Understanding How Foreign Influence and Strongman Policies Prevent Democracy in Egypt
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Middle East Watch Overview
MIDDLE EAST WATCH OVERVIEW Human Rights Developments Nineteen ninety-one was a tumultuous year for the Middle East. The six-week Persian Gulf war, pitting Iraq against a twenty-eight-nation alliance led by the United States, traumatized the entire region. Neighboring states became bitter enemies; old alliances were rent asunder; peoples were set against their governments. In its wake, the original adversaries, Iraq and Kuwait, reverted to their old patterns of recriminatory bloodletting. Iraqi President Saddam Hussein suppressed a serious challenge to his rule by armed Kurdish and Shi'a Muslim insurgents with great ruthlessness, while Sheikh Jaber al-Sabah condoned a settling of scores with Kuwait's once-large foreign population. When the war halted on February 27, only one clear-cut accomplishment had been achieved: Iraq had been compelled to reverse its forcible acquisition of Kuwait, and the government of the Sabah royal family had been restored to power. President Bush proclaimed this military victory a triumph of the "New World Order" that he has espoused. The rule of law as a guiding principle for international relations had been upheld, he claimed, and the world community had shown rare unanimity in acting in concert, rebuffing a bully whose ambitions were beginning to alarm even the most ardent supporters of pan-Arabism. In terms of human rights, however, the war and its aftermath were a disaster. The only mitigating aspect was the precedent set by the United Nations Security Council resolution authorizing military intervention by Western forces in northern Iraq, to provide for the basic needs of displaced Kurds and protect the 3.5 million- strong minority from further slaughter at the hands of vengeful government troops. -
Egypt Presidential Election Observation Report
EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT JULY 2014 This publication was produced by Democracy International, Inc., for the United States Agency for International Development through Cooperative Agreement No. 3263-A- 13-00002. Photographs in this report were taken by DI while conducting the mission. Democracy International, Inc. 7600 Wisconsin Avenue, Suite 1010 Bethesda, MD 20814 Tel: +1.301.961.1660 www.democracyinternational.com EGYPT PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OBSERVATION REPORT July 2014 Disclaimer This publication is made possible by the generous support of the American people through the United States Agency for International Development (USAID). The contents are the responsibility of Democracy International, Inc. and do not necessarily reflect the views of USAID or the United States Government. CONTENTS CONTENTS ................................................................ 4 MAP OF EGYPT .......................................................... I ACKNOWLEDGMENTS ............................................. II DELEGATION MEMBERS ......................................... V ACRONYMS AND ABBREVIATIONS ....................... X EXECUTIVE SUMMARY.............................................. 1 INTRODUCTION ........................................................ 6 ABOUT DI .......................................................... 6 ABOUT THE MISSION ....................................... 7 METHODOLOGY .............................................. 8 BACKGROUND ........................................................ 10 TUMULT -
After the Accords Anwar Sadat
WMHSMUN XXXIV After the Accords: Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet Background Guide “Unprecedented committees. Unparalleled debate. Unmatched fun.” Letters From the Directors Dear Delegates, Welcome to WMHSMUN XXXIV! My name is Hank Hermens and I am excited to be the in-room Director for Anwar Sadat’s Cabinet. I’m a junior at the College double majoring in International Relations and History. I have done model UN since my sophomore year of high school, and since then I have become increasingly involved. I compete as part of W&M’s travel team, staff our conferences, and have served as the Director of Media for our college level conference, &MUN. Right now, I’m a member of our Conference Team, planning travel and training delegates. Outside of MUN, I play trumpet in the Wind Ensemble, do research with AidData and for a professor, looking at the influence of Islamic institutions on electoral outcomes in Tunisia. In my admittedly limited free time, I enjoy reading, running, and hanging out with my friends around campus. As members of Anwar Sadat’s cabinet, you’ll have to deal with the fallout of Egypt’s recent peace with Israel, in Egypt, the greater Middle East and North Africa, and the world. You’ll also meet economic challenges, rising national political tensions, and more. Some of the problems you come up against will be easily solved, with only short-term solutions necessary. Others will require complex, long term solutions, or risk the possibility of further crises arising. No matter what, we will favor creative, outside-the-box ideas as well as collaboration and diplomacy. -
Playing with Fire. the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian
