Al-Qa`Ida's “Myspace”: Terrorist Recruitment on the Internet
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The Jihadi Threat: ISIS, Al-Qaeda, and Beyond
THE JIHADI THREAT ISIS, AL QAEDA, AND BEYOND The Jihadi Threat ISIS, al- Qaeda, and Beyond Robin Wright William McCants United States Institute of Peace Brookings Institution Woodrow Wilson Center Garrett Nada J. M. Berger United States Institute of Peace International Centre for Counter- Terrorism Jacob Olidort The Hague Washington Institute for Near East Policy William Braniff Alexander Thurston START Consortium, University of Mary land Georgetown University Cole Bunzel Clinton Watts Prince ton University Foreign Policy Research Institute Daniel Byman Frederic Wehrey Brookings Institution and Georgetown University Car ne gie Endowment for International Peace Jennifer Cafarella Craig Whiteside Institute for the Study of War Naval War College Harleen Gambhir Graeme Wood Institute for the Study of War Yale University Daveed Gartenstein- Ross Aaron Y. Zelin Foundation for the Defense of Democracies Washington Institute for Near East Policy Hassan Hassan Katherine Zimmerman Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy American Enterprise Institute Charles Lister Middle East Institute Making Peace Possible December 2016/January 2017 CONTENTS Source: Image by Peter Hermes Furian, www . iStockphoto. com. The West failed to predict the emergence of al- Qaeda in new forms across the Middle East and North Africa. It was blindsided by the ISIS sweep across Syria and Iraq, which at least temporarily changed the map of the Middle East. Both movements have skillfully continued to evolve and proliferate— and surprise. What’s next? Twenty experts from think tanks and universities across the United States explore the world’s deadliest movements, their strate- gies, the future scenarios, and policy considerations. This report reflects their analy sis and diverse views. -
Being Arab, Muslim, Sudanese. Reshaping Belongings, Local Practices and State Policies in Sudan After the Separation of South Sudan
Arabité, islamité, ‘soudanité’ Being Arab, Muslim, Sudanese W O R K I N G P A P E R N O . 4 RESHAPING IDENTITY POLITICS Capitalising on Shari‘a Debate in Sudan by Musa Adam Abdul-Jalil December 2020 Being Arab, Muslim, Sudanese. Reshaping belongings, local practices and state policies in Sudan after the separation of South Sudan The project focuses on dynamics of Arabization and Islamization in relation to national identity- building in Sudan through an analysis of the three notions articulation within practical processes and the practices of social actors. The central socio-anthropological approach is based on a micro-scale perspective, while also paying attention to macro-scale phenomena, in particular state policies on citizens’ affiliations to an identity forged from categories of Arabness, Islamity and national integration. The aim of the project, which is rooted in classical works on issues of ethnicity, religion and nationality, is to give renewed impetus to the scientific contribution of the debate on the relations between Arab identity and Islam and the issues at stake in the relationship between State and citizens in an African country in which the colonial legacy and ethno-cultural pluralism have made the objectives of nation-building particularly complex. Founded by the AUF (Agence Universitaire de la Francophonie) as a PCSI (Projet de Coopération Scientifique Inter-Universitaire), the project has four institutional partners: CEDEJ Khartoum, the University of Khartoum, University Paris 8/LAVUE and the Max Planck Institute. Barbara Casciarri (University Paris 8) is the scientific coordinator, Jean-Nicolas Bach (CEDEJ Khartoum) is the project leader and Mohamed A.G. -
Al-Qaeda in Libya: a Profile
