DOCSLIB.ORG

The True Scene of the Second Act of the Eumenides of Aeschylus

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The True Scene of the Second Act of the Eumenides of Aeschylus The Classical Review http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR Additional services for The Classical Review: Email alerts: Click here Subscriptions: Click here Commercial reprints: Click here Terms of use : Click here The True Scene of the Second Act of the Eumenides of Aeschylus William Ridgeway The Classical Review / Volume 21 / Issue 06 / September 1907, pp 163 - 168 DOI: 10.1017/S0009840X00180060, Published online: 27 October 2009 Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S0009840X00180060 How to cite this article: William Ridgeway (1907). The True Scene of the Second Act of the Eumenides of Aeschylus. The Classical Review, 21, pp 163-168 doi:10.1017/S0009840X00180060 Request Permissions : Click here Downloaded from http://journals.cambridge.org/CAR, IP address: 138.251.14.35 on 06 Apr 2015 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW 163 of idiom, obviously the performance may boys Latin composition has much to do with and will be very poor as to its results, but their literary sense. If they have any such yet the gymnastic may be quite as successful sense, of which there is often no evidence, as the state of the case permits. Why should it should be trained by English teaching and we confuse the ' gymnastic' with the ' literary' learning good poetry. aim ? I cannot see that for many English E. LYTTELTON. THE TRUE SCENE OF THE SECOND ACT OF THE EUMENIDES OF AESCHYLUS. IN this paper I propose to inquire whether and from inscriptions, that the goddess who the scene of the Second Act of the Eumen- dwelt in ' the strong house of Erechtheus' ides is rightly laid on the Acropolis and at the on the Acropolis was never called Pallas, • Erechtheum, as has been universally held, but was invariably known either as the and as it was recently represented in the Polias, or as Athena (or Athenaia) Polias.1 splendid performance of the play at Cam- On the other hand I propose to show that bridge, or whether we must look for some (1) there was a very ancient tribunal (if not other site which is more in keeping with the the most ancient at Athens) for cases of conditions of the trial of Orestes. It will at homicide, more especially for that class of once be said, What objections are there to homicide to which Orestes pleaded guilty, the traditional view—that the Acropolis is situated outside the city wail to the south- the true scene of the trial ? That was the east of the Acropolis; (2) that there was most famous spot in Athens, and on it stood here a most ancient wooden image (£6avov) the oldest temple of Athena, already known to which those whose hands were reddened in Homeric days. Yet the difficulties of with the blood of their fellow men might fly this view will be obvious as soon as they to avoid the instant vengeance of the pursuer; are stated. In the first place, though there and (3) that this image was never known by were in Athens four localities all intimately the name of Athena or Athenaia, but always associated with trials of persons charged by that of Pallas or Palladion. with homicide, not one of these was situ- Now as there were five different localities ated on the Acropolis, though it is true in or near Athens closely connected from of weapons and other inanimate objects which old with trials for bloodshed, it is most had shed the blood of men or of oxen were unlikely that Aeschylus would in this play tried in the Prytaneum, the ancient residence lay the scene of the trial at any spot other of the Archon Eponymus on the north slope than one of those associated in the popular of the Acropolis. Secondly, though in the mind from time immemorial with the trial of play Orestes is represented as taking sanc- homicide. This is all the more unlikely tuary at a shrine of Pallas, and as taking in his arms her ancient Operas, there is not the since he represents the first tribunal for the slightest evidence that any image of the trial of that crime as instituted for the trial goddess Athena on the Acropolis, whether of Orestes, whilst he also refers to the ancient or recent, offered an asylum to those establishment on the Hill of Ares of a great who fled before the avenger of blood. council (/3ovkevrypiov) which was not only to Thirdly, in the play the goddess is always try cases of deliberate murder, but also to termed Pallas by the Pythian Priestess, by keep ward and control over the public 2 Apollo, and by the Furies in dialogue, though morals. 