LE CULTURE DELLA TERZA VIA in GRAN BRETAGNA Corporativismo

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LE CULTURE DELLA TERZA VIA in GRAN BRETAGNA Corporativismo DIPARTIMENTO DI SCIENZE DEI BENI CULTURALI Dottorato di Ricerca in Storia d’Europa: società, politica, istituzioni (XIX-XX secolo) XXVII Ciclo LE CULTURE DELLA TERZA VIA IN GRAN BRETAGNA Corporativismo, industrial planning e tecnocrazia dalla Grande Guerra alla Grande Crisi, 1906-1935 CANDIDATO VALERIO TORREGGIANI TUTOR PROF. LUCIANO PALERMO CO-TUTOR PROF. LEONARDO RAPONE COORDINATRICE PROF.SSA GABRIELLA CIAMPI INDICE Introduzione..........................................................................................................p. 1 1. Il corporativismo: un’ambigua utopia 1.1. Un problema terminologico e concettuale……………………………….p. 16 1.2. Verso un paradigma per le scienze sociali…………………………….....p. 21 1.3. Un modello di corporativismo…………………………………………...p. 29 1.3.1. Lo Stato, l’economia e il mercato 1.3.2. Il mondo del lavoro: proprietà privata, imprenditori e lavoratori 1.3.3. Le organizzazioni delle categorie economiche: caratteristiche e funzioni 2. Ordine e gerarchia 2.1. Antecedenti e precedenti………………………………………………....p. 61 2.1.1. La crisi del liberalismo inglese di fine XIX secolo 2.1.2. Ripensare l’idea di libertà: idealismo e darwinismo sociale 2.1.3. Sviluppi politici: efficienza sociale e New Liberalism 2.2. Contro l’atomismo sociale……………………………………………….p. 80 2.2.1. T.E. Hulme: anti-liberismo e anti-democrazia tra Nietzsche, Bergson e Sorel 2.2.2. La personalità giuridica dei corpi intermedi 2.3. Il recupero del termine-concetto di gilda………………………………...p. 91 2.3.1. A.J. Penty tra medievalismo e socialismo 2.3.2. A.R. Orage e la nascita del New Age Circle 2.3.3. Funzionalismo e organicismo 2.3.4. Contro il Servile State: verso il cattolicesimo sociale 3. Un pluralismo corporativo: il socialismo delle gilde 3.1. Verso il socialismo delle gilde…………………………………………..p. 125 3.1.1. Socialismo e romanticismo: gli anni universitari di G.D.H. Cole 3.1.2. La critica al socialismo fabiano 3.1.3. La nascita del socialismo delle gilde 3.2. La guerra, lo Stato e la questione della sovranità……………………….p. 143 3.2.1. Contro il monismo statale 3.2.2. Verso una democrazia industriale 3.3. Alla ricerca dell’equilibrio………………………………………………p. 156 3.3.1. Individui e corpi sociali 3.3.2. La comunità nazionale come insieme di interessi 3.3.3. Lo Stato delle funzioni: un pluralismo corporativo 4. Ipotesi per un parlamento del lavoro 4.1. Alla ricerca della stabilità industriale: il Whitley Report del 1917……...p. 171 4.2. Piani di ricostruzione industriale………………………………………...p. 189 4.2.1. Per un parlamento degli interessi economici 4.2.2. La conferenza industriale nazionale del 1919 4.3. La terza via dei giovani conservatori…………………………………....p. 206 4.3.1. Un conservatorismo costruttivo 4.3.2. Stato e industria: le origini della Middle Way 5. I corporativismi mancati 5.1. La terza via dei cattolici inglesi: la teoria distributista………………….p. 227 5.2. La parabola corporativa di Oswald Mosley……………………………..p. 239 5.2.1. La rivolta contro l’establishment: il New Party 5.2.2. Il fascismo impossibile: la British Union of Fascists 5.3. Piani per un auto-governo del capitalismo……………………………....p. 259 5.3.1. Il Political and Economic Planning: tra centralizzazione e auto- governo industriale 5.3.2. Una proposta di legge corporativa Conclusioni La rappresentanza degli interessi come chiave per la stabilità…………………...p. 282 Bibliografia e fonti………………………………………………………………p. 295 Appendice documentaria……………………………………………………….p. 331 Dizionario biografico……………………………………………………………p. 368 «Sine ira et studio» (Tacito, Annales) INTRODUZIONE In un’epoca di crisi socio-economica, politica e culturale di dimensioni globali, lo spazio pubblico s’affolla di riformatori, rivoluzionari, utopisti, profeti e predicatori. L’idea di crisi porta infatti con sé l’immagine dell’occasione, dell’opportunità di riscatto che curi il mondo dai suoi mali, sanando gli errori del passato che hanno condotto la civiltà sull’orlo della catastrofe. Questo studio si occupa di un periodo di profonda crisi vissuto dalle civiltà occidentali durante la prima metà del XX secolo: una crisi che, drammaticamente inaugurata dal conflitto più devastante che l’umanità avesse fino a quel momento conosciuto e che rimarrà impresso nella memoria collettiva come la Grande Guerra, fu insieme culturale, economica, sociale e politica. Tra quelle che venivano percepite come fumanti macerie di una civiltà in declino germogliò un piccolo esercito di pensatori e filosofi, politici e riformatori che, armati di penna, si fecero profeti di un ordine nuovo e diverso, portatore di una palingenesi totale. L’oggetto centrale di questo lavoro è proprio lo studio della genesi e dei percorsi di progettualità socio-economiche e politiche che, rifiutando il passato liberista