AL-QAEDA IN LIBYA: A PROFILE A Report Prepared by the Federal Research Division, Library of Congress under an Interagency Agreement with the Combating Terrorism Technical Support Office’s Irregular Warfare Support Program August 2012 Federal Research Division Library of Congress Washington, D.C. 205404840 Tel: 2027073900 Fax: 2027073920 E-Mail: [email protected] Homepage: http://www.loc.gov/rr/frd/ 64 Years of Service to the Federal Government 1948 – 2012 Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Al-Qaeda in Libya: A Profile PREFACE This report attempts to assess al-Qaeda’s presence in Libya. Al-Qaeda Senior Leadership (AQSL) and al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) have sought to take advantage of the Libyan Revolution to recruit militants and to reinforce their operational capabilities in an attempt to create a safe haven and possibly to extend their area of operations to Libya. Reports have indicated that AQSL is seeking to create an al-Qaeda clandestine network in Libya that could be activated in the future to destabilize the government and/or to offer logistical support to al- Qaeda’s activities in North Africa and the Sahel. AQIM has reportedly formed sleeper cells that are probably connected to an al-Qaeda underground network in Libya, likely as a way, primarily, to secure the supply of arms for its ongoing jihadist operations in Algeria and the Sahel. This report discusses how al-Qaeda and its North African affiliate are using communications media and face-to-face contacts to shift the still-evolving post-revolutionary political and social dynamic in Libya in a direction that is conducive to jihad and hateful of the West. -
Islam, Sectarianism and Politics in Sudan Since the Mahdiyya. by Gabriel Warburg
280 Literatur/Book Reviews / Die Welt des Islams 49 (2009) 248-285 Islam, Sectarianism and Politics in Sudan since the Mahdiyya. By Gabriel Warburg. London: Hurst 2003. xvii, 252 pp., ISBN 1-85065-590-1. Having devoted much of his scholarly career to the study of Sudan’s turbulent political and religious history, Warburg’s latest and, as he states himself (p. xii), last book on the Sudan raises high expectations. In spite of the fact that, being an Israeli citizen, Warburg was never able to visit the Sudan, his numerous articles and books have earned him the reputation as a leading specialist in Sudanese studies, not only outside but also inside the country. Islam, Sectarianism and Politics in Sudan since the Mahdiyya gives a solid, if con- densed overview of the most important stages of the political and religious develop- ments in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Sudan. Warburg puts the em phasis on the historical facts, occasionally interspersed with interpretation, but not on identi- fying underlying patterns, at least not in a systematic manner. If there is an argument that runs through the book as a central thread, starting from the title, it is about the destructive role of “sectarianism” in Sudanese politics. However, even here Warburg’s treatment of the topic remains at the level of implicit assumptions rather than cogent analysis, as I will point out in more detail below. Although published in 2003, the manuscript was basically completed in 2000. This explains why it does not include the latest events, most notably the gradual rapproche- ment and the later peace agreement between the Sudanese government led by Omar al-Bashir and the Southern Sudanese Peoples Liberation Front under the leadership of John Garang, who died in a helicopter crash shortly after being appointed as Bashir’s vice president in July 2005. -
Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP): an Al-Qaeda Affiliate Case Study David Knoll
Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP): An Al-Qaeda Affiliate Case Study David Knoll With contributions from Alexander Thurston and Pamela G. Faber October 2017 DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. This document contains the best opinion of CNA at the time of issue. It does not necessarily represent the opinion of the sponsor. Distribution DISTRIBUTION STATEMENT A. Approved for public release: distribution unlimited. SPECIFIC AUTHORITY: N00014-16-D-5003 10/27/2017 Photography Credit: Michael Markowitz, CNA. Approved by: October 2017 Dr. Jonathan Schroden, Director Center for Stability and Development Center for Strategic Studies This work was performed under Federal Government Contract No. N00014-16-D-5003. Copyright © 2017 CNA Abstract Section 1228 of the 2015 National Defense Authorization Act (NDAA) states: “The Secretary of Defense, in coordination with the Secretary of State and the Director of National Intelligence, shall provide for the conduct of an independent assessment of the effectiveness of the United States’ efforts to disrupt, dismantle, and defeat Al- Qaeda, including its affiliated groups, associated groups, and adherents since September 11, 2001.” The Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations/Low Intensity Conflict (ASD (SO/LIC)) asked CNA to conduct this independent assessment, which was completed in August 2017. In order to conduct this assessment, CNA used a comparative methodology that included eight case studies on groups affiliated or associated with Al-Qaeda. These case studies were then used as a dataset for cross-case comparison. This document is a stand-alone version of the Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) case study used in the Independent Assessment. -
