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Al-Qaeda's Keys to Success
DIGITAL-ONLY VIEW Al- Qaeda’s Keys to Success MAJ RYAN CK HESS, USAF ver the past 20 years, al- Qaeda has been the most recognizable and infa- mous terrorist organization on the planet. The group has planned and executed thousands of violent attacks, spurred dozens of offshoot affiliate Oand copycat groups, and even created rival Islamic extremist organizations. De- spite all this, and subsequently spending the past 20 years at war with the world’s most effective militaries, the group continues to carry out its operations. More- over, the success of foreign al- Qaeda affiliates illustrate that the group has become a global threat. Analyzing the tools that the organization has used to succeed will give us a better understanding of how to combat al-Qaeda. Perhaps more impor- tantly, it will also help intelligence agencies recognize what strategies the group will likely employ in the future. There are some who argue that al- Qaeda is dying. In this article, I argue that not only is it far from dead, but that the main factors contributing to al- Qaeda’s continued global success are decentralization, effective narratives and propaganda, and the specific targeting of locations with a preexist- ing history of instability and violence. This article will use three al-Qaeda affiliates and allies—al-Shabaab, Ansar al- Dine (AAD), and al-Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent (AQIS) — to demon- strate each of the above listed success factors. However, before we can discuss how al- Qaeda has achieved their success, we must first define success. If success is to be defined as the completion of each organization’s stated goals, none of them have yet succeeded. -
Going Global: Islamist Competition in Contemporary Civil Wars
Security Studies,25:353–384,2016 Copyright © Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 0963-6412 print / 1556-1852 online DOI: 10.1080/09636412.2016.1171971 Going Global: Islamist Competition in Contemporary Civil Wars AISHA AHMAD The global landscape of modern jihad is highly diverse and wrought with conflict between rival Islamist factions. Within this inter- Islamist competition, some factions prove to be more robust and durable than others. This research proposes that the adoption of a global identity allows an Islamist group to better recruit and expand their domestic political power across ethnic and tribal divisions without being constrained by local politics. Islamists that rely on an ethnic or tribal identity are more prone to group fragmentation, whereas global Islamists are better able to retain group cohesion by purging their ranks of dissenters. To examine these two processes, I present original field research and primary source analysis to ex- amine Islamist in-fighting in Somalia from 2006–2014 and then expand my analysis to Iraq and Syria, Pakistan, and Mali. GOING GLOBAL: ISLAMIST COMPETITION IN CONTEMPORARY CIVIL WARS The global landscape of modern jihad is highly diverse and wrought with internal competition.1 In Pakistan, factions within the Tehrik-i-Taliban (TTP) movement have repeatedly clashed over the past decade, splintering into Downloaded by [University of Toronto Libraries] at 07:31 05 July 2016 multiple powerful jihadist groups. In northern Mali, the ethnic Tuareg re- bellion has also fractured, leading some Islamist factions to build strong ties to al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM).2 More recently, the Aisha Ahmad is an Assistant Professor at the University of Toronto. -
Othering Terrorism: a Rhetorical Strategy of Strategic Labeling
Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal Volume 13 Issue 2 Rethinking Genocide, Mass Atrocities, and Political Violence in Africa: New Directions, Article 9 New Inquiries, and Global Perspectives 6-2019 Othering Terrorism: A Rhetorical Strategy of Strategic Labeling Michael Loadenthal Miami University of Oxford Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp Recommended Citation Loadenthal, Michael (2019) "Othering Terrorism: A Rhetorical Strategy of Strategic Labeling," Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal: Vol. 13: Iss. 2: 74-105. DOI: https://doi.org/10.5038/1911-9933.13.2.1704 Available at: https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/gsp/vol13/iss2/9 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Open Access Journals at Scholar Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal by an authorized editor of Scholar Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Othering Terrorism: A Rhetorical Strategy of Strategic Labeling Michael Loadenthal Miami University of Oxford Oxford, Ohio, USA Reel Bad Africans1 & the Cinema of Terrorism Throughout Ridley Scott’s 2002 film Black Hawk Down, Orientalist “othering” abounds, mirroring the simplistic political narrative of the film at large. In this tired script, we (the West) are fighting to help them (the East Africans) escape the grip of warlordism, tribalism, and failed states through the deployment of brute counterinsurgency and policing strategies. In the film, the US soldiers enter the hostile zone of Mogadishu, Somalia, while attempting to arrest the very militia leaders thought to be benefitting from the disorder of armed conflict. -
Franco-African Military Intervention in the Mali Crisis and Evolving Security Concerns
Report Franco-African Military Intervention in the Mali Crisis and Evolving Security Concerns Freedom C Onuoha* & Alex Thurston** Al Jazeera Center for Studies Tel: +974-44663454 19 February 2013 [email protected] http://studies.aljazeera.net/en/ Before 2012, many observers considered Mali and its President Amadou Toumani Touré a success story for the “third wave” of democracy. After leading a coup in 1991 and overseeing a democratic transition, Touré gave up power in 1992 upon the election of President Alpha Oumar Konaré. After Konaré’s tenure, Touré returned to politics, winning elections in 2002 and again in 2007 as a civilian president. As Malian politicians prepared for another presidential election scheduled for April 2012, Touré seemed poised to freely relinquish power once more. Three months before the April 2012 elections, Tuareg separatists in north Mali under the National Movement for the Liberation of the Azawad (MNLA, where “Azawad” refers to the northern regions of Kidal, Gao, and Timbuktu), declared a rebellion against the central government. The regime's soldiers suffered defeats and seemed too ill-equipped to withstand rebel assaults. Soldiers’ discontent with the regime, which they blamed for their losses, erupted into protests, mutiny, and ultimately a coup against Touré on 22 March 2012. The coup created a power vacuum that enabled Tuareg rebels in the north backed by a patchwork of Islamist forces to take control of nearly two thirds of the country. These disparate Islamist forces included Ansar Dine (“Defenders of the Faith”), Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM), and Jama’a al Tawhid wa al Jihad fi Gharb Afriqiya (The Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa, MUJWA). -
The Terrorism Trap: the Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror
University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Doctoral Dissertations Graduate School 8-2019 The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror John Akins University of Tennessee, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss Recommended Citation Akins, John, "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror. " PhD diss., University of Tennessee, 2019. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_graddiss/5624 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate School at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Doctoral Dissertations by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. To the Graduate Council: I am submitting herewith a dissertation written by John Akins entitled "The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America's War on Terror." I have examined the final electronic copy of this dissertation for form and content and recommend that it be accepted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, with a major in Political Science. Krista Wiegand, Major Professor We have read this dissertation and recommend its acceptance: Brandon Prins, Gary Uzonyi, Candace White Accepted for the Council: Dixie L. Thompson Vice Provost and Dean of the Graduate School (Original signatures are on file with official studentecor r ds.) The Terrorism Trap: The Hidden Impact of America’s War on Terror A Dissertation Presented for the Doctor of Philosophy Degree The University of Tennessee, Knoxville John Harrison Akins August 2019 Copyright © 2019 by John Harrison Akins All rights reserved. -