1 Cf. Frazer's note on Paus. i. 26. 5. on two occasions Orestes does certainly 2 address her as Athena, and she is so termed Sum. 684 sqq. Kkiori ttv 1)817 decr/xhy, 'Arrmbs AciiJ, by the Furies twice in choral parts. Yet we irpdrras Sinus Kplvovrcs at/iaros X"r°v- know for certain, both by literary tradition (<rrai Si nal rb Aonrhv Alytais <rrpar$ atl SlKWTTUV 70VT0 &OV\€UT'fl(>tOV. M 2 164 THE CLASSICAL REVIEW Down to the time of Pausaniasx (A.D. 180) If it be said that Pausanias does not refer to there still survived at Athens five tribunals the trial of Orestes as having taken place at the for cases of bloodshed, (i) There was the Palladion, and consequently that this shrine Areopagus, which sat on the famous hill cannot be the true scene of the act, I may that rises on the west over against the Acro- at once point out that there is the same polis. Here were tried cases of deliberate objection to the Areopagus, for Pausanias2 murder, wounding with malice, arson, and says that that court was first established to poisoning. (2) To the south-east of the Acro- try Ares for the murder of Halirrhothius, and polis, outside the wall, lay an ancient shrine makes no mention of the trial of Orestes at all. called the Palladion, so named from a very Aeschylus gives us a totally different ancient image of • Pallas, which tradition account of the establishment of the first variously declared to have been brought tribunal for manslayers, but as he wrote from Ilium, or to have fallen from heaven, some six centuries and a half before Pausan- or else to have been set up by Athena ias, we are justified in assuming that his in her repentance for having killed her play- statement represents a far older legend than mate Pallas. Here sat the court known as those of Pausanias, and accordingly we may the TO iirl HaWa&iw, where were tried those leave on one side the latter's account of the who had committed involuntary homicide first cases supposed to have been tried at the (TOTS a.TroKT€iva(riv OLKOVCTLWS). ' Nobody denies Palladion, the Delphinion, and the Areo- that Demophon was the first person tried pagus. Originally the judges in all these here,' but there is a difference of opinion five courts for bloodshed were the ancient as to the crime for which he was tried, body called the Ephetae. The King archon i.e. whether it was for accidentally killing presided and probably with the fifty Ephetae Argives by mistake, or for accidentally made up the Fifty and One, a term by which trampling an Athenian under his horse's feet the body was likewise known. According in the dark. (3) There was the court known to Pollux3 the Ephetae were constituted by as the Delphinion, also situated on the east Draco. Up to that time the Basileus had side of the Acropolis and outside the city investigated and tried all cases of bloodshed, wall. It was a shrine of Apollo of Delphi, but Draco referred such to the Fifty and and in it were tried cases of justifiable homi- One, and from this reference of such cases cide, e.g. those who had slain an adulterer taken Pollux ascribes the origin of their name in the act. ' On such a plea Theseus was Ephetae. But like so many other provisions acquitted when he had slain the rebel Pallas in Draco's enactments the body had only and his sons. But the custom was in former been reconstituted, having really existed from days, before the acquittal of Theseus, that time immemorial. The fact that they were every manslayer either fled the country, or, selected on the ground of high birth if he stayed, was slain even as he slew.' Yet (dpio-TtVSijv oupefoWas) of itself indicates that it will soon be seen that the court probably they were a survival from oligarchic and owed its name to an older legend. (4) At monarchical times. It is highly probable Phreattys, on a tongue of land projecting into that in the Ephetae presided over by the the sea at Zea, was held a court to try any Archon Basileus (himself the shadow