Mahdism and Islamism in Sudan Author(S): Gabriel Warburg Reviewed Work(S): Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol
Mahdism and Islamism in Sudan Author(s): Gabriel Warburg Reviewed work(s): Source: International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 27, No. 2 (May, 1995), pp. 219-236 Published by: Cambridge University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/176093 . Accessed: 19/11/2012 19:55 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Cambridge University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to International Journal of Middle East Studies. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded by the authorized user from 192.168.82.207 on Mon, 19 Nov 2012 19:55:33 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Int. J. Middle East Stud. 27 (1995), 219-236. Printed in the United States of America Gabriel Warburg MAHDISM AND ISLAMISM IN SUDAN On 30 June 1989, a military coup overthrew the democratically elected government of al-Sadiq al-Mahdi in Sudan and replaced it with a fundamentalist Muslim dictatorship headed by Colonel CUmarHasan al-Bashir and adhering to the radical Islamic ideology of the National Islamic Front (NIF), under the leadership of Dr. Hasan al-Turabi. Since June 1881 when Muhammad Ahmad ibn 'Abdallah declared that he was the expected mahdi, the religious-political scene of Sudan had been largely dominated by Mahdists and Khatmiyya adherents. -
Grade 7 History
Madrasat Ahlul’Bait Islamic School Grade 7 History Cover Design by: Zainab Khan Shia-Muslim Association of Bay Area First Edition (Revision 2.0) First Printing May, 2005 Second Printing February, 2006 Compilers and Co-Authors: Dr. Hassan Abu Ghaida, Member, Syllabus Committee, Sister Azita Sagarzadeh, Member, Syllabus Committee, Sister Urooj Kazmi, Chair Syllabus Committee, Madrasat Ahlul’Bait, Shia-Muslim Association of Bay Area Editors: Sister Urooj Kazmi, Chair Syllabus Committee, Madrasat Ahlul’Bait, Shia-Muslim Association of Bay Area Copyright Free & Non-Profit Notice: Madrasat Ahlul’Bait curriculum material can be freely copied, duplicated, reproduced, quoted, distributed, printed, used in derivative works and saved on any media and platform for non-profit and educational purposes only. A fee no higher than the cost of copying may be charged for the material. Note from Madrasat Ahlul’Bait: The Publishers and the Authors have made every effort to present the Quranic verses, prophetic and masomeen traditions, their explanations and the material from the sources referenced in an accurate, complete and clear manner. We ask for forgiveness from Allah (SWT) and the readers if any mistakes have been overlooked during the review process. Contact Information: Any correspondence related to this publication and all notations of errors or omissions should be addressed to Syllabus Committee, Madrasat Ahlul’Bait, Shia-Muslim Association of Bay Area at [email protected]. Published by: Madrasat Ahlul’Bait Shia-Muslim Association of Bay Area 4415 Fortran Court, San Jose, CA 95134, USA www.saba-igc.org [email protected] LIMIT OF LIABILITY/DISCLAIMER OF WARRANTY: THE PUBLISHER AND THE AUTHORS MAKE NO REPRESENTATIONS OR WARRANTIES WITH RESPECT TO THE ACCURACY OR COMPLETENESS OF THE CONTENTS OF THIS WORK AND SPECIFICALLY DISCLAIM ALL WARRANTIES, INCLUDING WITHOUT LIMITATION WARRANTIES OF FITNESS FOR A PARTICULAR PURPOSE. -
Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and Related Groups