Violent Events Linked to Militant Islamist Groups in the Sahel
VIOLENT EVENTS LINKED TO MILITANT ISLAMIST GROUPS IN THE SAHEL ALGERIA MAURITANIA MALI NIGER SENEGAL GAMBIA BURKINA FASO GUINEABISSAU NIGERIA GUINEA BÉNIN GHANA TOGO Hover over year to see data for that timeframe JNIM Ansar Dine AFLMnsar DineAQIM Sahara MUJEIGSAnsaAMUJAOAOrQIMoul Islam Sahara 2010 2016 Ansar Dine AKatibaQIM Saha Sermara AUnaliatednsaUnaliatedroul Islam 2012 2018 AQIM Sahara MAlEIGSou Mourabitounrabitoun Unaliated 2014 Al Mourabitoun FLMKatiba Salaheddine Data Source: Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) VIOLENT EVENTS LINKED TO MILITANT ISLAMIST GROUPS IN THE SAHEL ALGERIA MAURITANIA MALI NIGER SENEGAL GAMBIA BURKINA FASO GUINEABISSAU NIGERIA GUINEA BÉNIN GHANA TOGO Hover over year to see data for that timeframe JNIM Ansar Dine AFLMnsar DineAQIM Sahara MUJEIGSAnsaAMUJAOAOrQIMoul Islam Sahara 2010 2016 Ansar Dine AKatibaQIM Saha Sermara AUnaliatednsaUnaliatedroul Islam 2012 2018 AQIM Sahara MAlEIGSou Mourabitounrabitoun Unaliated 2014 Al Mourabitoun FLMKatiba Salaheddine Data Source: Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED) VIOLENT EVENTS LINKED TO MILITANT ISLAMIST GROUPS IN THE SAHEL ALGERIA MAURITANIA MALI NIGER SENEGAL GAMBIA BURKINA FASO GUINEABISSAU NIGERIA GUINEA BÉNIN GHANA TOGO Hover over year to see data for that timeframe JNIM Ansar Dine AFLMnsar DineAQIM Sahara MUJEIGSAnsaAMUJAOAOrQIMoul Islam Sahara 2010 2016 Ansar Dine AKatibaQIM Saha Sermara AUnaliatednsaUnaliatedroul Islam 2012 2018 AQIM Sahara MAlEIGSou Mourabitounrabitoun Unaliated 2014 Al Mourabitoun FLMKatiba Salaheddine -
Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances
SWP Research Paper Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber (Eds.) Jihadism in Africa Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances RP 5 June 2015 Berlin All rights reserved. © Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik, 2015 SWP Research Papers are peer reviewed by senior researchers and the execu- tive board of the Institute. They express exclusively the personal views of the authors. SWP Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs Ludwigkirchplatz 34 10719 Berlin Germany Phone +49 30 880 07-0 Fax +49 30 880 07-100 www.swp-berlin.org [email protected] ISSN 1863-1053 Translation by Meredith Dale (Updated English version of SWP-Studie 7/2015) Table of Contents 5 Problems and Recommendations 7 Jihadism in Africa: An Introduction Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 13 Al-Shabaab: Youth without God Annette Weber 31 Libya: A Jihadist Growth Market Wolfram Lacher 51 Going “Glocal”: Jihadism in Algeria and Tunisia Isabelle Werenfels 69 Spreading Local Roots: AQIM and Its Offshoots in the Sahara Wolfram Lacher and Guido Steinberg 85 Boko Haram: Threat to Nigeria and Its Northern Neighbours Moritz Hütte, Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 99 Conclusions and Recommendations Guido Steinberg and Annette Weber 103 Appendix 103 Abbreviations 104 The Authors Problems and Recommendations Jihadism in Africa: Local Causes, Regional Expansion, International Alliances The transnational terrorism of the twenty-first century feeds on local and regional conflicts, without which most terrorist groups would never have appeared in the first place. That is the case in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Syria and Iraq, as well as in North and West Africa and the Horn of Africa. -
ICC-01/12-01/18 Date: 21 November 2019 Date of Submission: 6 February 2020
