Entrevista Continuidade, Integração E Horizontes Em Expansão

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Entrevista Continuidade, Integração E Horizontes Em Expansão MANA 3(2):199-219, 1997 ENTREVISTA CONTINUIDADE, INTEGRAÇÃO E HORIZONTES EM EXPANSÃO Stanley J. Tambiah Stanley Jeyaraja Tambiah nasceu em logo após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, 1929, no antigo Ceilão, atual Sri Lan- e nessa época vários departamentos, ka. Graduou-se na Universidade do que posteriormente se separaram, fo- Ceilão (hoje, Peradeniya) e obteve seu ram criados reunindo essas disciplinas. doutorado em sociologia na Universi- Minha identidade nessa fase em que dade de Cornell, em 1954. Trabalhou concluí o doutorado era a de sociólogo. como assessor da UNESCO na Tailân- Meu principal professor em Cornell dia entre 1960 e 1963, quando ingres- tinha sido Robin Williams, um sociólo- sou como lecturer no King’s College da go ex-aluno de Talcott Parsons que Universidade de Cambridge. Em 1973, estava associado a Robert Merton e tornou-se professor da Universidade de outros sociólogos dessa linha. Mas a Chicago e, em 1976, da Universidade antropologia era uma das minhas áreas de Harvard, onde se encontra até hoje. de interesse e eu também estudei mui- É membro da National Academy of ta antropologia. Minha tese foi sobre o Sciences e do National Research Sri Lanka, em uma combinação de esti- Council’s Committee for International los sociológico e antropológico. Conflict Resolution. Em 1991, recebeu, da Universidade de Chicago, o título Peirano de doutor honoris causa. Qual dos seus livros é sua tese? Esta entrevista foi concedida a Mariza Peirano, em 29 de novembro de Tambiah 1996, na Universidade de Harvard, Minha tese nunca foi publicada, mas logo após o retorno de Tambiah de uma começou como um projeto sob a super- visita feita ao Brasil, onde foi um dos visão de um sociólogo americano cha- conferencistas do XX Encontro Anual mado Bruce Ryan – que veio de Har- da Anpocs. vard, tinha sido aluno de Parsons e contemporâneo de Merton –, que che- Peirano gou ao Sri Lanka logo após o final da Dada a sua formação, em que momen- Segunda Guerra, na época em que in- to você percebeu que tinha se tornado gressei na Universidade do Ceilão, con- um antropólogo? vidado para criar o Departamento de Sociologia no Sri Lanka. Na verdade, Tambiah pela primeira vez, sociologia e antro- Em Cornell, eu estava em um Progra- pologia estavam sendo ensinadas na ma de Pós-Graduação que era uma universidade. Na época, eu cursava a combinação de sociologia, antropolo- graduação em economia, especializan- gia e psicologia social. Isso ocorreu do-me em sociologia. No trabalho de 200 ENTREVISTA campo que fiz no Sri Lanka eu estava zado nos moldes antropológicos tra- interessado, naquele momento, em par- dicionais. Foi então que encontrei te sob a influência de Bruce Ryan, no Edmund Leach. Ele tinha concluído esquema de Robert Redfield sobre o seu trabalho de campo em Pul Eliya em continuum folk-urbano que ele tinha 1954, e estava de volta em 1956 para desenvolvido de maneira muito interes- uma última verificação dos dados em sante a partir da sua experiência no função da monografia que estava es- México – posteriormente, Redfield tam- crevendo. Eu já havia terminado o sur- bém veio a se interessar pela civiliza- vey, bem como minha primeira etno- ção indiana. Minha tese baseou-se em grafia sobre parentesco, e tinha escrito um estudo de três comunidades situa- alguns trabalhos sobre parentesco e das a diferentes distâncias de Colombo, posse da terra. Meu primeiro artigo foi a capital e a cidade mais urbana do publicado em Man (JRAI), com o auxí- país: uma comunidade era muito próxi- lio de Leach2, e o survey foi publicado, ma a ela, uma era mais distante, já na separadamente, em 19573. Leach não área de plantação de chá, e a outra era gostou do survey e escreveu o ensaio ainda mais afastada, na nova área aber- no qual afirmava que “Tambiah é um ta para reassentamento de camponeses. antropólogo inato”, mas que ele, pes- O estudo comparou essas comunidades soalmente, não gostava de análises a partir de certas atitudes expressas em quantitativas baseadas em dados obti- questionários formais, complementados dos através de surveys4. No entanto, por alguma observação participante. O ele havia lido a primeira versão do meu objetivo era situar as comunidades no artigo, do qual gostou, e quando retor- continuum folk-urbano e testar a pró- nou a Cambridge escreveu-me dizen- pria hipótese de Redfield. O estudo do que eu deveria publicá-lo em Man. nunca foi publicado, embora um artigo Naquela época eu já tinha para mim meu em parceria com Bruce Ryan tenha que minha concepção do estudo dos aparecido na American Sociological fenômenos sociais estava mais sintoni- Review1, e eu tenha escrito subseqüen- zada com a abordagem antropológica. temente alguns artigos sobre assenta- Ou seja, interessava-me mais a obser- mentos camponeses que também são vação participante, conversar com as pouco conhecidos. pessoas, observar rituais, e ver situa- Quando me tornei um antropólogo? ções no seu contexto, tudo aquilo