Playing with Fire.The Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian Leviathan Daniela Pioppi After the fall of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) decided to act as a stabilising force, to abandon the street and to lend democratic legiti- macy to the political process designed by the army. The outcome of this strategy was that the MB was first ‘burned’ politically and then harshly repressed after having exhausted its stabilising role. The main mistakes the Brothers made were, first, to turn their back on several opportunities to spearhead the revolt by leading popular forces and, second, to keep their strategy for change gradualist and conservative, seeking compromises with parts of the former regime even though the turmoil and expectations in the country required a much bolder strategy. Keywords: Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood, Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Arab Spring This article aims to analyse and evaluate the post-Mubarak politics of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in an attempt to explain its swift political parable from the heights of power to one of the worst waves of repression in the movement’s history. In order to do so, the analysis will start with the period before the ‘25th of January Revolution’. This is because current events cannot be correctly under- stood without moving beyond formal politics to the structural evolution of the Egyptian system of power before and after the 2011 uprising. In the second and third parts of this article, Egypt’s still unfinished ‘post-revolutionary’ political tran- sition is then examined. It is divided into two parts: 1) the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)-led phase from February 2011 up to the presidential elections in summer 2012; and 2) the MB-led phase that ended with the military takeover in July 2013 and the ensuing violent crackdown on the Brotherhood. -
Banks of Downgraded S&P Rating Extends to Pharmaceuticals
AILY EWS MONDAY, MAY 13, 2013 N D ISSUE NO. 2190 NEWSTAND PRICE LE 4.00 EGYPT www.thedailynewsegypt.com Egypt’s Only Daily Independent Newspaper In English MENA COORDINATOR IN CAIRO A PASSIVE POWER RUNNIN’ ‘rOUND IN CAIRO White House coordinator for the Defence Minister Al-Sisi says the Cairo Runners’s half marathon Middle East, North Africa and the Armed Forces will not intervene in proved to be impressively Gulf Region Philip Gordon comes political affairs or begin policing organised, even while they ran in to Cairo 2 the streets 3 Egypt’s traffic-lawless streets 8 Central Bank receives $3bn Court to rule on Shura Council next month Qatari deposit for bonds The court said the verdict regarding the legality of the BONDS TO MATURE IN THREE YEARS WITH 3.5% INTEREST RATE Shura Council and Constituent Assembly, a case that began last year, will be announced on 2 June By Hend Kortam ing, forcing the court to suspend its activity. The Supreme Constitutional Court By the time the court reconvened will announce the verdict regarding the the new constitution had passed. status of the Shura Council on 2 June. The new constitution transfers full The case regarding the upper legislative authority to the Shura house of parliament had been re- Council until a new lower house, ferred to the State Commissioners renamed the House of Representa- Authority, an advisory panel of ex- tives, is elected. perts, to give its recommendations The constitution also bestows new since the status of the legislature has legislative powers on the council in changed after the adoption of the general, in addition to the ones it held constitution. -
THE RUSSIANS ARE GOING: SADAT, NIXON and the SOVIET PRESENCE in EGYPT, 1970-1971 by Craig A
THE RUSSIANS ARE GOING: SADAT, NIXON AND THE SOVIET PRESENCE IN EGYPT, 1970-1971 By Craig A. Daigle* New evidence reveals that the United States was well aware of Sadat's intention to remove the Soviet military presence from Egypt and took steps over the summer of 1971 to ensure this end. We now know that President Nixon's decision to suspend the supply of aircrafts to Israel at the end of June and his decision to press for reopening the Suez Canal as part of an interim agreement between Egypt and Israel had as much to do with getting Soviets out of Egypt as it did with finding a peace agreement between Egypt and Israel. The decision by Egyptian President Anwar hurried a letter to Leonid Brezhnev, al-Sadat to remove the Soviet military claiming the United States had "no presence from his country during the advanced knowledge of the recent events in summer of 1972 has often been viewed as Egypt," and assured the Soviet Premier that the first step on the road to the October the United States would "take no unilateral War the following year. By removing the actions in the Middle East" as a result of Soviet presence, it has been argued, Sadat the recent developments.(5) was also removing the major obstacle Early scholarly treatment of Sadat's preventing him from engaging in another decision to remove the Soviet military war with Israel.(1) Though Sadat insisted at presence has generally fallen in line with the time that the expulsion of the Soviets this official account. -
Master Thesis