ICC-01/12-01/18-505-Red2 06-02-2020 1/30 RH T Original: English No.: ICC-01/12-01/18 Date: 21 November 2019 Date of submission: 6 February 2020 TRIAL CHAMBER X Before: Judge Antoine Kesia-Mbe Mindua, Presiding Judge Judge Tomoko Akane Judge Kimberly Prost SITUATION IN THE REPUBLIC OF MALI IN THE CASE OF THE PROSECUTOR v. AL HASSAN AG ABDOUL AZIZ AG MOHAMED AG MAHMOUD URGENT PUBLIC With confidential, EX PARTE, Annexes A and B Only available to the Prosecution, VWU and the Detention Section Public redacted version of “the Prosecution’s urgent application to maintain restrictions on Mr AL HASSAN’s contacts and access to others whilst in detention”, 22 November 2019, ICC-01/12-01/18-505-Conf-Exp Source: Office of the Prosecutor ICC-01/12-01/18 1/30 21 November 2019 ICC-01/12-01/18-505-Red2 06-02-2020 2/30 RH T Document to be notified in accordance with regulation 31 of the Regulations of the Court to: The Office of the Prosecutor Counsel for the Defence Fatou Bensouda Melinda Taylor James Stewart Marie-Hélène Proulx Sarah Bafadhel Legal Representatives of the Victims Legal Representatives of the Applicants Seydou Doumbia Mayombo Kassongo Fidel Luvengika Nsita Unrepresented Victims Unrepresented Applicants (Participation/Reparation) The Office of Public Counsel for Victims The Office of Public Counsel for the Defence States’ Representatives Amicus Curiae REGISTRY Registrar Counsel Support Section Peter Lewis Victims and Witnesses Unit Detention Section Nigel Verrill Mr Paddy Craig Victims Participation and Reparations Other Section ICC-01/12-01/18 2/30 21 November 2019 ICC-01/12-01/18-505-Red2 06-02-2020 3/30 RH T Introduction 1. -
Between Islamization and Secession: the Contest for Northern Mali
JULY 2012 . VOL 5 . ISSUE 7 Contents Between Islamization and FEATURE ARTICLE 1 Between Islamization and Secession: Secession: The Contest for The Contest for Northern Mali By Derek Henry Flood Northern Mali REPORTS By Derek Henry Flood 6 A Profile of AQAP’s Upper Echelon By Gregory D. Johnsen 9 Taliban Recruiting and Fundraising in Karachi By Zia Ur Rehman 12 A Biography of Rashid Rauf: Al-Qa`ida’s British Operative By Raffaello Pantucci 16 Mexican DTO Influence Extends Deep into United States By Sylvia Longmire 19 Information Wars: Assessing the Social Media Battlefield in Syria By Chris Zambelis 22 Recent Highlights in Terrorist Activity 24 CTC Sentinel Staff & Contacts An Islamist fighter from the Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa in the city of Gao on July 16, 2012. - AFP/Getty Images n january 17, 2012, a rebellion 22, disgruntled Malian soldiers upset began in Mali when ethnic about their lack of support staged a coup Tuareg fighters attacked a d’état, overthrowing the democratically Malian army garrison in the elected government of President Amadou Oeastern town of Menaka near the border Toumani Touré. with Niger.1 In the conflict’s early weeks, the ethno-nationalist rebels of the By April 1, all Malian security forces had National Movement for the Liberation evacuated the three northern regions of of Azawad (MNLA)2 cooperated and Kidal, Gao and Timbuktu. They relocated About the CTC Sentinel sometimes collaborated with Islamist to the garrisons of Sévaré, Ségou, and The Combating Terrorism Center is an fighters of Ansar Eddine for as long as as far south as Bamako.4 In response, independent educational and research the divergent movements had a common Ansar Eddine began to aggressively institution based in the Department of Social enemy in the Malian state.3 On March assert itself and allow jihadists from Sciences at the United States Military Academy, regional Islamist organizations to West Point. -
If Our Men Won't Fight, We Will"
“If our men won’t ourmen won’t “If This study is a gender based confl ict analysis of the armed con- fl ict in northern Mali. It consists of interviews with people in Mali, at both the national and local level. The overwhelming result is that its respondents are in unanimous agreement that the root fi causes of the violent confl ict in Mali are marginalization, discrimi- ght, wewill” nation and an absent government. A fact that has been exploited by the violent Islamists, through their provision of services such as health care and employment. Islamist groups have also gained support from local populations in situations of pervasive vio- lence, including sexual and gender-based violence, and they have offered to restore security in exchange for local support. Marginality serves as a place of resistance for many groups, also northern women since many of them have grievances that are linked to their limited access to public services and human rights. For these women, marginality is a site of resistance that moti- vates them to mobilise men to take up arms against an unwilling government. “If our men won’t fi ght, we will” A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Confl ict in Northern Mali Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad FOI-R--4121--SE ISSN1650-1942 November 2015 www.foi.se Helené Lackenbauer, Magdalena Tham Lindell and Gabriella Ingerstad "If our men won't fight, we will" A Gendered Analysis of the Armed Conflict in Northern Mali Bild/Cover: (Helené Lackenbauer) Titel ”If our men won’t fight, we will” Title “Om våra män inte vill strida gör vi det” Rapportnr/Report no FOI-R--4121—SE Månad/Month November Utgivningsår/Year 2015 Antal sidor/Pages 77 ISSN 1650-1942 Kund/Customer Utrikes- & Försvarsdepartementen Forskningsområde 8. -
