sinful, (4) comfort the sorrowful, (5) forgive enemies, (6) suffer tribulation, and (7) to pray for all fervently. “Seven Deadly Sins and Seven Corporal Works of Mercy”, 20/12/2001, University of Leeds.
57 he chastises the sinful. At no point does he appear to truly be the victim of tribulation; consequently, he cannot suffer it. Finally, his praying is seen not only in the aforementioned situation during his journey, he is also reported to pray for the restoration of Richard’s health353. Paradoxically, while the prophecy leads everyone to believe that Saladin will eventually become a Christian, he already possesses more Christian virtues than any Crusader. However, Saladin remains a convinced and devoted Muslim.
3.3. Light and Dark
So far we have been concerned with the extent to which the different characters practise their religion. However, this is not the only quality that sets apart the Crusaders and the Saracens; they also adhere to different religions. It has already been remarked that Scott puts Muslims in a favourable light Recurring throughout the novel is what I consider to be an interesting contrast which refers to the difference between Christians and Muslims in terms of light and dark. Obviously, every character believes his proper religion to be the true light and the other’s to be in the dark. When the hermit wakes Sir Kenneth at night, the former says that “[Saladin] sleeps in darkness”354. An example which nicely illustrates the different perception of light and dark is El Hakim’s advice to Sir Kenneth to “[o]pen thine eyes to the light” – for Sir Kenneth Christianity is “the light”. On another occasion El Hakim calls Christianity a “blinded superstition”355. Clothes also play an important role in this respect; in his description of clothes, the narrator implicitly makes clear which religion he truly believes to be the most virtuous one. Thus, when the Crusaders get to see Saladin in his real guise for the first time, he is completely dressed in white356, i.e. representing light. A Christian example can be found in the vigil at the chapel of Engaddi; the women who “were not yet bound […] by [Christian] vows”357 are wearing white veils – representing light – whereas the “professed nuns”358 are seen to be wearing black veils –
353 At this point El Hakim still has to arrive on the scene. 354 Scott, The Talisman, p.66. 355 Scott, The Talisman, p.116. [my italics] 356 Scott, The Talisman, p.416. 357 Scott, The Talisman, p.71. 358 Scott, The Talisman, p.71.
58 representing darkness. Significantly, all of these Christian women are veiled, thus keeping the light out359. The contrast of light and dark is also used to refer to intra- religious differences. Thus, the Grand Master’s men are referred to as “the dark Templars”360; their evilness can even be measured from the fact that their skin has turned dark. The hermit compares the Grand Master to “iron stanchions, which neither receive light themselves nor communicate it to anyone”361; this contrasts with his self-representation as a “latticed window, [through which] the divine light passes to avail others”362. However, the hermit also considers himself to be “the blind man who holds a torch to others, though it yields no light to himself”363. The fact that the outcome of the hermit’s prophecy does not correspond to the hermit’s interpretation thereof evokes Saladin’s implicitly condemning reaction that astrology is a “[s]trange and mysterious science, which […] darkens the place which it pretends to illuminate”364. Finally, El Hakim’s positive and tolerant assertion that “[t]he sun of Allah […] shines on the Nazarene as well as on the true believer”365 contrasts strongly with the Grand Master’s subsequent intolerant address of El Hakim as a “slave of darkness”366.
359 Of course, the colours of this type of clothing first and foremost serve to indicate a ritualistic function. 360 Scott, The Talisman, p.363. 361 Scott, The Talisman, p.435. 362 Scott, The Talisman, p.435. 363 Scott, The Talisman, p.275. 364 Scott, The Talisman, p.449. 365 Scott, The Talisman, p.150. 366 Scott, The Talisman, p.150.
59 4. The female fortress
4.1. Introduction
In this chapter, the women in The Talisman finally come to the fore. First of all, we will have a closer look at Scott’s representation of the typically medieval phenomenon of courtly love. The two other paragraphs will then deal with aspects that are closely linked to the concept of the Crusade. Although the Crusades were indeed an overtly male affair, Scott does include a number of women in his novel and inquires extensively into the way in which they experienced the Crusades. Finally, the cultural opposition between the Western Crusaders and the Eastern Saracens provides an interesting insight into the different views on women and their roles.
4.2. Edith and courtly love
The process of courtly love367 between Edith and Sir Kenneth is an important subplot of the novel. However, Scott’s decision not to reveal Sir Kenneth’s true identity until the very end of the novel is the cause of a number of inconsistencies in his description of the courtly love process. On multiple occasions, Sir Kenneth expresses his sadness about the fact that the Lady Edith “moved in a circle which his rank of knighthood permitted him indeed to approach, but not to mingle with”368. Since Sir Kenneth is in reality Prince David, it is difficult to imagine that these were really his thoughts; surely he must have known that, as a prince, the prospect of successfully courting Edith was indeed a realistic one. This small matter aside, Scott provides a well-informed and very detailed account of the process of courtly love369. The initial description provides an overview of the first steps in the process, prior to the Third Crusade. The reader is informed that Sir Kenneth is a successful jouster and that the fact that he dedicates his victories to her and praises
367 As we have seen in chapter 1, courtly love can indeed be called a process, containing many steps before success could finally be achieved. 368 Scott, The Talisman, p.76. See also Scott, The Talisman, p.352. 369 It is so detailed that the narrator assumes many readers will find it tedious. Scott, The Talisman, p.79.