March 20, 2017 Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) and Related Groups Overview Figure 1. AQIM Insignia AQIM, a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization, was formed when the Algerian Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat “united” with Al Qaeda in 2006-2007. AQIM then carried out several large attacks against Algerian state targets, but as security forces in Algeria cracked down, it increasingly moved into the impoverished Sahel region of West Africa. There, AQIM attacked military and police posts; orchestrated lucrative kidnap-for-ransom operations, largely targeting Westerners; and engaged in smuggling activities. AQIM’s allure among West Africans initially appeared limited, and some analysts viewed it as a primarily criminal enterprise. However, the group has demonstrated resilience and broader appeal, leveraging instability and security vacuums in Mali, Libya, and Tunisia Source: AQIM social media to expand its reach and lethality. Despite battlefield losses in Mali, AQIM and its offshoots recently carried out several In 2012, AQIM, MUJAO, and Ansar al Dine asserted mass-casualty attacks targeting Westerners, notably a multi- control over a vast if sparsely populated area in northern day siege at a gas plant in Algeria (2013) and mass Mali, taking advantage of an ethnic separatist insurgency shootings at hotels and restaurants in Mali, Burkina Faso, and government collapse. They formed locally-led and Côte d’Ivoire (2015-2016). administrative entities and imposed a harsh interpretation of Islamic law, including amputations for thieves and the AQIM’s shifting tactics and opportunism have long sparked destruction of cultural sites. France’s military intervened in debate over the appropriate approach to armed Islamist early 2013, ousting Islamist leaders from major towns, extremist groups whose activities appear primarily locally- killing and capturing several key leaders, and apparently driven, but which pose a threat to U.S. -
The Rise and Fall of Political Islam in Sudan2
© 2021 Authors. Center for Study of Religion and Religious Tolerance, Belgrade, Serbia.This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License Sergey V. Kostelyanets1 Overview paper Russian Academy of Sciences UDC 323+327(624):929 Omar al Bašir Russian Federation THE RISE AND FALL OF POLITICAL ISLAM IN SUDAN2 Abstract In April 2019, Sudan’s long-serving President Omar al-Bashir was deposed in a bloodless military coup d’état, which took place amid a major wave of popular protests in the country. The present paper aims to assess the historic path of Su- danese Islamists toward the seizure of power in the course of the 1989 Salvation Revolution and their role in domestic and foreign policies of the Republic of the Sudan in 1989-2019. It will be argued that by the time of the demise of the regime in 2019 political Islam in Sudan had fully eroded and could no longer serve as an effective instrument of legitimization for the government of al-Bashir and that the return of the Islamists to power is improbable. Keywords: Sudan, political Islam, Islamism, al-Bashir, military coups, political transition Introduction Notwithstanding the present-day political and economic crisis, the Republic of Sudan remains a pivotal African country, which possesses rich land resources (it even used to be called an Arab “bread-basket”) and a relatively developed in- dustrial base, and which occupies a strategic position at the crossroads of North Africa, Tropical Africa and the Middle East. -
Religious Radicalism After the Arab Uprisings JON B
Religious Religious Radicalism after the Arab Uprisings JON B. ALTERMAN, EDITOR Radicalism The Arab uprisings of 2011 created unexpected opportunities for religious radicals. Although many inside and outside the region initially saw the uprisings as liberal triumphs, illiberal forces have benefitted after the Arab disproportionately. In Tunisia, formally marginalized jihadi-salafi groups appealed for mainstream support, and in Egypt, the Muslim Brotherhood triumphed in Jon B. Alterman Uprisings elections. Even in Saudi Arabia, not known for either lively politics or for Jon B. Alterman political entrepreneurship, a surprising array of forces praised the rise of “Islamic democracy” under a Muslim Brotherhood banner. Yet, at the same time, the Arab uprisings reinforced regional governments’ advantages. The chaos engulfing parts of the region convinced some citizens that they were better off with the governments they had, and many governments successfully employed old and new tools of repression to reinforce the status quo. Religious Radicalism after the Arab Uprisings In the Middle East, conflicts that many thought were coming to an end Religious Radicalism after the Arab Uprisings will continue, as will the dynamism and innovation that have emerged among radical and opposition groups. To face the current threats, governments will need to use many of their existing tools skillfully, but they will also need to judge what tools will no longer work, and what new tools they have at their disposal. The stakes could not be higher. 