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Capitol Feminism: Work, Politics, and Gender in Congress, 1960-1980

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Capitol Feminism: Work, Politics, and Gender in Congress, 1960-1980 Capitol Feminism: Work, Politics, and Gender in Congress, 1960-1980 Rachel Laura Pierce North Liberty, IN B.A., History, Grinnell College, 2006 M.A., History, University of Virginia, 2008 A Dissertation presented to the Graduate Faculty of the University of Virginia in Candidacy for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Virginia August, 2014 Table of Contents Acknowledgements . 2 The Political Is Personal: An Introduction to “Capitol Feminism” . 4 Chapter 1 “A Man’s Town” Gender, Office Politics, and the Swinging Sixties on Capitol Hill . 20 Chapter 2 “Woodwork Feminists” Professionalization and Feminism in Congress . 68 Chapter 3 “I Can Type” Changing the Gendered Culture of Congress . 118 Chapter 4 “Like the Wizard of Oz” Building Feminist Lobbies in Congress . 161 Chapter 5 “A Moral Climate for Reform” Constructing and Pursuing a Feminist Legislative Agenda . 208 Chapter 6 “Devious Paths” Abortion and the Evolution of the Feminist Congressional Network . 225 Epilogue . 302 1 Acknowledgements A dissertation is not an easy thing to research or write. Nor is it easy to deal with the person doing the research and writing, who is alternately tired and frustrated, harried and nervous. The first person I want to thank is Cindy Aron, who is the best sounding board and editor a graduate student could have. And thanks to the rest of my committee, Grace Hale, Brian Balogh, and Nick Winter. You all provided great comments, opinions, and criticisms, which have and will continue to give me with a lot to chew on as I work to turn this project into a book. Financial support was integral to the completion of this dissertation. Grants from the University of Virginia’s Department of Arts and Sciences, the Margaret Chase Smith Library, the Schlesinger Library at Harvard University, the Sophia Smith Library at Smith College, the Doris G. Quinn Foundation, the United States Capitol Historical Society, the Bentley Historical Library at the University of Michigan, Pennsylvania State University Libraries, the Seeley Mudd Library at Princeton University, the Dirksen Congressional Center, and the Institute of the Humanities and Global Cultures at the University of Virginia all allowed me to do the research for this project. The Department of History at UVa then gave me a fellowship that made it possible to finish writing the dissertation. The completion of the dissertation would not have been possible without each and every one of those support sources. The people I met on my research travels made the itineracy not just bearable but fun. Valerie is always my California safety net, even though I am still a little afraid of her dogs. Angie Stockwell provided a room in her house and signed me up for a 5k on a dirt road in Maine. Melina Martinez and her little boy kept me company in Cambridge. Maura Kahn gave me a place to stay in the expensive city of Washington, D.C. I still owe you a meal. Leann Wilson not only gave me a couch to sleep on but came and visited me in Sweden. And Susie 2 Langenkamp provided a refuge in Charlottesville, when I needed to combine writing and teaching without going crazy. A lot of D.C. folks graciously offered their help and enhanced this project tremendously. Numerous staffers let me ask them questions and provided me with much-need perspective. It is easy to forget that you are writing about real people – complicated, interesting, and funny people – during the years spent researching and writing a dissertation. I want to thank Olga Grkavac, Arvonne Fraser, Margaret Goodman, Bernice Sandler, Emily Card, Julia Bloch, Kathleen McGuire, Susan Ahern Megill, Claudia Weicker, Barbara Reno, Ken Birnbaum, Jan Lipkin, Ellen Hoffman, Amy Isaacs, Margaret Goodman, Judy Freshman, and Carmen Delgado Votaw. You all kept me honest. Historians in both the House and Senate historical offices were also an enormous help. I especially want to thank Kate Scott, who provided encouragement and materials in equal measure. She also gave me access to the Senate’s library, where I could read Roll Call, an invaluable source for someone studying the daily life of Congress. I also want to thank my friends and family, who were there for me every step of the way. My parents Pat and Aileen gave me unflinching support and an all-important financial safety net. Both they and my sister Caitlin took my phone calls, even when I was calling just to complain. A million thanks to Quenna, Adrienne, Katherine, Amy, Vanessa, Leann, and Gena, many of whom kept me company and made me feel at home in one or several of the cities I visited in the last four years. In Sweden, the Öhman family – Sigge, Marja, Marika, Mikaela, Mårten, Alf, Martin, Evaliz, Ellen, Jonathan, John, and now little Selma – you all took me in. It makes infinite sense that I am writing this on Öland. Jag älskar Sverige. Last, I want to thank Martin. Martin is the best. 3 The Political Is Personal: An