Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and Related Groups
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Al-Qa`Ida's “Myspace”: Terrorist Recruitment on the Internet
JANUARY 2008 . VOL 1 . ISSUE 2 Al-Qa`ida’s “MySpace”: in Iraq: “I want to remind you that Muslim sisters in Iraq now that we would like to depart to the land of their honor has been assaulted by Terrorist Recruitment on jihad. We await your call as though on the filthy Christians…Where is the Internet the hottest of embers.”1 Upon learning your pride? Where are all the real that his travel arrangements had been men?4 By Evan F. Kohlmann brokered on his behalf (over e-mail), the Moroccan became ecstatic and gloated, In November 2004, at the height of the it has been clearly established that second battle for control of Falluja in terrorist organizations have adopted Praise be to Allah, we are going to Iraq, Rahman suddenly disappeared unusual and innovative ways of using go in over there at the time when from the forum. Months later, in March cutting-edge online technologies to the Shaykh Usama has given the 2005, his fate became clear when expand their movements. Al-Qa`ida’s official attestation to the amir another Sudanese national broke the principal media wing, al-Sahab Media [Zarqawi]…The timing couldn’t be news to the community on Muntada al- Production, has recently released a better for us!!!…it is serious, we Ansar: “Allahu Akhbar…O’ brothers, I flood of new audio and video recordings have taken the bags [and] we can’t have just come from the house of our over Arabic-language internet chat go back.2 brother Zaman al-Hawan…[he] executed forums, and has even solicited open the martyrdom operation in Ba`quba questions from forum participants to These men were far from being alone. -
The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
The Terrorism Trap: the Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2019 The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror John Akins University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation Akins, John, "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5624 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by John Akins entitled "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Political Science. Krista Wiegand, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Brandon Prins, Gary Uzonyi, Candace White Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America’s War on Terror A Dissertation Presented for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville John Harrison Akins August 2019 Copyright © 2019 by John Harrison Akins All rights reserved. -
ICC-01/12-01/18 Date: 21 November 2019 Date of Submission: 6 February 2020
ICC-01/12-01/18-505-Red2 06-02-2020 1/30 RH T Original: English No.: ICC-01/12-01/18 Date: 21 November 2019 Date of submission: 6 February 2020 TRIAL CHAMBER X Before: Judge Antoine Kesia-Mbe Mindua, Presiding Judge Judge Tomoko Akane Judge Kimberly Prost SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF MALI IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR v. AL HASSAN AG ABDOUL AZIZ AG MOHAMED AG MAHMOUD URGENT PUBLIC With confidential, EX PARTE, Annexes A and B Only available to the Prosecution, VWU and the Detention Section Public redacted version of “the Prosecution’s urgent application to maintain restrictions on Mr AL HASSAN’s contacts and access to others whilst in detention”, 22 November 2019, ICC-01/12-01/18-505-Conf-Exp Source: Office of the Prosecutor ICC-01/12-01/18 1/30 21 November 2019 ICC-01/12-01/18-505-Red2 06-02-2020 2/30 RH T Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Fatou Bensouda Melinda Taylor James Stewart Marie-Hélène Proulx Sarah Bafadhel Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Seydou Doumbia Mayombo Kassongo Fidel Luvengika Nsita Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for Victims The Office of Public Counsel for the Defence States’ Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar Counsel Support Section Peter Lewis Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Nigel Verrill Mr Paddy Craig Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section ICC-01/12-01/18 2/30 21 November 2019 ICC-01/12-01/18-505-Red2 06-02-2020 3/30 RH T Introduction 1. -
Between Islamization and Secession: the Contest for Northern Mali
