Iscrizioni Reali Dal Vicino Oriente Antico
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Antologia Della Letteratura Ittita
UNIVERSITÀ DEGLI STUDI DI PISA Dipartimento di Scienze storiche del mondo antico Giuseppe Del Monte ANTOLOGIA DELLA LETTERATURA ITTITA Servizio Editoriale Universitario di Pisa Aprile 2003 Azienda Regionale D.S.U. - PISA © SEU - Via Curtatone e Montanara 6 - 56126 Pisa - tel/fax 050/540120 aprile 2003 ii SOMMARIO CAPITOLO I. Iscrizioni reali e editti 1-41 a) Iscrizioni dei re di Kusara e Nesa 1. Dalla “Iscrizione di Anitta” 1 b) L’Antico Regno 1. Le “Gesta di Hattusili I” 3 2. Da un editto di Hattusili I 7 3. Dall’Editto di Telipinu 8 c) Il Medio Regno 1. Dagli Annali di Tuthalija I 14 2. Editto di Tuthalija I sulla giustizia 16 3. Dagli Annali di Arnuwanda I 17 4. Editto della Regina Ašmunikal sui mausolei reali 18 d) Il Nuovo Regno 1. Dalle Gesta di Suppiluliuma 20 2. Dagli Annali Decennali di Mursili II 27 3. Dalla Apologia di Hattusili III 32 4. Editto di Hattusili III per i figli di Mitannamuwa 37 5. Suppiluliuma II e la conquista di Alasija 39 CAPITOLO II. Trattati e accordi 43-77 a) Il Medio Regno 1. Dal trattato di Tuthalija I con Šunašura di Kizuwatna 43 2. Da un trattato di Arnuwanda I con i Kaskei 45 3. Preghiera/trattato di Arnuwanda I con i Kaskei 46 4. Lista di ostaggi kaskei da Maşat Höyük/Tapika 51 5. Dalla “Requisitoria contro Madduwatta” 52 6. Dalle Istruzioni ai governatori delle province di frontiera 56 b) Il Nuovo Regno 1. Dal trattato di Suppiluliuma I con Aziru di Amurru 59 2. -
SUMERIAN LITERATURE and SUMERIAN IDENTITY My Title Puts
CNI Publicati ons 43 SUMERIAN LITERATURE AND SUMERIAN IDENTITY JERROLD S. COOPER PROBLEMS OF C..\NONlCl'TY AND IDENTITY FORMATION IN A NCIENT EGYPT AND MESOPOTAMIA There is evidence of a regional identity in early Babylonia, but it does not seem to be of the Sumerian ethno-lingusitic sort. Sumerian Edited by identity as such appears only as an artifact of the scribal literary KIM RYHOLT curriculum once the Sumerian language had to be acquired through GOJKO B AR .I AMOVIC educati on rather than as a mother tongue. By the late second millennium, it appears there was no notion that a separate Sumerian ethno-lingui stic population had ever existed. My title puts Sumerian literature before Sumerian identity, and in so doing anticipates my conclusion, which will be that there was little or no Sumerian identity as such - in the sense of "We are all Sumerians!" outside of Sumerian literature and the scribal milieu that composed and transmitted it. By "Sumerian literature," I mean the corpus of compositions in Sumerian known from manuscripts that date primarily 1 to the first half of the 18 h century BC. With a few notable exceptions, the compositions themselves originated in the preceding three centuries, that is, in what Assyriologists call the Ur III and Isin-Larsa (or Early Old Babylonian) periods. I purposely eschew the too fraught and contested term "canon," preferring the very neutral "corpus" instead, while recognizing that because nearly all of our manuscripts were produced by students, the term "curriculum" is apt as well. 1 The geographic designation "Babylonia" is used here for the region to the south of present day Baghdad, the territory the ancients would have called "Sumer and Akkad." I will argue that there is indeed evidence for a 3rd millennium pan-Babylonian regional identity, but little or no evidence that it was bound to a Sumerian mother-tongue community. -
Mesopotamian Epic."