60 her extensively has made Edith realise that Sir Kenneth shows a particular interest in her370. As has been remarked in the previous chapter, Sir Kenneth meets Edith in the chapel of Engaddi. Although she is almost completely hidden from view by the robes and veil she is wearing, Sir Kenneth nevertheless manages to identify her; he immediately recognizes her ring371. It is during this scene that an important step in the long process of courtly love is taken; during the procession, Edith drops a couple of rosebuds at Sir Kenneth’s feet372. Small tokens of attention like these rosebuds reveal to the knight that his lady is aware of the knight’s special interest and approves of it373. Thus Sir Kenneth is encouraged to continue showing his admiration in the future. Sir Kenneth is seen to attach a great deal of importance to the rosebuds; much further in the story, “[t]he rosebuds, withered as they were, were still treasured […] nearest to his heart”374. Except for the meeting of Sir Kenneth and Edith at the very end of the novel, they always meet in unusual circumstances. After the meeting in the chapel a long time passes before Sir Kenneth gets to see Edith again – indeed, a major part of the process of courtly love consisted of waiting375. The next meeting takes place during the night of the banner theft. In this scene the aforementioned ring plays an important role. First of all, it is the means with which Sir Kenneth is persuaded to follow the dwarf Nectabanus to the ladies’ tent376. However, the role of Nectabanus is an important one as well; the sneaky dwarf tells Sir Kenneth that “[e]very minute thou tarriest is a crime against thy allegiance”377. Furthermore, he explains to the knight that Sir Kenneth’s decision will turn the latter into either a “traitor or [a] true man to this royal lady”378. As has been explained in detail, Sir Kenneth’s eventual decision to proceed to the ladies’ tent enables Conrade to steal the banner, thus also dishonouring Sir Kenneth, who was supposed to guard the standard. However, Sir
370 Scott, The Talisman, pp.75-77. 371 Scott, The Talisman, p.74. 372 Scott, The Talisman, p.73. 373 Kooper, Middle English and Delahoyde, “Courtly love”. 374 Scott, The Talisman, p.202. 375 Delahoyde, “Courtly love”. 376 Scott, The Talisman, pp.202-204. 377 Scott, The Talisman, p.201. 378 Scott, The Talisman, p.201.
61 Kenneth’s unorthodox meeting379 with Edith is again highly significant. Not only does Nectabanus hand Edith’s ring to Sir Kenneth, the latter also gets to speak to Edith in person for the very first time380. However, there is also a negative side to the scene; at this point the flag is stolen from Sir Kenneth’s abandoned post which causes the latter to lose his honour for the first time381. Logically, Sir Kenneth wishes to return the ring to Edith, for, having been deprived of his honour, he is no longer worthy to hold on to the ring and to approach her anymore. However, she wants him to keep it382. This is an important decision, for it implies that the process of courtly love is not broken off. The third meeting features Sir Kenneth in the disguise of the Nubian slave; however, Edith immediately recognizes him383 – just like Sir Kenneth recognized her in the chapel; thus they are seen to be connected. This time Sir Kenneth – or Zohauk – is very careful not to do anything out of character384, for that would result in a new – and probably irrevocable – loss of honour. While Sir Kenneth’s refusal to talk to Edith does not yield an immediately positive result385, it does pay off in the long run – and that is exactly what the process of courtly love is all about. Sir Kenneth’s decision not to speak convinces King Richard of the knight’s virtuousness386 and ultimately leads to the complete restoration of Sir Kenneth’s honour and his marriage to Edith387 – again proving the point that courtly love is a long and complicated process which requires careful judgment and which can be completely destroyed by one hasty decision. A certain degree of insight into a couple’s life after the successful completion of the process of courtly love is offered by the description of the
379 He is more or less forced to sneak into the tent, and, while hiding, he is able to hear the entire conversation between the ladies. Only after a long while are they aware of Sir Kenneth’s presence, and they all run away, except for Edith. Scott, The Talisman, pp.205-214. 380 Scott, The Talisman, pp.215-216. 381 The second time Sir Kenneth loses his honour is, of course, immediately afterwards, when the banner turns out to be gone. 382 Scott, The Talisman, p.216. 383 Scott, The Talisman, p.385. 384 Sir Kenneth constantly reminds himself of the fact that Zohauk is supposed to be mute. Scott, The Talisman, pp.385-387. 385 Edith angrily stamps out of the room. Scott, The Talisman, p.388. 386 Indeed, at this point King Richard already had a strong suspicion that Zohauk was in reality Sir Kenneth. Scott, The Talisman, p.446. 387 Scott, The Talisman, p.458. The revelation that Sir Kenneth is in reality Prince David of Scotland is of central importance; his real identity is indeed a prerequisite for marrying Edith, who would “never wed either infidel or obscure adventurer” Scott, The Talisman, p.430.
62 relationship between – the recently wedded388 – King Richard and Queen Berengaria, who are, remarkably, seen to genuinely love each other389. Their characters are described as somewhat different; Richard’s appreciation of the minstrel Blondel de Nesle reveals his preference for cultural activities whereas Berengaria “felt herself not to be his match in intellect”390, preferring a more down- to-earth form of amusement not always “entirely befitting her own dignity”391.
4.3. Dull days in the Crusader camp
Scott represents the situation of the women in the Crusader camp as being far from enviable. Every single day they have to fight against boredom392 – at least, during the period of truce which serves as the novel’s setting. The only occasion on which a serious form of entertainment is described to take place, is when Blondel de Nesle arrives in the camp of the Crusaders. In accordance with her slightly less intellectual nature, Queen Berengaria sees the minstrel’s song only as a welcome pastime, while the more sophisticated Edith is seen to sincerely appreciate the minstrel’s excellent application of this fine art393. Apart from that there is very little to do. Furthermore, they can only very rarely come into the open; for the major part of the novel, they are restricted to their tent in the Crusader camp394, to the veiled litters395 in which they are taken to the location where the judicial duel takes place or to the stands next to the lists of the duel, which are also designed to block any view of the ladies396. To lift Berengaria’s spirits, her ladies often resort to “trick[s], or piece[s] of mischief, practised upon each other”397. Although Edith probably reverts to this pastime “to pass away those
388 Scott, The Talisman, p.245. 389 Scott, The Talisman, p.244 and pp.258-259.However, it has already been remarked that, for members of the higher classes and royalty, genuine emotional love was only seldom one of the motivations to decide to marry someone. Richard and Berengaria’s marriage combines both personal affections, namely their love, and political motivations – Berengaria is the daughter of the King of Navarre: Scott, The Talisman, p.243. 390 Scott, The Talisman, p.244. 391 Scott, The Talisman, p.244. 392 Scott, The Talisman, p.210 and p.244. 393 Scott, The Talisman, pp.395-396. 394 Hence the title of this chapter. 395 Scott, The Talisman, p.414. 396 Scott, The Talisman, p.433. 397 Scott, The Talisman, p.244.