of the manslayer who, during his period of exile, ancient king) we have the survival of the might have committed another crime of the ancient Gerusia or Boule. This view will be same character. The judges sat on the shore, found to be quite in accord with certain whilst the accused was literally docked in statements of Aeschylus. a boat moored off the beach, that he might not pollute with the miasma of his guilt the By Solon's reforms the Ephetae were land of Attica. (5) In the Prytaneum, as replaced on the Areopagus by a body consist- already stated, weapons, especially the axe ing of ex-archons, though jurisdiction in the with which was slain the ox at the Buphonia, 2 i.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Kretan Cult and Customs, Especially in the Classical and Hellenistic Periods: a Religious, Social, and Political Study
    i Kretan cult and customs, especially in the Classical and Hellenistic periods: a religious, social, and political study Thesis submitted for degree of MPhil Carolyn Schofield University College London ii Declaration I, Carolyn Schofield, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been acknowledged in the thesis. iii Abstract Ancient Krete perceived itself, and was perceived from outside, as rather different from the rest of Greece, particularly with respect to religion, social structure, and laws. The purpose of the thesis is to explore the bases for these perceptions and their accuracy. Krete’s self-perception is examined in the light of the account of Diodoros Siculus (Book 5, 64-80, allegedly based on Kretan sources), backed up by inscriptions and archaeology, while outside perceptions are derived mainly from other literary sources, including, inter alia, Homer, Strabo, Plato and Aristotle, Herodotos and Polybios; in both cases making reference also to the fragments and testimonia of ancient historians of Krete. While the main cult-epithets of Zeus on Krete – Diktaios, associated with pre-Greek inhabitants of eastern Krete, Idatas, associated with Dorian settlers, and Kretagenes, the symbol of the Hellenistic koinon - are almost unique to the island, those of Apollo are not, but there is good reason to believe that both Delphinios and Pythios originated on Krete, and evidence too that the Eleusinian Mysteries and Orphic and Dionysiac rites had much in common with early Kretan practice. The early institutionalization of pederasty, and the abduction of boys described by Ephoros, are unique to Krete, but the latter is distinct from rites of initiation to manhood, which continued later on Krete than elsewhere, and were associated with different gods.
    [Show full text]
  • Bacchylides 17: Singing and Usurping the Paean Maria Pavlou
    Bacchylides 17: Singing and Usurping the Paean Maria Pavlou ACCHYLIDES 17, a Cean commission performed on Delos, has been the subject of extensive study and is Bmuch admired for its narrative artistry, elegance, and excellence. The ode was classified as a dithyramb by the Alex- andrians, but the Du-Stil address to Apollo in the closing lines renders this classification problematic and has rather baffled scholars. The solution to the thorny issue of the ode’s generic taxonomy is not yet conclusive, and the dilemma paean/ dithyramb is still alive.1 In fact, scholars now are more inclined to place the poem somewhere in the middle, on the premise that in antiquity the boundaries between dithyramb and paean were not so clear-cut as we tend to believe.2 Even though I am 1 Paean: R. Merkelbach, “Der Theseus des Bakchylides,” ZPE 12 (1973) 56–62; L. Käppel, Paian: Studien zur Geschichte einer Gattung (Berlin 1992) 156– 158, 184–189; H. Maehler, Die Lieder des Bakchylides II (Leiden 1997) 167– 168, and Bacchylides. A Selection (Cambridge 2004) 172–173; I. Rutherford, Pindar’s Paeans (Oxford 2001) 35–36, 73. Dithyramb: D. Gerber, “The Gifts of Aphrodite (Bacchylides 17.10),” Phoenix 19 (1965) 212–213; G. Pieper, “The Conflict of Character in Bacchylides 17,” TAPA 103 (1972) 393–404. D. Schmidt, “Bacchylides 17: Paean or Dithyramb?” Hermes 118 (1990) 18– 31, at 28–29, proposes that Ode 17 was actually an hyporcheme. 2 B. Zimmermann, Dithyrambos: Geschichte einer Gattung (Hypomnemata 98 [1992]) 91–93, argues that Ode 17 was a dithyramb for Apollo; see also C.