JULY 2012 . VOL 5 . ISSUE 7 Contents Between Islamization and FEATURE ARTICLE 1 Between Islamization and Secession: Secession: The Contest for The Contest for Northern Mali By Derek Henry Flood Northern Mali REPORTS By Derek Henry Flood 6 A Profile of AQAP’s Upper Echelon By Gregory D. Johnsen 9 Taliban Recruiting and Fundraising in Karachi By Zia Ur Rehman 12 A Biography of Rashid Rauf: Al-Qa`ida’s British Operative By Raffaello Pantucci 16 Mexican DTO Influence Extends Deep into United States By Sylvia Longmire 19 Information Wars: Assessing the Social Media Battlefield in Syria By Chris Zambelis 22 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity 24 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts An Islamist fighter from the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa in the city of Gao on July 16, 2012. - AFP/Getty Images n january 17, 2012, a rebellion 22, disgruntled Malian soldiers upset began in Mali when ethnic about their lack of support staged a coup Tuareg fighters attacked a d’état, overthrowing the democratically Malian army garrison in the elected government of President Amadou Oeastern town of Menaka near the border Toumani Touré. with Niger.1 In the conflict’s early weeks, the ethno-nationalist rebels of the By April 1, all Malian security forces had National Movement for the Liberation evacuated the three northern regions of of Azawad (MNLA)2 cooperated and Kidal, Gao and Timbuktu. They relocated About the CTC Sentinel sometimes collaborated with Islamist to the garrisons of Sévaré, Ségou, and The Combating Terrorism Center is an fighters of Ansar Eddine for as long as as far south as Bamako.4 In response, independent educational and research the divergent movements had a common Ansar Eddine began to aggressively institution based in the Department of Social enemy in the Malian state.3 On March assert itself and allow jihadists from Sciences at the United States Military Academy, regional Islamist organizations to West Point. -
Being Arab, Muslim, Sudanese. Reshaping Belongings, Local Practices and State Policies in Sudan After the Separation of South Sudan
Arabité, islamité, ‘soudanité’ Being Arab, Muslim, Sudanese W O R K I N G P A P E R N O . 4 RESHAPING IDENTITY POLITICS Capitalising on Shari‘a Debate in Sudan by Musa Adam Abdul-Jalil December 2020 Being Arab, Muslim, Sudanese. Reshaping belongings, local practices and state policies in Sudan after the separation of South Sudan The project focuses on dynamics of Arabization and Islamization in relation to national identity- building in Sudan through an analysis of the three notions articulation within practical processes and the practices of social actors. The central socio-anthropological approach is based on a micro-scale perspective, while also paying attention to macro-scale phenomena, in particular state policies on citizens’ affiliations to an identity forged from categories of Arabness, Islamity and national integration. The aim of the project, which is rooted in classical works on issues of ethnicity, religion and nationality, is to give renewed impetus to the scientific contribution of the debate on the relations between Arab identity and Islam and the issues at stake in the relationship between State and citizens in an African country in which the colonial legacy and ethno-cultural pluralism have made the objectives of nation-building particularly complex. Founded by the AUF (Agence Universitaire de la Francophonie) as a PCSI (Projet de Coopération Scientifique Inter-Universitaire), the project has four institutional partners: CEDEJ Khartoum, the University of Khartoum, University Paris 8/LAVUE and the Max Planck Institute. Barbara Casciarri (University Paris 8) is the scientific coordinator, Jean-Nicolas Bach (CEDEJ Khartoum) is the project leader and Mohamed A.G. -
Al-Qaeda in Libya: a Profile
AL-QAEDA IN LIBYA: A PROFILE A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the Combating Terrorism Technical Support Office’s Irregular Warfare Support Program August 2012 Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 205404840 Tel: 2027073900 Fax: 2027073920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/ 64 Years of Service to the Federal Government 1948 – 2012 Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Al-Qaeda in Libya: A Profile PREFACE This report attempts to assess al-Qaeda’s presence in Libya. Al-Qaeda Senior Leadership (AQSL) and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) have sought to take advantage of the Libyan Revolution to recruit militants and to reinforce their operational capabilities in an attempt to create a safe haven and possibly to extend their area of operations to Libya. Reports have indicated that AQSL is seeking to create an al-Qaeda clandestine network in Libya that could be activated in the future to destabilize the government and/or to offer logistical support to al- Qaeda’s activities in North Africa and the Sahel. AQIM has reportedly formed sleeper cells that are probably connected to an al-Qaeda underground network in Libya, likely as a way, primarily, to secure the supply of arms for its ongoing jihadist operations in Algeria and the Sahel. This report discusses how al-Qaeda and its North African affiliate are using communications media and face-to-face contacts to shift the still-evolving post-revolutionary political and social dynamic in Libya in a direction that is conducive to jihad and hateful of the West. -