63 unpleasant hours”398, she is never seen to be actually indulging in any of these games. At first, the description of the wager between Edith and Queen Berengaria about Sir Kenneth’s integrity suggests otherwise. However, it turns out that “it was [Berengaria] who proposed such a wager, and took the ring from [Edith’s] finger”399. In other words, Edith is forced into accepting the wager. Sir Kenneth abandons his post and Queen Berengaria wins the bet. Edith’s subsequent reaction can be explained in three ways: first of all, the fact that she loses a bet she did in fact not wish to enter into is already a small cause of annoyance. Secondly, she is extremely upset by the fact that Berengaria’s “light frolic”400 has brought Sir Kenneth “into a fault, and perhaps to disgrace and punishment”401. The final and most important reason of her anger and distress is the fact that Berengaria has used Edith to lure Sir Kenneth from his post402. In doing so, she has appropriated Edith’s good name and her reputation – this shows that the importance of and concern about one’s honour and reputation is not an exclusively male concern in chivalric society. This prank, however, demonstrates a weakness not in Edith’s character, but in Queen Berengaria’s, for it is indeed a rather vengeful jest at the expense of Edith. Unable to surpass or even equal Edith intellectually, Berengaria resorts to what she is best at: playing tricks on people. Although Berengaria is described as surpassing Edith in pure beauty, the “childish petulance and wilfulness of manner”403 of the former are the main reason she appears slightly inferior to Edith’s combination of ‘beauty and brains’.
4.4. Cultural differences
An interesting aspect of Scott’s representation of Saladin as a representative of Islam concerns the Muslim’s view on women, their role in society, and the way in which they should be treated. In this respect, the first meeting between Sir Kenneth and Saladin’s alter ego Sheerkohf is already a very significant one. The metaphor clarifying the cultural differences on this matter is the diamond in Saladin’s ring. Sir
398 Scott, The Talisman, p.244. 399 Scott, The Talisman, p.210. 400 Scott, The Talisman, p.211. 401 Scott, The Talisman, p.212. 402 Scott, The Talisman, p.211. 403 Scott, The Talisman, p.243.
64 Kenneth argues that “the love which a true knight binds on one only, fair and faithful, is the gem entire”404; should the diamond be splintered into many pieces, however, the different pieces – representing the many women inherent to polygamy – would be far less valuable in comparison405. Saladin’s view on this matter is entirely different; he says that
[his] ring […] would lose half its beauty were not the signet encircled and enchased with these lesser brilliants, which grace it and set it off. The central diamond is man, firm and entire, his value depending on himself alone; and this circle of lesser jewels are women, borrowing his lustre, which he deals out to them as best suits his pleasure or his convenience. Take the central stone from the signet, and the diamond itself remains as valuable as ever, while the lesser gems are comparatively of little value.406
This speech obviously indicates an important difference in both cultures’ attitudes towards women. To readers with a Western point of view on this matter Saladin’s speech may lead to a feeling of indignation. However, since Saladin turns out to be by far the most virtuous character in the novel, David Daiches rightly claims that “Moslem civilisation emerges as clearly superior to Christian”407. Furthermore, at no point in the novel does Saladin treat any woman – or man, for that matter408 – with disrespect. Indeed, his call to the Saracens to be “[observant] of [the] Oriental reverence to the fair sex”409 proves that the Saracens are not disrespectful towards women and that they can indeed be treated with respect; no one even dares to raise his head and look at the Christian ladies – but then again the presence of “[f]ifty guards of Saladin’s seraglio […] with naked sabres”410 might also play a role. Finally, just like Sir Kenneth disapproves of Saladin’s view on the role of women, the latter in turn expresses his dislike of the concept of courtly love. When Sir Kenneth hears El Hakim speak of Queen Berengaria in a style he deems inappropriate, the knight reminds the physician that “[he speaks] of the wife of Richard of England, of whom men think not and speak not as a woman to be won, but as a Queen to be revered”411. This evokes a scornful reaction from El Hakim,
404 Scott, The Talisman, p.23. 405 Scott, The Talisman, p.24. 406 Scott, The Talisman, p.24. 407 David Daiches, “Sir Walter Scott and History”, Etudes Anglaises 24 (1971), 458-477. p.474. 408 As pointed out in chapter two, he is hospitable even to the false Conrade and the almost demonic Grand Master. 409 Scott, The Talisman, p.433. 410 Scott, The Talisman, p.433. 411 Scott, The Talisman, p.353.
65 who claims he “had forgotten your superstitious veneration for the sex, which you consider rather fit to be wondered at and worshipped than wooed and possessed”412. A second and final example sees Saladin expressing his aversion of the importance of rank in the concept of courtly love; when Richard explains that Sir Kenneth cannot marry Edith because the Scot is “of too mean lineage to mix with the blood of Plantagenet”413, Saladin replies that according to “[the] poets of the Eastern countries […] a valiant camel-driver is worthy to kiss the lip of a fair queen, when a cowardly prince is not worthy to salute the hem of her garment”414. This is indeed a critical remark about the nature of courtly love.