' / Prof. Scott B. Noege1 Chair, Dept. of Near Eastern Languages and Civilization University of Washington "Mesopotamian Epic." First Published in: John Miles Foley, ed. The Blackwell Companion to Ancient Epic London: Blackwell (2005), 233-245. ' / \.-/ A COMPANION TO ANCIENT EPIC Edited by John Miles Foley ~ A Blackwell '-II Publishing ~"o< - -_u - - ------ @ 2005 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd BLACKWELL PUBLISHING 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA 9600 Garsington Road, Oxford OX4 2DQ, UK 550 Swanston Street, Carlton, Victoria 3053, Australia The right ofJohn Miles Foley to be identified as the Author of the Editorial Material in this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs, and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher. First published 2005 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd 1 2005 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A companion to ancient epic / edited by John Miles Foley. p. cm. - (Blackwell companions to the ancient world. Literature and culture) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-4051-0524-0 (alk. paper) 1. Epic poetry-History and criticism. 2. Epic literature-History and criticism. 3. Epic poetry, Classical-History and criticism. I. Foley, John Miles. II. Series. PN1317.C662005 809.1'32-dc22 2004018322 ISBN-13: 978-1-4051-0524-8 (hardback) A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. -
Forgetting the Sumerians in Ancient Iraq Jerrold Cooper Johns Hopkins University
“I have forgotten my burden of former days!” Forgetting the Sumerians in Ancient Iraq Jerrold Cooper Johns Hopkins University The honor and occasion of an American Oriental Society presidential address cannot but evoke memories. The annual AOS meeting is, after all, the site of many of our earliest schol- arly memories, and more recent ones as well. The memory of my immediate predecessor’s address, a very hard act to follow indeed, remains vivid. Sid Griffiths gave a lucid account of a controversial topic with appeal to a broad audience. His delivery was beautifully attuned to the occasion, and his talk was perfectly timed. At the very first AOS presidential address I attended, the speaker was a bit tipsy, and, ten minutes into his talk, he looked at his watch and said, “Oh, I’ve gone on too long!” and sat down. I also remember a quite different presi- dential address in which, after an hour had passed, the speaker declared, “I know I’ve been talking for a long time, but since this is the first and only time most of you will hear anything about my field, I’ll continue on until you’ve heard all I think you ought to know!” It is but a small move from individual memory to cultural memory, a move I would like to make with a slight twist. As my title announces, the subject of this communication will not be how the ancient Mesopotamians remembered their past, but rather how they managed to forget, or seemed to forget, an important component of their early history. -
The Ubaid Period the Sumerian King List
Sumer by Joshua J. Mark published on 28 April 2011 Sumer was the southernmost region of ancient Mesopotamia (modern-day Iraq Map of Sumer (by P L Kessler, Copyright) and Kuwait) which is generally considered the cradle of civilization. The name comes from Akkadian, the language of the north of Mesopotamia, and means “land of the civilized kings”. The Sumerians called themselves “the black headed people” and their land, in cuneiform script, was simply “the land” or “the land of the black headed people”and, in the biblical Book of Genesis, Sumer is known as Shinar. According to the Sumerian King List, when the gods first gave human beings the gifts necessary for cultivating society, they did so by establishing the city of Eridu in the region of Sumer. While the Sumerian city of Uruk is held to be the oldest city in the world, the ancient Mesopotamians believed that it was Eridu and that it was here that order was established and civilization began. The Ubaid Period The region of Sumer was long thought to have been first inhabited around 4500 BCE. This date has been contested in recent years, however, and it now thought that human activity in the area began much earlier. The first selers were not Sumerians but a people of unknown origin whom archaeologists have termed the Ubaid people - from the excavated mound of al- Ubaid where the artifacts were uncovered which first aested to their existence - or the Proto-Euphrateans which designates them as earlier inhabitants of the region of the Euphrates River. Whoever these people were, they had already moved from a hunter- gatherer society to an agrarian one prior to 5000 BCE. -