1616 Rhode Island Avenue NW Washington, DC 20036 t. 202.887.0200 | f. 202.775.3199 www.csis.org EDITOR Jon B. Alterman Religious Radicalism after the Arab Uprisings Religious Radicalism after the Arab Uprisings Editor Jon B. -
Ansar Al-Sharia Tunisia's Long Game
Ansar al-Sharia Tunisia’s Long Game: Dawa, Hisba, and Jihad Daveed Gartenstein-Ross ICCT Research Paper May 2013 In May 2013, the most significant clashes since the fall of Zine El Abidine Ben Ali occurred between the Tunisian government and the country’s largest salafi jihadist organisation – Ansar al-Sharia Tunisia (AST). ICCT Visiting Fellow Daveed Gartenstein-Ross argues that AST’s future in the country is highly uncertain. Combining a research visit to Tunisia with more traditional research, Daveed Gartenstein-Ross analyses AST’s current strategy and potential future transition from missionary work to jihad. He takes into consideration the group’s leadership, outlook, structure, size, and international connections. Concluding, he provides recommendations for engagement in Tunisia and the prevention of a long-term security problem connected to AST. About the Author Daveed Gartenstein-Ross is a visiting research fellow at the International Centre for Counter-Terrorism (ICCT) – The Hague, and a senior fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies in Washington, D.C. While at ICCT, he is working on a major project that will examine the security implications of the Arab Uprisings, with a focus on Tunisia. The project will explore the strength of transnational jihadist networks in the wake of regional revolutions, the salafi jihadist strategy for exploiting developments, the influence of economic and ecological factors, and the likely impact of counterterrorism strategies forged by regional governments. Gartenstein-Ross's academic and professional focus is on the impact of violent non-state actors on twenty-first century conflict. Studies that Gartenstein-Ross has authored examine the economic aspects of al Qaeda’s military strategy; the radicalization process for jihadist terrorists; and theaters of conflict of particular relevance to the fight against al Qaeda. -
Takaful: an Islamic Insurance Instrument
Journal of Development and Agricultural Economics Vol. 2(10), pp. 333-339, October, 2010 Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/JDAE ISSN 2006- 9774 ©2010 Academic Journals Review Takaful: An Islamic insurance instrument Nico P. Swartz1* and Pieter Coetzer2 1Unit for Legal Historical Research, Department of Roman Law, Legal History Comparative Law, Faculty of Law, UFS, Bloemfontein, South Africa. 2Penta Securities, 14 Marlyn Court, Graaff Reinet Street, Dan Pienaar, Bloemfontein, South Africa. Accepted 9 July, 2010 The Takaful concept evolved from individual common interest during the industrial era of the early 1900’s. Only eighty million of the world’s 2.5 billion poor are currently covered by some form of micro- insurance. Only 3% of the poor in India and China are insured, and only 0.3% of the poor in Africa are insured. In 23 of the 100 poorest countries in the world, there is currently no identified micro-insurance activity. The majority of the population is in the low-income bracket. On top of that, society’s awareness regarding the importance of insurance is rather low. In this paper, it will be stressed that efforts still need to be directed towards educating the public on Islamic insurance to appreciate the protection aspects that insurance can offer. Conventional insurance involves the elements of uncertainty, gambling, and interest, all of which are unacceptable under Islamic law. There existed anxiety among Muslims regarding the inconsistency of conventional banking and insurance in compliance with Islamic laws. This allowed the creation of a new industry, takaful, which offered risk protection and savings products to the world’s 1.6 billion Muslims.