    [Show full text]
  • (Eponymous) Heroes
    is is a version of an electronic document, part of the series, Dēmos: Clas- sical Athenian Democracy, a publicationpublication ofof e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org]. e electronic version of this article off ers contextual information intended to make the study of Athenian democracy more accessible to a wide audience. Please visit the site at http:// www.stoa.org/projects/demos/home. Athenian Political Art from the fi h and fourth centuries: Images of Tribal (Eponymous) Heroes S e Cleisthenic reforms of /, which fi rmly established democracy at Ath- ens, imposed a new division of Attica into ten tribes, each of which consti- tuted a new political and military unit, but included citizens from each of the three geographical regions of Attica – the city, the coast, and the inland. En- rollment in a tribe (according to heredity) was a manda- tory prerequisite for citizenship. As usual in ancient Athenian aff airs, politics and reli- gion came hand in hand and, a er due consultation with Apollo’s oracle at Delphi, each new tribe was assigned to a particular hero a er whom the tribe was named; the ten Amy C. Smith, “Athenian Political Art from the Fi h and Fourth Centuries : Images of Tribal (Eponymous) Heroes,” in C. Blackwell, ed., Dēmos: Classical Athenian Democracy (A.(A. MahoneyMahoney andand R.R. Scaife,Scaife, edd.,edd., e Stoa: a consortium for electronic publication in the humanities [www.stoa.org], . © , A.C. Smith. tribal heroes are thus known as the eponymous (or name giving) heroes. T : Aristotle indicates that each hero already received worship by the time of the Cleisthenic reforms, although little evi- dence as to the nature of the worship of each hero is now known (Aristot.
    [Show full text]
  • Pythios and Pythion: the Spread of a Cult Title J.K
    Mediterranean Historical Review Vol. 22, No. 1, June 2007, pp. 57–69 Pythios and Pythion: The Spread of a Cult Title J.K. Davies The epithet Pythios/Pythion, unequivocally denoting the cult of Apollo of Delphi, came to have a very widespread distribution throughout the Greek world, comparable only to that of Zeus Olympios. Pre-Hellenistic attestations are summarily reported, showing concentrations (e.g., Attika, Argolis, Thessaly, Aegean islands, Krete), significant vacua (e.g., Boiotia, north-western Greece), and overlaps with the epithets Delphinios and Pythaieus. Likely periods and mechanisms of its spread are sketched, as are possible explanations (colonization, oracles, purification), though without overt preference for any one model of network-formation. Keywords: Apollo; Cult; Oracle; Purification; Distribution It is a cliche´ of scholarship that the terms Pythios and Pythion derive from Pytho, the earliest attested name for the cultic area later known as Delphoi,1 and that they came to refer unequivocally to Apollo as the principal god of the upper sanctuary there. They therefore belong among the ‘locational’ epithets of the god, parallel to Klarios or Didymeus, not among those derived from function or from association or identification with animals.2 As such, they pose a problem, for it was unusual for locational epithets to spread far beyond their primary sanctuary, still less to show such widespread attestation throughout much of the Greek-speaking world: Zeus Olympios provides perhaps the only true comparison, with even Eleusinian Demeter well behind. Their distribution therefore needs an explanation, and one which is couched not just in terms of geography or of the ‘profile’ of the god but also, and primarily, in terms of human needs and of the ways in which a specific cult could be transferred, or replicated/cloned, elsewhere.
    [Show full text]
  • Religion and Reconciliation in Greek Cities (2010)
    Religion and Reconciliation in Greek Cities AMERICAN PHILOLOGICAL ASSOCIATION american classical studies volume 54 Series Editor Kathryn J. Gutzwiller Studies in Classical History and Society Meyer Reinhold Sextus Empiricus The Transmission and Recovery of Pyrrhonism Luciano Floridi The Augustan Succession An Historical Commentary on Cassius Dio’s Roman History Books 55 56 (9 B.C. A.D. 14) Peter Michael Swan Greek Mythography in the Roman World Alan Cameron Virgil Recomposed The Mythological and Secular Centos in Antiquity Scott McGill Representing Agrippina Constructions of Female Power in the Early Roman Empire Judith Ginsburg Figuring Genre in Roman Satire Catherine Keane Homer’s Cosmic Fabrication Choice and Design in the Iliad Bruce Heiden Hyperides Funeral Oration Judson Herrman Religion and Reconciliation in Greek Cities The Sacred Laws of Selinus and Cyrene Noel Robertson Religion and Reconciliation in Greek Cities The Sacred Laws of Selinus and Cyrene NOEL ROBERTSON 1 2010 3 Oxford University Press, Inc., publishes works that further Oxford University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education. Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With offices in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Copyright q 2010 by the American Philological Association Published by Oxford University Press, Inc. 198 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10016 www.oup.com Oxford is a registered trademark of Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of Oxford University Press.