412 Scott, The Talisman, p.352. 413 Scott, The Talisman, p.424. At this point it is not yet clear that Sir Kenneth is in fact the Scottish Prince David. 414 Scott, The Talisman, p.424.
66 5. The Crusade as a “rencontre de civilisations”415
5.1. Introduction
In this final chapter the focus will be on an interesting side-effect of the grand expression of chivalry that is the Crusade; as has been said before, part of the uniqueness of the Crusade is the contact between the Crusaders from Frangistan416 and the Muslims East of the Mediterranean Sea. A number of aspects that have been discussed up to this point confirm this; see, for instance, the different view on women in the previous chapter. However, there are many more instances in which different cultures are compared. Apart from the Western culture of the Crusaders and that of the Saracens, Scott also includes elements from other cultures in his comparisons.
5.2. Differences between the Crusaders and the Saracens
Many differences between these two cultures can be found throughout the novel. A first field in which considerable differences can be noticed is the military. Whereas the armour worn by the Saracens is very light, that of the Europeans is extremely heavy417. This results in completely different styles of fighting418; the Saracens prefer lightning-quick operations whereas the weight of the Westerners’ armour renders them a lot less mobile. However, the upside is that the strong armour obviously provides a better protection against attacks. The novel also touches on the culture-specific aspect of fighting styles; towards the end, Richard and Saladin meet and they both try to impress the other with their skills419. In line with the brute force
415 Originally, the title of this chapter was ‘Different cultures, different views’. However, on 11 July, the French television programme La Carte aux Trésors (France3) devoted some attention to the Crusades and stressed the Crusade’s importance as a “rencontre de civilisations”. Furthermore, it is also a nicer title – in my opinion at least. 416 Scott, The Talisman, p.125. 417 Scott, The Talisman, p.3. As we have seen, this fact has to do with the evolution of warfare; the development of more powerful weapons required the armour to become stronger as well. 418 Scott, The Talisman, pp.6-10. 419 Scott, The Talisman, pp.419-422.
67 of the heavily armoured Crusaders, Richard severs an iron bar with an incredible blow420 whereas Saladin’s fighting skills are subtler though no less impressive421. Another contrast can be found in the way in which everyday life is organized in both cultures. The top level, the structure of the state, is discussed by Conrade of Montserrat, who complains to the Grand Master about the organization of the Western states. In Conrade’s opinion the whole “internal chain of feudal dependence”422 with its complicated structure of vassalage is too strong a restriction of the power of the state’s ruler423. We have seen earlier that Conrade’s motivation to leave the Crusade is that he had sooner acquire a piece of land to rule himself than to see the Crusade achieve its goal, leaving Conrade with empty hands424. Had Conrade succeeded in acquiring any Eastern territory, it would have been organized according to “the Eastern form of government: a pure and simple monarchy [, which] should consist but of king and subjects”425. Other elements may seem trivial but do in fact tell a lot about the evaluation of a culture in its entirety. For example, the fact that the new slave who attends to the ladies is a mute of Eastern descent426 leads Queen Berengaria to consider the Eastern ladies to be lucky, since they are “attended by those before whom they may say anything, yet who can report nothing”427. This utterance is then followed by severe criticism of the situation in the camp of the Westerners, where “a bird of the air will carry the matter”428. On another occasion, however, the Saracens are described to be acting like savages. When King Richard’s party arrive at the location of the judicial duel, the Saracens who await them first display their horseman skills and then they appear to launch an attack on the small Crusader troop, accompanied by loud shrieks and the firing of arrows429. However, the arrows turn out to be headless430 and the whole scene is intended solely to welcome the Crusaders. When King Richard realizes
420 Scott, The Talisman, pp.419-420. 421 Scott, The Talisman, pp.421-422. 422 Scott, The Talisman, p.159. 423 Scott, The Talisman, p.159. 424 Scott, The Talisman, pp.159-160. 425 Scott, The Talisman, p.159. 426 Of course, the slave is really Sir Kenneth in disguise. 427 Scott, The Talisman, p.384. 428 Scott, The Talisman, p.384. 429 Scott, The Talisman, pp.413-415. 430 Scott, The Talisman, p.414.
68 this, he describes the whole performance as “a wild welcome, after their savage fashion”431. However, this is the only time in the novel that the word ‘savage’ is used to describe the Saracens. The fact that this whole spectacle, “though designed to express welcome, had a doubtful appearance in the eyes of the Europeans”432 stresses the importance of perception. Indeed, the evaluation of events such as this performance is inevitably connected with the way in which they are perceived in different cultures; the Saracens consider this form of welcoming guests normal, whereas it strikes the Crusaders as wild and savage. Another example of perception can be found in the physical description of Sheerkohf; according to the narrator Saladin’s first alter ego
might perhaps have been termed eminently beautiful, but for the narrowness of his forehead, and something of too much thinness and sharpness of feature, or at least what might have seemed such in a European estimate of beauty.433
This description clearly indicates that the representation and evaluation of Sheerkohf are based on Western perceptions and criteria. However, there are not only differences but also similarities between both cultures. A great example is provided at the very end of the novel’s second chapter; after spending the whole time talking about differences in clothing, food and drink, and religion, they decide to “speak on themes which belong to youthful warriors – upon battles, upon beautiful women, upon sharp swords, and upon bright armour”434. More than just intercultural values, they are represented as values of a universal character. A final example illustrates the intercultural exchange of values to the extreme extent of intermixing; more specifically the passage in question refers to the frequent marriages of Islamic men and Christian women in Moorish Spain435.
431 Scott, The Talisman, p.414. 432 Scott, The Talisman, p.415. 433 Scott, The Talisman, p.20. (my italics) 434 Scott, The Talisman, p.29. 435 Scott, The Talisman, p.226.