tanto quanto la prospettiva di una rivoluzione socialista percepita anch’essa come catastrofe, proponevano una terza via, diversa sia dal liberalismo che dal socialismo, per salvare la società occidentale. Un nuovo ordine che, rifiutando le ideologie scaturite dalla Rivoluzione francese, prendeva a modello il sistema corporativo d’età medievale quale esempio virtuoso di equo progresso economico che garantiva contemporaneamente diffuso benessere e grande coesione sociale. All’idea della contrapposizione tra le classi, alla quale soggiacevano specularmente socialisti e liberali, proletari e borghesi, alcuni teorici cominciarono a preferire l’arte del comporre e del regolare. Un’arte che veniva vista come il sostrato fondamentale sul quale era stato costruito il modello corporativo medievale, fondato proprio sull’armonica composizione degli interessi economici. Applicato alla società industriale, esso avrebbe costituito da una parte la cura ad un declinante capitalismo, dall’altra l’unica difesa possibile contro una montante lotta di classe che, se non arginata, avrebbe presto demolito le sempre più fragili difese erette dal vecchio ordine liberale. Il fucro della ricerca è costituito, quindi, dalle declinazioni corporative elaborate all’interno della cultura inglese durante la prima metà del XX secolo. Nonostante le differenze, notevoli sul piano culturale, economico, sociale e politico, anche la Gran Bretagna partecipò infatti al momento di riflessione corporativa che attraversò l’Europa continentale nella prima metà del XX secolo. Lo fece, ovviamente, con le sue peculiarità, i suoi mezzi e la sua terminologia, ma come in Italia, Francia, Portogallo, Germania e in altri paesi, anche nel Regno Unito si cominciò ad osservare l’endemica instabilità del sistema liberal-capitalista, sottolineando la fragilità delle sue istituzioni, l’inadeguatezza della sua classe politica e la farraginosità dei suoi meccanismi decisionali. La sfiducia nel sistema parlamentare, unita alla percezione dell’inefficienza sociale del libero mercato, diveniva così il motore primo per la ricerca di una stabilità fondata sull’azione delle organizzazioni economiche all’interno di un sistema corporativo che affondava le sue radici nel medioevo. I fautori di questa disseminazione dei poteri decisionali ad organismi semi-pubblici di natura funzionale, facevano sentire la loro voce da tutte le parti dello schieramento politico: uomini di destra e di sinistra, cattolici e protestanti, conservatori e laburisti, si ritrovarono spesso uniti dalla necessità della creazione di un ordine nuovo, di una terza via fondata sulle associazione degli interessi economici. Quello proposto non è, in senso stretto, un lavoro di storia comparata, in quanto si occupa di un singolo caso nazionale. Tuttavia, esso non avrebbe potuto veder la luce se non in un’ottica di una storia geograficamente più vasta, che presenti l’ambizione di voler spiegare l’evoluzione dell’Europa nel suo complesso, scorgendo elementi simili all’interno delle risposte corporative che si presentavano come soluzioni a sfide comuni, quali l’ascesa della classe lavoratrice e i disordini economici e nazionalisti che causarono la Prima guerra mondiale, crescendovi poi in numero e potenza. Il punto di riferimento cardine di questo lavoro è, quindi, una storia globale del pensiero corporativo, nella quale i vari casi nazionali, dai quali è impossibile prescindere, si configurano come una molteplicità di luoghi focali all’interno dei quali le idee corporative venivano dibattute e variamente declinate. Corporativismo è, tuttavia, parola enigmatica, il cui significato sfugge a definizioni precise e si ridefinisce nel tempo a seconda degli spazi e delle culture in una polisemia a volte inestricabile. Il medesimo significante ha infatti designato, nel tempo, concetti e idee ! 2! anche molto diversi tra loro, perdendo quella chiarezza semantica che è un presupposto essenziale di ogni ricerca storiografica. Per questo motivo, colui che elegge il corporativismo e la sua storia ad oggetto d’indagine storica, deve essere in primo luogo consapevole di questa difficoltà linguistica, che va necessariamente elaborata al fine di giungere ad una formulazione chiara e precisa dell’argomento studiato, evitando in questo modo incomprensioni e fraintendimenti. Già Marc Bloch ci avvertiva della necessità di affinare i nostri strumenti metodologici di critica del linguaggio della storia, per non cadere in alcuni tranelli che la materia stessa, per sua intrinseca natura, ci tende: «il vocabolario la storia lo riceve […], per la maggior parte, dalla materia stessa del suo studio […] già modellato e deformato da un uso prolungato; ambiguo, peraltro, fin dalla nascita»1. Il corporativismo, la cui lunga storia plurimillenaria si fa risalire ai collegia o corpora opificum d’età romana,
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