    [Show full text]
  • Archaic and Classical Cult Statues in Greece
    ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL CULT STATUES IN GREECE THE SETTING AND DISPLAY OF CULT IMAGES IN THE ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL PERIODS IN GREECE By SHERR! DAWSON, B.A. A Thesis Submitted to the School of Graduate Studies In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree Master of Arts McMaster Uni versity © Copyright by Sherri Dawson, June 2002 MASTER OF ARTS (2002) McMaster University (Classical Studies) Hamilton, Ontario TITLE: The Setting and Display of Cult Images in the Archaic and Classical Peri ods in Greece. AUTHOR: Sherri Dawson, B. A. (Uni versity of Alberta) SUPERVISOR: Dr. Gretchen Umholtz NUMBER OF PAGES: xii, 257. 11 ABSTRACT The focus of this thesis is on ancient archaic and classical Greek cult statues and how their placement reflects both the role of the statues themselves and the continuity in worship. Greek sanctuaries generally exhibited a strong continuity of cult in terms of building successive temples directly on top of the remains of their predecessors. The sanctuary of Hera on Samos and the sanctuary of Apollo at Didyma are two such sanctuaries in Asia Minor that exhibit this type of continuity even though their early temples were replaced by large superstructures. The temple of Athena Nike in Athens is another example of continuity, since the larger Classical temple was built on the same site as the archaic one. The Athenian Parthenon, the temple of Zeus at Olympia, the Classical Heraion at Argos and the Classical temple of Dionysos on the south slope in Athens, however, were not built on the same site as the archaic temples.
    [Show full text]
  • On the Lion Harbour and Other Harbours in Miletos: Recent Historical, Archaeological, Sedimentological, and Geophysical Research*
    On the Lion Harbour and other Harbours in Miletos: recent historical, archaeological, sedimentological, and geophysical research* HELMUT BRÜCKNER, ALEXANDER HERDA, MARC MÜLLENHOFF, WOLFGANG RABBEL & HARALD STÜMPEL Καλοὶ δὲ Μιλησίων εἰσὶ λιμένες “But beautiful are the harbours of the Milesians” (Chariton, Chaireas and Kallirhoë 4.1.5) 1. Introduction from its strategic role as one of the closable war harbours The Lion Harbour was Miletos’ most prominent harbour of Archaic and later times. Its central position in the Ar- during antiquity. It can be envisaged as the heart of the chaic insula street grid, lining the agora and the main city Ionian metropolis in western Asia Minor. Originally situ- sanctuary of Apollo Delphinios, made it a gate through ated in a bay of the “(I-)Karian Sea”, Miletos is now fully which, so to speak, gods and humans entered the city; incorporated into the plain of the Maeander river, today’s it was also the point from which Milesians left the city Büyük Menderes. to start their sailing seasons or found their many colo- In this article we combine results from historical and nies. The Lion Harbour is likely to be identified with the archaeological research with those from palaeo-geography “Harbour of Dokimos” mentioned by the 1st century AD and geophysics. This geoarchaeological approach offers novelist Chariton (Chaireas and Kallirhoë 3.2.11) new insights into the dynamic evolution of the harbour The commercial relevance of the Lion Harbour, how- basin from the time of the marine transgression in the ever, was quite limited in antiquity. Miletos had a series early Bronze Age (c.