69 5.3. External and internal cultural references
5.3.1. Blacks
Apart from the comparison of European and Eastern cultures, there are a number of references to other cultures as well. Blacks, for instance, occupy an interesting part in the novel. Their main function is to attend to high ranking characters; thus, black slaves are seen guarding the Christian ladies’ tent436 or serving King Richard, as in the case of Zohauk. The latter is described as “nobly formed, and his commanding features […] showed nothing of negro descent”437. This is of course logical when we bear in mind that Zohauk is really Sir Kenneth in disguise. Furthermore, in that same description it is already suggested that “there is more in him than seems”438; first of all, Zohauk is wearing “a doublet of dressed leopard’s skin”439, which is a clear reference to Sir Kenneth’s soubriquet, the Couchant – or Couching – Leopard. Even clearer is the presence of a large dog, which, admittedly, has been disguised as well, but obviously retains the same shape and stature as Roswal, Sir Kenneth’s dog440. This depiction differs greatly from the way in which the other – that is to say, real – blacks are described. When Sir Henry de Neville, one of King Richard’s vassals, announces to Queen Berengaria that a newly arrived Nubian slave will soon be attending to the ladies, Berengaria asks Sir Henry whether the Nubian is “a [real] negro, […] with black skin, a head curled like a ram’s, a flat nose, and blubber lips”441. Further on, a number of blacks are referred to as “those hideous negroes [with] misshapen forms”442. Finally, King Richard refers to them as “black cattle”443. While nowadays such descriptions come across as shocking, one has to keep in mind that they were written almost two hundred years ago. This fact is an interesting deviation from the rest of the discussion of Scott’s use of chivalry;
436 Scott, The Talisman, p.428. 437 Scott, The Talisman, p.310. 438 Scott, The Talisman, p.324. 439 Scott, The Talisman, p.310. 440 Scott, The Talisman, p.310. 441 Scott, The Talisman, p.383. 442 Scott, The Talisman, p.416. 443 Scott, The Talisman, p.428.
70 whereas in every other aspect of the analysis the difference is between the Middle Ages on the one hand and Scott’s time up to the early twenty-first century on the other, the view on blacks unites the Middle Ages and Scott’s time and forms an opposition to the present-day situation.
5.3.2. The Crusader camp: internal differences and stereotypes
The Crusade not only enabled the meeting of Crusaders and Muslims, but also that of the different nations which the Crusade brought together. Logically, a number of differences come to the fore; in The Talisman these are illustrated on more than one occasion by the use of stereotypical representations and clichés. For example, whereas Austria is first described as a “noble country”444, its inhabitants, referred to as “the Germans, […] had retained withal no slight tinge of their barbarism”445. Furthermore, we are told that
[t]he practices and principles of chivalry were not carried to such a nice pitch amongst them as amongst the French and English knights, nor were they strict observers of the prescribed rules of society, which among those nations were supposed to express the height of civilisation.446
We have seen before that the Archduke regrets his inferiority to Richard and Philip several times. This inferiority is thus not only caused by the difference in title – Leopold as an Archduke against two Kings – but also, more visibly, by the lack of refinement. This last element is clearly demonstrated in the description of the banquet attended by Conrade447. A central element hinting at the lack of refinement is to be found in the large number of jesters and minstrels, who “were more noisy and intrusive than they were permitted to be in better-regulated society”448. Another related cliché is the Archduke’s excessive use of wine during the banquets; Richard blames “the drunken fool”449 for “show[ing] his shame to all Christendom”450. However, a positive stereotype is mentioned as well; when Richard splinters Austria’s banner, the English monarch asks if “[there is] a knight among your
444 Scott, The Talisman, p.169. 445 Scott, The Talisman, p.172. 446 Scott, The Talisman, p.172. 447 Scott, The Talisman, pp.172-173. 448 Scott, The Talisman, p.172. 449 Scott, The Talisman, p.181. 450 Scott, The Talisman, p.181.
71 Teutonic chivalry [who] dare impeach my deed”451. A number of knights indeed “accepted the King of England’s defiance”452 for it is said that “there are no braver men than the Germans”453. Yet another example of the use of stereotype can be found in the characterization of the Venetians. More specifically the avarice of mercantile Venice is condemned by Richard; he angrily exclaims that “[the] Venetians would sell the sepulchre [i.e. the Holy Sepulchre] itself”454.
5.3.3. From Achilles to Satan
A final type of intercultural characterization can be found in the depiction of a number of characters as mythological and religious figures. It is said that because of the “[possession] of many of those royal qualities for which he was termed by his subjects the August, Philip might be termed the Ulysses […] of the Crusade”455 whereas “Richard was undoubtedly the Achilles”456. A possible explanation for the latter comparison is the following: during the Trojan War the Greek hero Achilles distinguished himself as a valiant warrior; however, when an arrow hit him in the only vulnerable part of his body – the heel457 – he died458 and was thus unable to achieve his goal, the fall of Troy. Similarly, Richard is a valiant warrior; however, he also possesses an Achilles heel, namely his pride and honour. When his pride is affected – first by the dishonouring of the English standard and then by the theft of the flag – this causes great tension among the Crusaders and, as we have seen, the inability to form a durable unity also results in the eventual failure to achieve the initial goal, in this case the liberation of Jerusalem. Later on, after a minor misunderstanding
451 Scott, The Talisman, p.186. 452 Scott, The Talisman, p.186. 453 Scott, The Talisman, p.186. 454 Scott, The Talisman, p.426. 455 Scott, The Talisman, p.188. 456 Scott, The Talisman, p.188. 457 As a baby, Achilles had been submerged in the River Styx, which rendered him invulnerable. However, he had been held by the heel, which thus became his only vulnerable spot. Eric M. Moormann and Wilfried Uitterhoeve, Van Achilles tot Zeus. De klassieke mythologie in de kunst. Amsterdam/Nijmegen: Maarten Muntinga/SUN, 19973, p.11. 458 Moormann and Uitterhoeve, Van Achilles tot Zeus, p.18.