" King of Kish" in Pre-Sarogonic Sumer
"KING OF KISH" IN PRE-SAROGONIC SUMER* TOHRU MAEDA Waseda University 1 The title "king of Kish (lugal-kiski)," which was held by Sumerian rulers, seems to be regarded as holding hegemony over Sumer and Akkad. W. W. Hallo said, "There is, moreover, some evidence that at the very beginning of dynastic times, lower Mesopotamia did enjoy a measure of unity under the hegemony of Kish," and "long after Kish had ceased to be the seat of kingship, the title was employed to express hegemony over Sumer and Akked and ulti- mately came to signify or symbolize imperial, even universal, dominion."(1) I. J. Gelb held similar views.(2) The problem in question is divided into two points: 1) the hegemony of the city of Kish in early times, 2) the title "king of Kish" held by Sumerian rulers in later times. Even earlier, T. Jacobsen had largely expressed the same opinion, although his opinion differed in some detail from Hallo's.(3) Hallo described Kish's hegemony as the authority which maintained harmony between the cities of Sumer and Akkad in the First Early Dynastic period ("the Golden Age"). On the other hand, Jacobsen advocated that it was the kingship of Kish that brought about the breakdown of the older "primitive democracy" in the First Early Dynastic period and lead to the new pattern of rule, "primitive monarchy." Hallo seems to suggest that the Early Dynastic I period was not the period of a primitive community in which the "primitive democracy" was realized, but was the period of class society in which kingship or political power had already been formed. -
The Epic of Gilgamesh
COREComp. by: PG0963 Stage : Proof ChapterID: 9780521880947c01 Date:29/ Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk 11/09 Time:13:00:38 Filepath:H:/01_CUP/3B2/Bates-9780521880947/ ProvidedApplications/3B2/Proof/9780521880947c01.3d by SOAS Research Online 1 A. R. GEORGE The Epic of Gilgamesh Introduction The name ‘Epic of Gilgamesh’ is given to the Babylonian poem that tells the deeds of Gilgamesh, the greatest king and mightiest hero of ancient Mesopotamian legend. The poem falls into the category ‘epic’ because it is a long narrative poem of heroic content and has the seriousness and pathos that have sometimes been identified as markers of epic. Some early Assyri- ologists, when nationalism was a potent political force, characterized it as the ‘national epic’ of Babylonia, but this notion has deservedly lapsed. The poem’s subject is not the establishment of a Babylonian nation nor an episode in that nation’s history, but the vain quest of a man to escape his mortality. In its final and best-preserved version it is a sombre meditation on the human condition. The glorious exploits it tells are motivated by individ- ual human predicaments, especially desire for fame and horror of death. The emotional struggles related in the story of Gilgamesh are those of no collective group but of the individual. Among its timeless themes are the friction between nature and civilization, friendship between men, the place in the universe of gods, kings and mortals, and the misuse of power. The poem speaks to the anxieties and life-experience of a human being, and that is why modern readers find it both profound and enduringly relevant. -
The Weeping Goddess: Sumerian Prototypes of the Mater Dolorosa Author(S): Samuel Noah Kramer Source: the Biblical Archaeologist, Vol