Introduction to “Capitol Feminism” High politics itself is a gendered concept, for it establishes its crucial importance and public power, the reasons for and the fact of its highest authority, precisely in its exclusion of women from its work. – Joan Wallach Scott, 19861 [W]omen inside of government in mainstream positions are crucial to the success of the outside women in affecting policy. They alert women’s organizations to changes in regulations, to shifts in policies, to the timing of congressional hearings. They suggest the need for letters or phone calls advocating women’s interests. But if they are too open in their support of women’s issues, their effectiveness may be reduced. – Irene Tinker, 19832 In 1976, Rep. Alphonso Bell (R-CA) gave in to the women’s liberation movement and voted to support legislation supporting enforcement of Title IX, the landmark law establishing women’s right to equal opportunities in education. Explaining his decision, Bell asserted that “There’s no way I can vote wrong on this bill. My administrative assistant is in there, and cares with her guts.”3 His aide was one of many staffers pulling for Title IX. As one lobbyist described, the bill benefitted from “a new phenomenon”: the conference committee room “was replete with professional women.”4 Title IX was not the only piece of legislation helped by the feminist advocacy of staffers. Through the 1970s, women on the Hill adopted and adapted the rhetoric, ideological precepts, and policy goals of the women’s movement. Some staffers worked to change the congressional workplace. Others worked to research, write, and lobby for feminist legislation with national ramifications, using their relationships with male colleagues to pass dozens of bills to establish sex equity. In the U.S. Congress during the 1970s, the politics of women’s rights was deeply personal.5 1 Joan Wallach Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis,” Gender and the Politics of History, revised ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1999): 48. 2 Irene Tinker, ed. Women in Washington: Advocates for Public Policy (Sage Publications, 1983): 11. 3 The quotation is secondhand, related in an interview conducted for and quoted in Arlene Kaplan Daniels, “Careers in Feminism,” Gender and Society 5:4 (Dec 1991): 593. 4 Ibid. 5 Though debates about the feminist slogan “the personal is political” rage to this day, there is relatively little work done on politics as a personal process, outside of analyses of consciousness-raising amongst radical feminists. For studies that cast their net a little more widely, see William H. Chafe, Private Lives/Public Consequences: Personality and Politics in Modern America (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005); Myra McPherson, The 4 On the Hill, advocates for women’s rights wielded feminism and the specter of the feminist movement as tools to legitimate a new area of policymaking: women’s issues. Wives, staffers, lobbyists, and legislators slowly convinced Congress that sex discrimination did, in fact, exist. They fought an uphill battle. Hill feminists had to combat the perception that women were already equal, that demands for bills combatting sex discrimination were laughable while Congress struggled with the problem of eradicating racial discrimination. Indeed, a whole host of other issues – the Vietnam War, civil rights, the War on Poverty – demanded central stage on Capitol Hill during the 1970s, and all were arguably more important than women’s plight. Most legislators only slowly recognized the need for feminist legislation, convinced by a combination of personal appeals, hard research documenting patterns of discrimination, and the threat of an angry female vote. Congresspersons formed their opinions about feminism and sex discrimination on Capitol Hill, a grassroots community as much as a place of policymaking for the nation. Half of this community was female. Like clerical and professional women in other American offices, staffers came to view their office environment as the embodiment of male privilege. Like other office workers, they repackaged the rebellious, insistent politics of feminism and used it to make sense of their own world.6 Female congressional staffers argued for equal rights using their own problems and concerns as illustrations of broad, documented trends. They made feminist complaints about unequal access to educational and employment opportunities real for men on the Hill. In 1977, Maren Lockwood Carden asserted that “if the [women’s] movement had not found many sympathetic listeners and workers with the institutionalized segments of society, it Power Lovers: An Intimate Look at Politics and Marriage (New York: GP Putnam’s Sons, 1975); Nancy Olson, With a Lot of Help from Our Friends: The Politics of Alcoholism (New York: Writers Club Press, 2003). 6 For similar observations about other female office workers in the 1970s, see Nancy MacLean, “The Hidden History of Affirmative Action: Working Women’s Struggles in the 1970s and the Gender of Class,” Feminist Studies 25:1 (Spring 1999): 42-78.
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