72 between Richard and Berengaria, the former is compared to “Hercules[,] reconciling himself, after a quarrel, to his wife Dejanira”459. A number of religious characterizations can also be found in the novel. After Sir Kenneth discovers that the banner of England has disappeared, he is visited by El Hakim. When Sir Kenneth tells him about his being enticed into abandoning his post and visiting the ladies’ tent, the physician replies that “man [hath] ever fallen [so], even since the days of Sultan Adam”460. Thus Sir Kenneth’s mistake is compared to the Fall; indeed, both Adam and Sir Kenneth disobey an order from above because of a woman. A second comparison is again made by El Hakim. After Richard’s decision to have Sir Kenneth executed, the physician asks the English monarch to show mercy. When Richard refuses, El Hakim reminds Richard of the fact that “though thou canst slay thousands, thou canst not restore one man to health”461 and says that “[k]ings have the power of Satan to torment, sages that of Allah to heal”462. As a final warning, he adds that Richard should “beware how thou hinderest the good to humanity which thou canst not thyself render”463; this once again proves El Hakim’s – read: Saladin’s – superiority to Richard.
5.4. The multicultural Diamond of the Desert
The Diamond of the Desert, an oasis, is a highly symbolic location in the novel. Margaret Bruzelius, for instance, has analyzed this oasis in terms of masculinity and androgyny464. Our focus, however, will remain on the cultural aspect. The oasis is visited three times in the novel; the first time is after the initial fight between Sir Kenneth and Sheerkohf, the next after Sir Kenneth has had to leave the Crusader camp, and finally, it is the location where the judicial duel takes place. Significantly, on all three occasions, both Crusaders and Saracens are present at the
459 Scott, The Talisman, p.255. 460 Scott, The Talisman, p.223. 461 Scott, The Talisman, p.268. El Hakim refers to the fact that he can restore health. 462 Scott, The Talisman, p.268. 463 Scott, The Talisman, p.268. 464 Margaret Bruzelius, ““The King of England… Loved to Look upon A MAN”: Melancholy and Masculinity in Scott’s Talisman.” Modern Language Quarterly 62:1 (2001): 19-41. [Online version via MLA].
73 oasis. This contrasts with the Crusader camp, which is, unsurprisingly, the exclusive domain of the Crusaders465. The central function of the oasis as a meeting place between both cultures is stressed by its location; the Diamond of the Desert was located in a central position, “at an equal distance betwixt the Christian and Saracen camps”466. Furthermore, I believe that the oasis can be seen as a symbol of the truce that was maintained during the events in The Talisman. Sir Kenneth and Sheerkohf’s combat takes place in the desert; however, as soon as they negotiate a truce, they move to the oasis467. The desert thus represents the turmoil of the Crusade’s battlefields, symbolized by the miniature fight between Sir Kenneth and Sheerkohf, whereas the oasis represents the truce which is at that point maintained between the Crusaders and the Saracens or between Sir Kenneth and Sheerkohf in the miniature version. The multicultural – or intercultural – evolution of the three scenes in the oasis is the following. In the first scene in the oasis Sir Kenneth and Saladin468, disguised as Sheerkohf, merely talk about the various cultural differences469. On the second occasion, the cultural differences become physically visible; when Sir Kenneth wakes up the day after leaving the Crusader camp in the company of Saladin, the latter this time disguised as El Hakim, he actually experiences the Saracen way of living. He is struck by the way the tent has been furnished and by the clothes he is provided with470. At the time of the third visit, the oasis has been transformed into a magnificent camp in the Eastern fashion; also, the lists for the judicial duel have been constructed. This again shows the interaction between the cultures of the East (the tent camp) and the West (the lists). The oasis thus enables a “rencontre” between the different cultures.
465 The character of El Hakim provides a brief intrusion of this exclusiveness. 466 Scott, The Talisman, p.409. 467 Scott, The Talisman, pp.12-13. 468 An interesting detail is that every scene in the oasis shows Saladin in a different disguise: first Sheerkohf, then El Hakim, and finally his undisguised self. 469 Scott, The Talisman, pp.13-29. 470 Scott, The Talisman, pp.348-350.
74 5.5. A metaphorical view
An interesting way in which Scott describes the various cultural differences is by means of animal metaphors. The image of the English monarch as a lion is by far the most recurrent one. In the novel the lion is seen to represent both positive and negative values. A positive connotation can already be found in Richard’s epithet ‘the lion-hearted’, which reflects his enormous courage471. When he has to stay in bed because of his illness, Richard feels like a lion in a cage472. Likewise, he is seen to “[pace] the tent, like the lion, who, after violent irritation, is said to take that method of cooling the distemperature of his blood”473. After Richard sentences Sir Kenneth to death, Berengaria is convinced that she will be able to undo Richard’s decision for “even the heart of a lion is made of flesh, not of stone”474. Since Richard is described as a lion, this would imply that Berengaria is seen as a lioness and indeed there is a description in which she is seen as “a young lioness, who is unconscious of the weight of her own paws when laid on those whom she sports with”475. The fact that Richard can – temporarily – reunite the Crusaders after the theft of the banner leads the Grand Master to compare Richard to “a lion [bursting] through a spider’s web”476. Later on Lord de Vaux reminds Richard that the latter is “the Lion, whom all men acknowledge the king of brutes”477. In a number of examples the lion is compared to other animals; the former is then usually presented as the stronger of the two. When Sir Kenneth admits he has seen the ladies in the chapel of Engaddi, Richard says that the “[l]eopard [should] beware tempting the lion’s paw”478. The Archduke’s motivation to place his banner next to England’s is also explained in terms of animal imagery; Leopold acknowledges that Richard is the lion, the king of the land, but he sees himself as the eagle, the king of the air479. This leads him to conclude they are of equal rank. However, Richard is not the only
471 Scott, The Talisman, p.296. 472 Scott, The Talisman, p.90. 473 Scott, The Talisman, p.355. 474 Scott, The Talisman, p.212. 475 Scott, The Talisman, p.244. 476 Scott, The Talisman, p.297. 477 Scott, The Talisman, p.426. 478 Scott, The Talisman, p.146. 479 Scott, The Talisman, pp.178-179.