    [Show full text]
  • Auguste Et L'asie Mineure
    Auguste et l’Asie Mineure Laurence Cavalier est maître de conférences en histoire de l’art et archéologie à l’université Bordeaux Montaigne Marie-Claire Ferriès est maître de conférences à l’Université Grenoble-Alpes, ancien membre de l’École française de Rome Fabrice Delrieux est professeur d’histoire ancienne à l’Université Savoie Mont Blanc Illustration de couverture : C. Texier, Description de l’Asie Mineure faite par ordre du gouvernement français de 1833 à 1837, et publiée par le Ministère de l’Instruction publique, Première partie, Paris, 1839, pl. 64. Portrait d’Auguste, Musée Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek, Copenhague. Ausonius Éditions — Scripta Antiqua 97 — Auguste et l’Asie Mineure textes réunis et édités par Laurence Cavalier, Marie-Claire Ferriès, Fabrice Delrieux — Bordeaux 2017 — Notice catalographique : Cavalier, L., M.-C. Ferriès et F. Delrieux (2017) : Auguste et l’Asie Mineure, Scripta Antiqua 97, Ausonius Éditions, Bordeaux. Mots clés : Triumvirat (Marc Antoine, César-Octavien, Lépide) ; Auguste ; principat d’Auguste (27 a.C.-14 p.C.) ; Guerres civiles (49-29 a.C.) ; Asie Mineure ; Province d’Asie ; Pont-Bithynie ; Cilicie ; Galatie ; administration provinciale ; Domus Augusta ; Âge d’or ; monnaies provinciales romaines ; monnayage romain ; discours monétaire ; nymphée ; salle du culte impérial ; ordre corinthien ; aqueduc ; autel AUSONIUS Maison de l’Archéologie F - 33607 Pessac cedex http://ausoniuseditions.u-bordeaux-montaigne.fr Directeur des Publications : Olivier Devillers Secrétaire des Publications : Nathalie Pexoto Graphisme de Couverture : Stéphanie Vincent Pérez Tous droits réservés pour tous pays. La loi du 11 mars 1957 sur la propriété littéraire et intellectuelle interdit les copies ou reproductions destinées à une utilisation collective.
    [Show full text]
  • ATHENS and KYDONIA Pages 73-87 Agora I 7602
    hesperia yy (2008) ATHENS AND KYDONIA Pages 73-87 Agora I 7602 ABSTRACT A Hellenistic inscription from the Athenian Agora (Agora 17602) concerning western syngeneia between Athens and Kydonia in Crete is reedited here with full commentary. The history of Athenian relations with Kydonia is briefly authors a reconstruction of the reviewed. The propose Kydonians' arguments for mythological kinship between the two cities. Agora 17602 appears to be the earliest firm attestation of mutually accepted syngeneia between Athens and a non-Ionian city. Indeed, it is the first known inscription recording kinship between Athens and another on other than the latter s status as city grounds a at least before the Roman colony, period. In his 2003 report, John McK. Camp II, director of the American School a of Classical Studies excavations in the Athenian Agora, offered prelimi a b.c. nary publication of fragmentary late-3rd-century Athenian decree concerning, in his view, honors for the city of Kydonia (modern Chania) out context inwestern Crete.1 The inscription, Agora 17602, discovered of near the Eleusinion in July 2000, contains various features of historical interest, and we offer a new edition here. Agora I 7602 Fig. 1 corner a Upper right-hand of stele of gray ("Hymettian") marble, broken at left, above, at back, and below. m PH. 0.28, p.W. 0.20, p.Th. 0.103 L.H. 0.004-0.005 m 1. Nikoletta as well as the Camp 2003, pp. 275-277. In ologist Saraga, Nikolaos excavation September 2005, Papazar Agora team, particularly was kadas kindly granted permission John Camp, Jan Jordan, and Sylvie 1st of are by the Ephorate Prehistoric and Dumont, for their assistance.