que Imagino que o ano decisivo foi 1955/56 você não pode fazer em um survey, no quando, depois de retornar ao Sri Lan- qual você faz perguntas em série sem ka, vindo de Cornell, comecei a fazer conhecer ou mapear em profundidade trabalho de campo em colaboração com suas inter-relações. Assim, eu mesmo um economista que também era esta- estava me convertendo, e Leach tornou tístico, N. K. Sarkar. Realizamos um isto claro para mim com sua crítica ao survey sobre as condições econômicas survey e com sua demonstração da na área Kandyan do Sri Lanka: regimes importância do parentesco e da orga- de apropriação fundiária, relações de nização social reveladas pela pesquisa arrendamento, padrões de posse da etnográfica. Eu nunca pude entender terra nas aldeias e assim por diante. muito bem o que ele quis dizer quando Combinei com este survey meu próprio afirmou que meu ensaio tinha, de trabalho de campo sobre estrutura de algum modo, influenciado sua com- parentesco e organização social, reali- preensão de Pul Eliya. CONTINUIDADE, INTEGRAÇÃO E HORIZONTES EM EXPANSÃO 201 Peirano nos entendíamos bem, e a partir da- Podemos então dizer que Leach o legi- quele trabalho de campo escrevemos timou como antropólogo…? um longo ensaio sobre a poliandria no Ceilão5. Tambiah Ainda em 1956, antes de encontrar Não foi assim que vi na época, pois ele Leach e Obeyesekere, eu tinha come- ainda era um estranho para mim. En- çado a trabalhar em um projeto de as- contrei-o pela primeira vez, durante sentamento de camponeses, o recém- uma tarde apenas, em 1956, quando criado Multipurpose Irrigation Scheme ele retornou para completar seu traba- and Peasant Ressettlement Program, em lho de campo e esteve na Universidade Gal Oya. Levei estudantes comigo e a de Peradeniya. Conversamos e falei a partir desse trabalho publiquei um arti- ele dos meus ensaios recentes, que pos- go6. Foi nesse momento que os primei- teriormente lhe enviei. Mais tarde, ele ros conflitos irromperam no Sri Lanka, escreveu sua crítica ao survey e apoiou no meio de nossa pesquisa, e nós tive- a publicação de meu artigo. Em 1960 mos de ser retirados do campo. A expe- parti para a Tailândia. Antes, porém, riência desse conflito foi agora – apro- Gananath Obeyesekere juntou-se ao ximadamente quarenta anos depois! – Departamento de Antropologia da Uni- incorporada ao meu novo livro, e pode versidade de Peradeniya, em 1957. ser encontrada no capítulo 4 de Leve- Obeyesekere tinha sido treinado na ling Crowds7. Universidade de Washington, princi- Enquanto eu fazia esse tipo de pes- palmente sob a tutela de Melford Spi- quisa na Universidade de Peradeniya, ro, tendo sido influenciado pela teoria em 1959, Hugh Philp – um amigo, pro- psicanalítica. Ele chegou com uma pers- fessor de educação na Universidade de pectiva diferente da minha, mas deci- Sydney – escreveu-me dizendo que dimos fazer uma pesquisa antropológi- tinha sido indicado para diretor de um ca conjunta em uma aldeia distante, novo instituto de pesquisa na Tailân- Pata Dumbara, no distrito Matale, na dia, patrocinado pela UNESCO e pelo área Kandyan. Esta foi efetivamente governo tailandês, e que queria que eu minha primeira tentativa de trabalho fosse o antropólogo da organização. Eu de campo antropológico. De fato, Obe- teria liberdade para fazer minha pró- yesekere, eu e alguns alunos que está- pria pesquisa nas aldeias e, ao mesmo vamos treinando começamos a viver na tempo, teria de treinar estudantes tai- aldeia e a fazer trabalho de campo, landeses. A principal área de pesquisa para o qual contávamos com pouquís- desse instituto era a educação: o gover- simos recursos. Eu tinha então me tor- no tailandês tinha acabado de introdu- nado um verdadeiro antropólogo. zir um programa de educação primária nacional e precisava obter informações Peirano acerca das áreas rurais. O dado etno- E Obeyesekere sempre se definiu como gráfico era necessário para que fosse tal? possível estabelecer que tipo de currí- culo deveria ser transmitido às crian- Tambiah ças. Dessa forma, concordei em ir, mas Sim, um antropólogo psicológico. Ele devo mencionar outra coisa acerca da estava interessado em perspectivas maneira inesperada como esse convite muito diferentes das minhas, mas nós foi feito. 202 ENTREVISTA Temos de retornar a 1952, quando Peirano cheguei a Cornell. Fiz parte da primei- Quando você começou a falar inglês? ra leva de estudantes selecionados no mundo todo pela Fulbright para estu- Tambiah dar nos Estados Unidos, em um progra- Muito cedo, pois a escola que freqüen- ma inovador do governo americano no tei ensinava em inglês desde o início, pós-guerra. Fui selecionado no Sri Lan- com a minha língua, o tamil, como se- ka; Hugh Philp, na Austrália. E, nos gundo idioma. As escolas de elite no Estados Unidos, fomos enviados para o Sri Lanka ensinavam primordialmen- que era chamado “curso de orienta- te em inglês e produziam os funcioná- ção” – ou seja, destinado a nos orientar rios públicos e os profissionais que na cultura americana –, ministrado no viriam a constituir a camada influente Bennington College, em Vermont.
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