MEASURES BY THE EGYPTIAN GOVERNMENT TO COUNTER THE EXPLOITATION OF (SOCIAL) MEDIA - FACEBOOK AND AL JAZEERA Master Thesis Name: Rajko Smaak Student number: S1441582 Study: Master Crisis and Security Management Date: January 13, 2016 The Hague, The Netherlands Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media II Leiden University CAPSTONE PROJECT ‘FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION VERSUS FREEDOM FROM INTIMIDATION MEASURES BY THE EGYPTIAN GOVERNMENT TO COUNTER THE EXPLOITATION OF (SOCIAL) MEDIA - FACEBOOK AND AL JAZEERA BY Rajko Smaak S1441582 MASTER THESIS Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in Crisis and Security Management at Leiden University, The Hague Campus. January 13, 2016 Leiden, The Netherlands Adviser: Prof. em. Alex P. Schmid Second reader: Dhr. Prof. dr. Edwin Bakker Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media III Leiden University Master Thesis: Measures by the Egyptian government to counter the exploitation of (social) media IV Leiden University Abstract During the Arab uprisings in 2011, social media played a key role in ousting various regimes in the Middle East and North Africa region. Particularly, social media channel Facebook and TV broadcast Al Jazeera played a major role in ousting Hosni Mubarak, former president of Egypt. Social media channels eases the ability for people to express, formulate, send and perceive messages on political issues. However, some countries demonstrate to react in various forms of direct and indirect control of these media outlets. Whether initiated through regulations or punitive and repressive measures such as imprisonment and censorship of media channels. -
The Guardian, February 11, 1981
Wright State University CORE Scholar The Guardian Student Newspaper Student Activities 2-11-1981 The Guardian, February 11, 1981 Wright State University Student Body Follow this and additional works at: https://corescholar.libraries.wright.edu/guardian Part of the Mass Communication Commons Repository Citation Wright State University Student Body (1981). The Guardian, February 11, 1981. : Wright State University. This Newspaper is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Activities at CORE Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in The Guardian Student Newspaper by an authorized administrator of CORE Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. v r. "rJ ' ^ . " - " * * ' • • ' • ... • t , M I ' • - % The Daily Guardian February. 11, 1,981 Issue 65 VolumeXVIJ Wright State University, Dayton, Ohio Inside Vice Presidential candidate comes to Wright State page 2 Flamboyance meets head on in Altered States page 5 Off, the wire Robert Frandrat Parting Services Advisory Committee meeting. The Daily Guardian photo by Scott KlaaeD Soviets not expected to \ intervene in Poland By JIM ANDERSON complete recommendation of a parking WASHINGTON UPI The State By'KARL HAGEN - Commenting on his proposal, Francis Department said yesterday -It con- Guardian Associate Writer said, "The spirit of bringing this here is to system-is made. tinues to watch the Polish situation ; show a general concept of what I would Bob Kretzer, assistant to the Director of with concern,' but noes not think - ' ' . ' V "\ do. it is not detailed enough! at this Parking Services, and Carl Sims, director Soviet military Intervention la "In- Robert Francis, execute director of * campus' planning and operations, present- point to solve the parking prw>lenjs/V -„ of Security and Parking Services, told evitable, Imminent gr justifiable." *• about a. -
The Revolutionary Spirit in Egypt: an Arendtian Perspective
Comment The Revolutionary Spirit in Egypt: An Arendtian Perspective Daniel G. Randolpht I. INTRODUCTION Among the many questions raised by recent events in Egypt is this one: to which tense does the revolution belong? As of this writing, there is certainly evidence that the revolution has passed. Hosni Mubarak, the previously overth- rown dictator, has been released;' Mohamed Morsi, once a popularly elected president, has been overthrown; 2 and the current regime, with its demonstrated willingness to crush political opposition violently, resembles the most oppres- sive aspects of the previous two. Yet the situation in Egypt is currently charac- terized by intense volatility. Although protests from Muslim Brotherhood sup- porters have waned significantly in the shadow of merciless crackdowns, protestors have adapted, and widespread resistance continues.4 Significantly, the resistance movement has recently showed signs of widening its focus and broadening its base. A protest march drawing thousands voiced opposition to the Muslim Brotherhood and the current regime. Many of the signs declared, "No legitimacy and no mandate; the revolution is back!"5 t Yale Law School, J.D. expected 2015; University of North Carolina, B.A. 2009. For de- signing the seminar that gave rise to this piece, and for invaluable substantive feedback as it was devel- oped, thanks to Professors Owen Fiss and Anthony Kronman. The editors at The Yale Journal of Inter- national Law, particularly Matthew Blumenthal and Jennifer Skene, provided very helpful feedback throughout the publishing process. Magdey Abdallah and the students in his reading group have facili- tated my efforts to adapt the paper's arguments to Egypt's rapidly shifting political landscape. -