The Weeping Goddess: Sumerian Prototypes of the Mater Dolorosa Author(s): Samuel Noah Kramer Source: The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. 46, No. 2 (Spring, 1983), pp. 69-80 Published by: The American Schools of Oriental Research . The Weeping Goddess: Sumerian Prototypes of the Mater Dolorosa by Samuel Noah Kramer Some time about 2000 B.c., a devasta- ting calamity befell Sumer, a disaster that well-nigh ended the existence of Sumer as a political entity. What made this catastrophe partic- Ur-Nammu, the founder of the ThirdDynasty, erected this stele at Ur. Only fragments of the stele werepreserved, but it has been restored to its original size of approximatelyten feet high ularly tragic, was and five feet wide. The top decorative zone shows the king pouring libations before an enthroned deity. The scene is repeated in the second zone with Ur-Nammu appearing the poignant fact twice-once before the moon-god Nanna and once before the goddess Ningal. The heavily damaged, lower zones of the stele originally depicted the king engaged in building that it marked operations. University Museum, University of Pennsylvania. BIBLICALARCHAEOLOGIST/SPRING 1983 69 the end of a Sumerian renaissance of at bay,but to no avail. They contin- Finally,in the twenty-fourth year political and economic power,a ued their inroads into Sumer dur- of his reign, the Elamites and their periodwhen learning, literature, and ing the reign of Ibbi-Sin,the last allies, the Su-people, overwhelmed music flourished throughout the king of the dynasty,who suc- and destroyedUr and led off Ibbi-Sin, land. -
The Mortal Kings of Ur: a Short Century of Divine
3 THE MORTAL KINGS OF UR: A SHORT CENTURY OF DIVINE RULE IN ANCIENT MESOPOTAMIA PIOTR MICHALOWSKI, UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN Assyriologists are at a disadvantage whenever the subject of divine kingship comes up. The issue is not an old one, but it has its lingering ghosts, James Frazer and Edward Evans Prichard, and it has its favorite haunting ground, the continent of Africa and the island of Mad agascar. Ever since Frazer delineated the problem in 1890, the focus of investigation has been on Africa, and the definition has encompassed three central components: duality, regicide, and the mediating role of the king. Of the three, regicide has been the most contentious issue, but it is one that is hardly important outside of the Africanist debates. Moreover, as Kasja Ekholm Friedman (1985: 250) has written, some have viewed divine kingship as "an autonomous sym bolic structure that can only be understood in terms of its own internal symbolic structure." Writing about the Lower Congo (Friedman 1985: 251), she undertook to demonstrate that "it is a historical product which has undergone transformations connected to the general structural change that has turned Africa into an underdeveloped periphery of the West." Here, I follow her example and attempt to locate the eruptions of early Mesopotamian divine kingship as historically defined phenomena, rather than as moments in a developmental trajectory of an autonomous symbolic structure. Most studies of the early history of Mesopotamian kingship concentrate on the develop ment of a specific figure in text and art; the underlying notions are social evolutionary, and the methodology is philological, often relying on etymology and the study of the occurrence and history of lexical labels, as summarized well in a recent article by Nicole Brisch (forth coming). -
The Role of Women in Work and Society in the Ancient Near East
The Role of Women in Work and Society in the Ancient Near East Brigitte Lion and Cécile Michel - 9781614519089 Downloaded from De Gruyter Online at 09/21/2016 02:07:00PM via De Gruyter / TCS Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Records General Editor: Gonzalo Rubio Editors: Nicole Brisch, Petra Goedegebuure, Markus Hilgert, Amélie Kuhrt, Peter Machinist, Piotr Michalowski, Cécile Michel, Beate Pongratz-Leisten, D. T. Potts, Kim Ryholt Volume 13 Brigitte Lion and Cécile Michel - 9781614519089 Downloaded from De Gruyter Online at 09/21/2016 02:07:00PM via De Gruyter / TCS The Role of Women in Work and Society in the Ancient Near East Edited by Brigitte Lion and Cécile Michel Brigitte Lion and Cécile Michel - 9781614519089 Downloaded from De Gruyter Online at 09/21/2016 02:07:00PM via De Gruyter / TCS ISBN 978-1-61451-913-3 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-1-61451-908-9 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-1-61451-997-3 ISSN 2161-4415 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A CIP catalog record for this book has been applied for at the Library of Congress. Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the Internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2016 Walter de Gruyter Inc., Boston/Berlin Typesetting: Meta Systems Publishing & Printservices GmbH, Wustermark Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck ♾ Printed on acid-free paper Printed in Germany www.degruyter.com Brigitte Lion and Cécile Michel - 9781614519089 Downloaded -
Shulgi-Simti and Her Libation Place (Ki-A-Nag)(1)
SHULGI-SIMTI AND HER LIBATION PLACE (KI-A-NAG)(1) TOHRU GOMI Lecturer, Shizuoka Women's University I During the four successive reigns of the kings of the third dynasty of Ur which ruled Mesopotamia in the twenty-first century B. C., Puzris-Dagan (now called Drehem), lying south of Nippur, provided animals to be sacrificed for temples and shrines mostly situated in Ur, the capital of the kingdom, and in Nippur, the religious center of the Sumerian pantheon. This central cattle exchange was established by Shulgi, the second and the most mighty monarch of the dynasty, in his thirty-ninth regnal year, as is commemorated in its year- formula.(2) In thousands of texts found there(3) we often find the name of Shulgi's wife, Shulgi-simti,(4) which appears, in most cases, in a phrase mu-tu-dSul-gi- si-im-ti/-turn-ma that means "the delivery for (or, in the name of) Shulgi- simti."(5) When we arrange all the texts containing her name in chronological order, as S. T. Kang did in his SACT I (1972), pp. 264-267,(6) it becomes ap- parent that she was one of the most important and most active women of that time and that her activity as receiver of animals(7) offered by many individuals continued from the thirty-second to forty-seventh year of Shulgi's reign.(8) There is no text which gives us any information about the mu-tu-dSul-gi-si-im-ti after that period. Thus it is clear that her activity was restricted only within her husband's reign. -
Hitit Metinlerinde Akad Çaği Ile Ilgili Kayitlar
TAD, C. 38/S. 66, 2019, 1-66. HİTİT METİNLERİNDE AKAD ÇAĞI İLE İLGİLİ KAYITLAR RECORDS RELATED TO AKKADIAN PERIOD IN THE HITTITES’ TEXTS Kurtuluş KIYMET Özet Akad Devleti’ni inceleyen günümüz tarihçileri için işin zor kısmı, ilgili belgelerin çoğunun, bu devletin yıkılışından sonraki döneme tarihlenmesinden kaynaklanmaktadır. Sargon dönemi yazıtları neredeyse hiçbir şekilde doğrudan günümüze ulaşmamıştır. Naramsin yazıtları ise ülkenin her yerinden gelmektedir, ancak bunlar güvenilir bir kronolojik sıra ile düzenlenememektedir. Akad Devleti’nden sonraki yıllarda, her iki kralın askeri seferleri akıllardan asla silinmemiş ve yüzyıllarca kaydedilmiştir. Özellikle Eski Babil Çağı’nda kâtipler Sargon ve Naramsin’in Güney Mezopotamya kentlerinde diktikleri stellerin üzerindeki yazıtları kil tabletlere kaydetmeye başlamışlardır. Anadolu’da da M.Ö. 2. binde, önce Asur Ticaret Kolonileri Çağı’nda ardından Hitit Devleti döneminde Akad kralları hakkında efsaneler, çiviyazılı belgelerde kendine yer bulmuştur. Kültepe’den Akadlı Sargon’la ilgili bir tablet bunun örneklerinden biridir. Hitit Çağı’na geldiğimizde ise bu konu ile ilişkili belgeler biraz daha çeşitlilik kazanmıştır. Bunlar arasında I. Hattušili’nin yıllıkları, šar tamhari metinleri, Naramsin efsaneleri, Hurrice-Hititçe bir büyü metni ve Gurparanzah Destanı yer almaktadır. Bu belgeler Akadca, Hititçe ve Hurrice yazılmışlardır. Bahsi geçen metinler arasında Sargon ve Naramsin ile ilgili en etraflı bilgileri, Kültepe metni, šar tamhari metinleri, 17 Düşman Kral ve Kutha Efsanesi’nde buluruz. Anahtar Kelimeler: Akad Devleti, Sargon, Naramsin, Savaşın Kralı, Hititler. Abstract The difficult part for contemporary historians to study the Akkadian state is that most of the relevant documents are related to the date of the next turn after the collapse of this state. Texts written during the lifetime of Sargon hardly survive.