    [Show full text]
  • Université De Montréal the Cult of Apollo in the Milesian Colonies
    Université de Montréal The cult of Apollo in the Milesian colonies along the coast of the Black Sea: an inventory of archaeological data Par Patrick Bisaillon Département d’études classiques Faculté des arts et des sciences Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l’obtention du grade de M.A. en études classiques option Archéologie classique Mars 2017 © Patrick Bisaillon, 2017 ii iii Abstract Greek colonisation in the Archaic period had as its goal the expansion and the exportation of a city state’s social and religious customs into different regions. Although the subject of Greek colonisation is often vague, and based on erroneous, and generous primary sources, which can confound links between the colonies and their apparent mother city, a connection can nevertheless be established between the colonies in the Black Sea and the mother city of Miletus through the religious institutions that were installed upon colonisation. The cult of the god Apollo was prevalent throughout the ancient Greek world during the Archaic, Classical and Hellenistic periods. For the Archaic period colonizing Greek city state of Miletus, Apollo was patron deity, the god of colonisation, as well as the god of seafaring. For the Milesians, Apollo was the deity who sanctioned the right to set up new cults in new locations, as well as authorising the very act of establishing colonies. In the colonies founded by Miletus located along the coast of the Black Sea, there is a clear disposition towards the cult of Apollo in the literary tradition, as well as in the archaeological record.
    [Show full text]
  • Time and Religion in Hellenistic Athens: an Interpretation of the Little Metropolis Frieze
    Time and Religion in Hellenistic Athens: An Interpretation of the Little Metropolis Frieze. Monica Haysom School of History, Classics and Archaeology Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Newcastle University, November 2015. ABSTRACT Two stones that form a part of the spolia on the Little Metropolis church (Aghios Eleutherios) in central Athens consist of a frieze depicting a calendar year. The thesis begins with a Preface that discusses the theoretical approaches used. An Introduction follows which, for reference, presents the 41 images on the frieze using the 1932 interpretation of Ludwig Deubner. After evaluating previous studies in Chapter 1, the thesis then presents an exploration of the cultural aspects of time in ancient Greece (Chapter 2). A new analysis of the frieze, based on ancient astronomy, dates the frieze to the late Hellenistic period (Chapter 3); a broad study of Hellenistic calendars identifies it as Macedonian (Chapter 4), and suggests its original location and sponsor (Chapter 5). The thesis presents an interpretation of the frieze that brings the conclusions of these chapters together, developing an argument that includes the art, religion and philosophy of Athenian society contemporary with the construction of the frieze. Given the date, the Macedonian connection and the link with an educational establishment, the final Chapter 6 presents an interpretation based not on the addition of individual images but on the frieze subject matter as a whole. This chapter shows that understanding the frieze is dependent on a number of aspects of the world of artistic connoisseurship in an elite, educated audience of the late Hellenistic period.
    [Show full text]
  • Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 1997
    Kernos Revue internationale et pluridisciplinaire de religion grecque antique 13 | 2000 Varia Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 1997 Angelos Chaniotis and Joannis Mylonopoulos Electronic version URL: http://journals.openedition.org/kernos/1300 DOI: 10.4000/kernos.1300 ISSN: 2034-7871 Publisher Centre international d'étude de la religion grecque antique Printed version Date of publication: 1 January 2000 ISSN: 0776-3824 Electronic reference Angelos Chaniotis and Joannis Mylonopoulos, « Epigraphic Bulletin for Greek Religion 1997 », Kernos [Online], 13 | 2000, Online since 21 April 2011, connection on 16 September 2020. URL : http:// journals.openedition.org/kernos/1300 Kernos Kernos, 13 (2000), p. 127-237. Epigraphie Bulletin for Greek Religion 1997 (EBGR 1997) The eleventh issue of the BBGR deals primarily with the epigraphic harvest of 1997. Although my long time collaborator Eftychia Stavrianopoulou has been unable to contribute lemmata this year due to other responsibilities, we have been able to cover the majority of the publications of 1997 and to close many of the gaps left in previous issues; thus, this bulletin is the longest so far. We have been focusing on riew epigraphic finds, new interpretations of inscriptions, and epigraphical corpora, but we have also summarized sorne of the religious studies which are based primarily on the epigraphic material; we have also included sorne articles which present or discuss important papyrological sources. Next year, we hope with the help of E. Stavrianopoulou not only to include more addenda to earlier issues, but also to reduce the chronological gap between the publication of a book or an article and its presentation in this bulletin.
    [Show full text]