75 character to be compared to a lion480. The Grand Master, as the representative of the whole Order of the Knights Templar, is also compared to a lion when Conrade reminds the Templar leader of “the motto of thy order – Feriatur Leo”481. Not only the lion provides a means for comparison with Richard; he describes himself both as “the master stag [of] the herd”482 and “the falcon [charged with] the guidance of the phalanx”483, thus referring to his leading role in the Crusade. The final comparison of Richard to an animal is less benevolent in nature, as may be clear from the call of Leopold’s followers to “[c]ut the island mastiff to pieces”484. Since Sir Kenneth is – or pretends to be – the Knight of the Couching Leopard, it is not surprising that the main animal he is compared to is the leopard485. As we have seen, Sir Kenneth is not degraded after his failure to guard the banner. As such, he retains his name as Knight of the Couching Leopard. As has been said before, this is also stressed in his appearance as the black slave Zohauk, who is indeed dressed in a leopard’s skin. Interestingly, an attentive reading shows that the revelation of the fact that Zohauk is in reality Sir Kenneth is already anticipated long beforehand. After Sir Kenneth leaves the Crusader camp with El Hakim, the latter reveals that he is the same person as Sheerkohf, stating that “men are not always what they seem”486. Indeed, at this point the whole Crusader camp sees Sir Kenneth as a traitor, whereas the Scot considers himself “to be a true though an erring knight”487. Likewise, Zohauk looks like a slave, but closer inspection reveals that he is really Sir Kenneth. Sir Kenneth’s dog Roswal also plays an important role in comparing people. Roswal is described as “a large stag greyhound, nobler […] than those even which guarded King Richard”488. Indeed the representation of both Sir Kenneth and King Richard as discussed thus far allows us to transpose the qualities of these dogs onto
480 A final example of Richard as a lion can be found on p.286. 481 Scott, The Talisman, p.375. [original italics] In his novel Ivanhoe Scott elaborates on ‘Leo Feriatur’. “In the ordinances of the Knights of the Temple, this phrase is repeated in a variety of forms, and occurs in almost every chapter as if it were a signal-word of the Order”. Walter Scott, Ivanhoe, chapter 35
76 their owners; indeed, it has already been argued many times that Sir Kenneth is considered to be more virtuous than King Richard. However, Roswal is also used to severely criticize the nature of the Crusaders and of man in general. When Sir Kenneth returns to his now ‘bannerless’ post, he finds the dying Roswal. The comparison Sir Kenneth makes between the dog and himself puts the knight in a negative light; Roswal has remained true and loyal while Sir Kenneth has not. Since Sir Kenneth considers “[a] dog who dies in discharging his duty [to be] better than a man who survives the desertion of it”489 he concludes that Roswal is “too noble a possession to be retained”490. Secondly, when Roswal succeeds in exposing Conrade as the one who stole the banner, Roswal’s nature – and of dogs in general – is praised for having “a share of man’s intelligence, but no share of man’s falsehood”491. Subsequently, almost one and a half pages in the novel are devoted to the main characters’ acclaim of the nature of dogs492. However, not only the Crusaders are compared to animals. We have already seen the comparison between Black slaves and “black cattle”493. Furthermore, Saladin is compared to an animal as well; in three instances he is referred to as a lion – just like King Richard’s dominant metaphor. First of all, Sheerkohf is known as “the Lion of the Mountain”494. Secondly, when the “natural foe”495 with whom Richard would be united turns out to be the Scottish Prince David instead of the Eastern Soldan Saladin, the latter states that “a wild-cat in a chamber is more to be dreaded than a lion in a distant desert”496. Finally, when the dwarf Nectabanus repeats the words which the Grand Master pronounced at the moment he killed Conrade, the latter “started, like a steed who sees a lion under a bush beside the pathway”497. This ruse to expose Conrade’s murderer was devised by Saladin; therefore he can be compared to the lion lying in ambush.
489 Scott, The Talisman, p.222. 490 Scott, The Talisman, p.222. 491 Scott, The Talisman, p.371. 492 Scott, The Talisman, pp.371-372. 493 Scott, The Talisman, p.428. 494 Scott, The Talisman, p.32. 495 Scott, The Talisman, p.447. 496 Scott, The Talisman, p.449. (my italics) 497 Scott, The Talisman, p.452.