From Hasan Al-Banna to Mohammad Morsi; the Political Experience of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt
FROM HASAN AL-BANNA TO MOHAMMAD MORSI; THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY AHMET YUSUF ÖZDEMİR IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN MIDDLE EASTERN STUDIES JULY 2013 Approval of the Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Meliha Altunışık Director I certify that this thesis satisfies all the requirements as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science Assoc.Prof.Dr. Özlem Tür Head of Department This is to certify that we have read this thesis and that in our opinion it is fully adequate, in scope and quality, as a thesis for the degree of Master of Science Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı Supervisor Examining Committee Members Prof. Dr. Nuri Yurdusev (METU,IR) Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı (METU, IR) Assis. Prof. Dr. Bayram Sinkaya (YBU, IR) I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last name: Ahmet Yusuf Özdemir Signature : iii ABSTRACT FROM HASAN AL-BANNA TO MOHAMMAD MORSI; THE POLITICAL EXPERIENCE OF MUSLIM BROTHERHOOD IN EGYPT Özdemir, Ahmet Yusuf M.S. Program of Middle East Studies Supervisor: Prof. Dr. İhsan D. Dağı July 2013, 141 pages This thesis analyses the political and ideological transformation of the Society of Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt from its foundation in 1928 to 2012. -
Camp David's Shadow
Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2015 © 2015 Seth Anziska All rights reserved ABSTRACT Camp David’s Shadow: The United States, Israel, and the Palestinian Question, 1977-1993 Seth Anziska This dissertation examines the emergence of the 1978 Camp David Accords and the consequences for Israel, the Palestinians, and the wider Middle East. Utilizing archival sources and oral history interviews from across Israel, Palestine, Lebanon, the United States, and the United Kingdom, Camp David’s Shadow recasts the early history of the peace process. It explains how a comprehensive settlement to the Arab-Israeli conflict with provisions for a resolution of the Palestinian question gave way to the facilitation of bilateral peace between Egypt and Israel. As recently declassified sources reveal, the completion of the Camp David Accords—via intensive American efforts— actually enabled Israeli expansion across the Green Line, undermining the possibility of Palestinian sovereignty in the occupied territories. By examining how both the concept and diplomatic practice of autonomy were utilized to address the Palestinian question, and the implications of the subsequent Israeli and U.S. military intervention in Lebanon, the dissertation explains how and why the Camp David process and its aftermath adversely shaped the prospects of a negotiated settlement between Israelis and Palestinians in the 1990s. In linking the developments of the late 1970s and 1980s with the Madrid Conference and Oslo Accords in the decade that followed, the dissertation charts the role played by American, Middle Eastern, international, and domestic actors in curtailing the possibility of Palestinian self-determination. -
Why Did Egyptian Democratization Fail? Fourteen Experts Respond
Q&A Why Did Egyptian Democratization Fail? Fourteen Experts Respond Edited by Amy Hawthorne and Andrew Miller January 2020 On January 25, 2011, brave Egyptians began pouring into the streets demanding the resignation of strongman President Hosni Mubarak and “bread, freedom, and social justice.” On February 11, in the face of mass protests, the army forced Mubarak to step down, ending his thirty-year dictatorship. The Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF), composed of the military’s top leadership, immediately assumed control over the government, promising a democratic transition. Seventeen months later it grudgingly ceded some power to a freely elected parliament and president from the Muslim Brotherhood. Between Mubarak’s ouster and the military’s July 3, 2013 coup against President Mohamed Morsi, there were moments when a genuine transition to democracy seemed possible. But after the coup, a new military-backed dictatorship took power, led by coup leader and former Minister of Defense Abdel Fattah al-Sisi. His regime has extinguished all politics and taken repression to levels not seen in Egypt in decades. Egyptians and foreign analysts continue to debate what went wrong after February 2011. To add to these reflections, POMED asked 14 experts to respond concisely to the following question: Looking back nine years later, what in your view was the primary reason for the failure of Egypt’s short democratic experiment? We are pleased to publish their responses here. ZEINAB ABUL-MAGD Professor of History at Oberlin College and author of many works on Egypt, including Militarizing the Nation: The Army, Business, and Revolution in Egypt (2017) Post-Mubarak Egypt became a more brutal security state instead of a democracy primarily because the military succeeded in exploiting the hidden powers it had acquired during his regime.