Jama'at Nasr Al-Islam Wal Muslimin (JNIM) Group Profile February 2018
Jama'at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) Group Profile February 2018 1 Security Analysis JNIM Group Profile - February 2017 Background Jama’at Nasr al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM), or Group for Support of Islam and Muslims (GSIM) in English, is a militant jihadist organization with presence in the Maghreb and West Africa, which seeks to incite the West African Muslim community to “remove oppression” and expel non-Muslim “occupiers.” Specifically, the group is opposed to France – who has maintained a military presence in Mali since 2012 – and its Western partners, including those involved in UN Iyad Ag Ghaly (center) announcing the establishment of JNIM in March peacekeeping missions. Like its ideological 2017 (Photo: Long War Journal) forefathers in the Salafi-jihadist movement, the group’s goal is to ultimately impose Shariah Law in the entire region. JNIM was officially formed in March 2017 by the merger between three existing jihadist organizations – Ansar Dine, Al-Mourabitoun, and the Sahara branch of Al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) – all of them al-Qaeda (AQ) affiliates. The group would later also absorb the Macina Liberation Front (MLF), an Ansar al-Din affiliate in central Mali, reinforcing JNIM’s local credentials and territorial control, as well as making it the largest jihadi group in the Sahara. Since its inception, JNIM has been recognized as the official branch of Al-Qaeda in Mali, with its leaders having sworn allegiance to AQ’s supreme leader, Ayman al-Zawahiri, and the emir of AQIM, Abu Musab Abdul Wadud. It has also been stated by the group’s leadership that through their allegiance to al-Zawahiri, they have also pledged ultimate fealty to the Emir of the Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (the Afghan Taliban). -
The Berlin Attack and the Abu Walaa Network
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Objective • Relevant • Rigorous | February 2017 • Volume 10, Issue 2 FEATURE ARTICLE A VIEW FROM THE CT FOXHOLE The Berlin Attack and GEN John W. the Abu Walaa Network Nicholson What the connections to the Islamic State could mean for Europe Commander, Resolute Support and Georg Heil U.S. Forces-Afghanistan FEATURE ARTICLE 1 The Berlin Attack and the “Abu Walaa” Islamic State Recruitment Network Editor in Chief Georg Heil Paul Cruickshank INTERVIEW Managing Editor Kristina Hummel 12 A View from the CT Foxhole: General John W. Nicholson, Commander, Resolute Support and U.S. Forces-Afghanistan Brian Dodwell and Don Rassler EDITORIAL BOARD Colonel Suzanne Nielsen, Ph.D. ANALYSIS Department Head Dept. of Social Sciences (West Point) 16 The Formation of Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham and Wider Tensions in the Syrian Insurgency Lieutenant Colonel Bryan Price, Ph.D. Aymenn al-Tamimi Director, CTC 21 The Islamic State’s Western Teenage Plotters Robin Simcox Brian Dodwell Deputy Director, CTC 27 The Islamic State Looks East: The Growing Threat in Southeast Asia Shashi Jayakumar CONTACT 34 The Fulani Crisis: Communal Violence and Radicalization in the Sahel Andrew McGregor Combating Terrorism Center U.S. Military Academy 607 Cullum Road, Lincoln Hall In an extensive interview, General John W. Nicholson, commander of Res- olute Support and U.S. Forces-Afghanistan, stresses the importance of pre- West Point, NY 10996 venting the country from again becoming a platform for international Phone: (845) 938-8495 terrorism, noting counterterrorism operations have almost halved the fighting strength of the Islam- Email: [email protected] ic State’s local afliate.