77 Conclusion
The analysis of Sir Walter Scott’s The Talisman should have made clear that his application of the concept of chivalry is just as many-sided as the concept itself. In chapter one the three pillars which support the concept of chivalry were the object of discussion. Most people associate chivalry with fighting knights in full armour. Although this stereotypical image does not do justice to the richness of the concept of chivalry, the fact remains that fighting was indeed a knight’s primary function. Typically medieval concepts such as the tournament and the Crusade, both of which feature in The Talisman, have been analyzed in this context. Religion originally had nothing to do with chivalry. This changed in the tenth century, when the Church wished to change the violent attitudes of the knightly class. However, this intention had a contrary effect; the Church’s new tolerant position towards violence culminated in the organization of the Crusades. The main stress of the social aspect lay on the position of women and the ideal of courtly love. The analysis of Scott’s article on chivalry mostly confirmed the findings of the preceding discussion. The second chapter marked the start of the analysis of The Talisman and concentrated on the novel’s main characters. The chivalric qualities in the Crusader camp in general are of a questionable level. King Richard I and especially Sir Kenneth of the Couching Leopard possess a number of chivalric virtues, but they both make a number of – sometimes grave – mistakes as well. All the other Christian leaders of the Crusade are less skilled in the virtues of chivalry; the Grand Master can even be seen as the complete antagonist of the chivalric spirit. The Saracen leader, Saladin, stands in total contrast to the Crusaders; he embodies the ideals of the concept of chivalry perfectly, even risking his own life to save that of Richard, his enemy. In this chapter, the opposition between the Crusaders and the Saracens, represented by Saladin, lay not in the cultural or religious differences; instead, the Crusaders and the Saracens are metaphors that reveal the two sides of the chivalric medal; the account of the Crusaders shows the consequences of the violation of the ideals of chivalry, namely failure to achieve one’s goal – in the case of the Crusaders, the liberation of Jerusalem – loss of honour, strife and jealousy, and even worse: the Grand Master’s murder plot. All the Christian leaders compete
78 with each other to acquire fame; however, their lack of unity prevents them from achieving this. On the other hand, living up to the ideals of chivalry brings about a good reputation; the decision of the different Saracen tribes to unite behind Saladin results in a positive view of the Saracens as a whole. The religious aspect of chivalry was discussed in chapter three. Once again a large discrepancy could be found between the Crusaders and the Saracens. The Crusaders produced middling to poor results in this domain. The Grand Master is once again the absolute nadir; instead of propagating the Christian values – after all, he is the Grand Master of the Templars – he turns out be an unscrupulous conspirator with a knack for murdering. Saladin, on the other hand, observes all prescriptions of his religion and embodies its positive values. An interesting element in the representation of Christianity and Islam lies in the comparison between light and dark. In line with the behaviour of the main characters, Muslims are generally depicted in terms of light, Christians mainly in terms of darkness, but with a few bright spots; after all, apart from the Grand Master all characters possess a number of positive religious values. The fourth chapter focused mainly on The Talisman’s women and the way in which they and their roles are depicted in the novel. The first point of analysis was the typically medieval concept of courtly love as applied to the relationship between Sir Kenneth and Edith Plantagenet. Scott’s grasp of this subject is clear from his portrayal of the many steps and the cautiousness that characterize courtly love. However, the other aspects of the lives of The Talisman’s women are a lot less exciting; in fact, they are almost bored to death because of the lack of pastimes available to them. Indeed, the world of the Crusade is represented as an essentially male stronghold in which women were poorly lodged. Finally, Scott’s depiction of the difference between the Europeans’ and the Saracens’ view on women is summed up nicely by Saladin’s remark that he “had forgotten your [the Europeans’] superstitious veneration for the sex, which you consider rather fit to be wondered at and worshipped than wooed and possessed”498. Cultural differences were elaborated upon in the fifth and final chapter. A lot of such differences can be found throughout the novel, ranging from small matters, like the difference in armour used by the Saracens and the Crusaders, to important
498 Scott, The Talisman, p.352.
79 issues, like the comparison of state structures in both cultures. However, it is important to remark that perception plays an important role when comparing two cultures. A good example is the fact that to the Europeans the spectacular manner in which they are welcomed by the Saracens seems like “a wild welcome, after their savage fashion”499; for the Saracens, however, this is business as usual. Other cultures, such as Africans, feature in The Talisman as well. A final means of comparing European culture to its Eastern equivalent is the use of animal imagery. Throughout The Talisman Scott uses animals to describe both individual characters and cultures. My conclusion is that Scott’s evaluation of the concept of chivalry is a positive one. Saladin is by far the most chivalric character in the entire novel. The praise he receives from all the other characters indicates that he is a virtuous character. Indeed, Saladin lives up to the ideals of the concept of chivalry in a perfect way. However, he stands in marked contrast to the Crusaders; while the latter are supposed to represent the ideals of chivalry as well, no one does. Admittedly, some are far better than others, but in the end they all fail. This also explains the title of this dissertation. King Richard considers El Hakim – read: Saladin – to be far more chivalric than “those who account themselves the flower of knighthood”500, i.e. the leaders of the Crusade. Furthermore, an attentive reading of Scott’s ‘Essay on Chivalry’ reveals his appreciation of the concept of chivalry, but only when all of its ideals are taken into account and put into practice. This is in my opinion precisely Scott’s point in The Talisman; he adopts a positive stance towards chivalry as a set of ideals, all of which should be put into practice, but at the same time he seriously condemns the excesses and abuses which are the result of the – intentional or accidental – failure to live up to the ideals. The focus of my analysis was on the medieval aspect of The Talisman. Personally, I see two interesting ways to complement this analysis. The first fully retains the medieval aspect of the novel. I believe it would be both interesting and rewarding to compare this nineteenth century novel to a number of medieval romances. An especially interesting topic, in my opinion at least, would be the
499 Scott, The Talisman, p.414. 500 Scott, The Talisman, p.180.
80 comparison between Saladin and characters like the Green Knight501. At first sight, the difference between these two characters could not be any bigger; however, an interesting point could be the fact that both Saladin and the Green Knight draw the attention of the main hero – Sir Kenneth and Sir Gawain – to the latter’s – unintentional – failure to live in a perfect chivalrous manner. More importantly, both Saladin and the Green Knight provide the main hero with both the insight and the means to start with a clean slate. A second possible approach would be to see The Talisman not as a novel about times long gone by, but about Scott’s own day. The suggestion of a comparison between Scott’s representation of medieval chivalry, as analyzed in this dissertation, and early nineteenth century politics and codes of behaviour has also been made by Sutherland, who hints at the usefulness of such a future investigation, applying The Talisman’s differences between “Saracen and Christian [to those between] Whig and Tory”502.
501 Sir Gawain and the Green Knight,
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