Islam, Sectarianism and Politics in Sudan Since the Mahdiyya. by Gabriel Warburg
280 Literatur/Book Reviews / Die Welt des Islams 49 (2009) 248-285 Islam, Sectarianism and Politics in Sudan since the Mahdiyya. By Gabriel Warburg. London: Hurst 2003. xvii, 252 pp., ISBN 1-85065-590-1. Having devoted much of his scholarly career to the study of Sudan’s turbulent political and religious history, Warburg’s latest and, as he states himself (p. xii), last book on the Sudan raises high expectations. In spite of the fact that, being an Israeli citizen, Warburg was never able to visit the Sudan, his numerous articles and books have earned him the reputation as a leading specialist in Sudanese studies, not only outside but also inside the country. Islam, Sectarianism and Politics in Sudan since the Mahdiyya gives a solid, if con- densed overview of the most important stages of the political and religious develop- ments in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Sudan. Warburg puts the em phasis on the historical facts, occasionally interspersed with interpretation, but not on identi- fying underlying patterns, at least not in a systematic manner. If there is an argument that runs through the book as a central thread, starting from the title, it is about the destructive role of “sectarianism” in Sudanese politics. However, even here Warburg’s treatment of the topic remains at the level of implicit assumptions rather than cogent analysis, as I will point out in more detail below. Although published in 2003, the manuscript was basically completed in 2000. This explains why it does not include the latest events, most notably the gradual rapproche- ment and the later peace agreement between the Sudanese government led by Omar al-Bashir and the Southern Sudanese Peoples Liberation Front under the leadership of John Garang, who died in a helicopter crash shortly after being appointed as Bashir’s vice president in July 2005. -
20170616-Travel-Advisory-Islamic-Extremist-Merger-In-Mali.Pdf
TERRORISM RISK TRAVEL ADVISORY • 16 JUNE 2017 Islamic Extremist Groups Merge in North Africa KEY POINTS • The leaders of at least three Islamic extremist groups are believed to have met in Mali in March 2017. • An agreement was made to merge their organizations, creating a unified Islamic Jihadist group. • The new group continues to be affiliated with Al Qaeda in the region. Reported incidents of terror groups active in the Sahel region and subsequent fatalities from 2007-2016 (Data Source: ACLED Conflict Data). SITUATIONAL SUMMARY Terrorism: The leaders of three established Islamic extremist groups that operate in North Africa have decided to merge their organisations following a meeting in Mali. It is unclear when this meeting took place, but it is likely to have occurred in early March 2017. The leaders of Ansar Dine, Al Mourabitoun and Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) have joined forces to create Jama’at Nusrat al Islam wal Muslimeen (JNIM). The name roughly translates to “support of Islam and Muslims”. The leader of the new group is thought to be Iyad Ag Ghaly, the former leader of Ansar Dine. JNIM has pledged its allegiance to Al Qaeda and its leaders, in addition to their allegiance to Abu Musab al Zarqawi. The organisation is primarily based in Mali, but has subsidiary groups which operate throughout the North Africa region. Contact: +44 ( 0 ) 1202 795 801 SOLACEGLOBAL.COM 1 of 3 TERRORISM RISK TRAVEL ADVISORY • 16 JUNE 2017 SOLACE GLOBAL COMMENT The merging of Islamic extremist groups in Mali has both domestic and regional implications. -
Jama'at Nasr Al-Islam Wal Muslimin (JNIM) Group Profile February 2018
Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) Group Profile February 2018 1 Security Analysis JNIM Group Profile - February 2017 Background Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), or Group for Support of Islam and Muslims (GSIM) in English, is a militant jihadist organization with presence in the Maghreb and West Africa, which seeks to incite the West African Muslim community to “remove oppression” and expel non-Muslim “occupiers.” Specifically, the group is opposed to France – who has maintained a military presence in Mali since 2012 – and its Western partners, including those involved in UN Iyad Ag Ghaly (center) announcing the establishment of JNIM in March peacekeeping missions. Like its ideological 2017 (Photo: Long War Journal) forefathers in the Salafi-jihadist movement, the group’s goal is to ultimately impose Shariah Law in the entire region. JNIM was officially formed in March 2017 by the merger between three existing jihadist organizations – Ansar Dine, Al-Mourabitoun, and the Sahara branch of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) – all of them al-Qaeda (AQ) affiliates. The group would later also absorb the Macina Liberation Front (MLF), an Ansar al-Din affiliate in central Mali, reinforcing JNIM’s local credentials and territorial control, as well as making it the largest jihadi group in the Sahara. Since its inception, JNIM has been recognized as the official branch of Al-Qaeda in Mali, with its leaders having sworn allegiance to AQ’s supreme leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, and the emir of AQIM, Abu Musab Abdul Wadud. It has also been stated by the group’s leadership that through their allegiance to al-Zawahiri, they have also pledged ultimate fealty to the Emir of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (the Afghan Taliban). -
The Berlin Attack and the Abu Walaa Network
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Objective • Relevant • Rigorous | February 2017 • Volume 10, Issue 2 FEATURE ARTICLE A VIEW FROM THE CT FOXHOLE The Berlin Attack and GEN John W. the Abu Walaa Network Nicholson What the connections to the Islamic State could mean for Europe Commander, Resolute Support and Georg Heil U.S. Forces-Afghanistan FEATURE ARTICLE 1 The Berlin Attack and the “Abu Walaa” Islamic State Recruitment Network Editor in Chief Georg Heil Paul Cruickshank INTERVIEW Managing Editor Kristina Hummel 12 A View from the CT Foxhole: General John W. Nicholson, Commander, Resolute Support and U.S. Forces-Afghanistan Brian Dodwell and Don Rassler EDITORIAL BOARD Colonel Suzanne Nielsen, Ph.D. ANALYSIS Department Head Dept. of Social Sciences (West Point) 16 The Formation of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham and Wider Tensions in the Syrian Insurgency Lieutenant Colonel Bryan Price, Ph.D. Aymenn al-Tamimi Director, CTC 21 The Islamic State’s Western Teenage Plotters Robin Simcox Brian Dodwell Deputy Director, CTC 27 The Islamic State Looks East: The Growing Threat in Southeast Asia Shashi Jayakumar CONTACT 34 The Fulani Crisis: Communal Violence and Radicalization in the Sahel Andrew McGregor Combating Terrorism Center U.S. Military Academy 607 Cullum Road, Lincoln Hall In an extensive interview, General John W. Nicholson, commander of Res- olute Support and U.S. Forces-Afghanistan, stresses the importance of pre- West Point, NY 10996 venting the country from again becoming a platform for international Phone: (845) 938-8495 terrorism, noting counterterrorism operations have almost halved the fighting strength of the Islam- Email: [email protected] ic State’s local afliate. -
France Killed Al-Qaeda's Leader in the Maghreb
France killed al-Qaeda's leader in the Maghreb Dr. Shaul Shay, with the contribution of Dr. Ely Karmon June 2020 The leader of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), Abdel Malek Droukdel, and his closest lieutenants were killed on June 3, 2020, during an operation of the Barkhane French forces in Mali.1 Droukdel was a major strategic target in the fight against terrorism in the region. According to Frédéric Barbry, spokesman for the French military staff, this is an extremely severe blow to the organization, which could be compared with the other very interesting success that the Barkhane force had on May 19, when during another helicopter-borne operation a major member of the EIGS (Islamic State in the Grand Sahara), Mohamed el Mrabat, was captured without exchange of fire.2 The operation against Abdel Malek Droukdel was based on intelligence and surveillance support of Algeria and the United States.3 The operation was carried out by French special forces, who arrived in the area by helicopters before taking action on the ground.4 Droukdel was killed in the fighting along with AQIM's propagandist Toufik Chaib and one jihadist surrendered and was taken into custody.5 French Defense Minister, Florence Parly, said that "[French] forces, in co-operation with their partners in the Sahel, will continue to hunt them relentlessly."6 Droukdel was not the region's only powerful jihadist. The leaders of a jihadist alliance linked to Al- Qaeda, the Group to Support Islam and Muslims (GSIM), are still at large. Among them are Mali's two most notorious jihadists - in the north, veteran Tuareg militant, Iyad Ag Ghaly, and in central areas, radical Fulani preacher Amadou Koufa.