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View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by King's Research Portal King’s Research Portal DOI: 10.1080/1057610X.2017.1283195 Document Version Peer reviewed version Link to publication record in King's Research Portal Citation for published version (APA): Woodford, I., & Smith, M. L. R. (2017). The Political Economy of the Provos: Inside the Finances of the Provisional IRA – A Revision. STUDIES IN CONFLICT AND TERRORISM. https://doi.org/10.1080/1057610X.2017.1283195 Citing this paper Please note that where the full-text provided on King's Research Portal is the Author Accepted Manuscript or Post-Print version this may differ from the final Published version. If citing, it is advised that you check and use the publisher's definitive version for pagination, volume/issue, and date of publication details. And where the final published version is provided on the Research Portal, if citing you are again advised to check the publisher's website for any subsequent corrections. General rights Copyright and moral rights for the publications made accessible in the Research Portal are retained by the authors and/or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing publications that users recognize and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. •Users may download and print one copy of any publication from the Research Portal for the purpose of private study or research. •You may not further distribute the material or use it for any profit-making activity or commercial gain •You may freely distribute the URL identifying the publication in the Research Portal Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. -
In Defense of Propaganda: the Republican Response to State
IN DEFENSE OF PROPAGANDA: THE REPUBLICAN RESPONSE TO STATE CREATED NARRATIVES WHICH SILENCED POLITICAL SPEECH DURING THE NORTHERN IRISH CONFLICT, 1968-1998 A thesis presented to The Honors Tutorial College Ohio University In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for Graduation from the Honors Tutorial College with a Degree of Bachelor of Science in Journalism By Selina Nadeau April 2017 1 This thesis is approved by The Honors Tutorial College and the Department of Journalism Dr. Aimee Edmondson Professor, Journalism Thesis Adviser Dr. Bernhard Debatin Director of Studies, Journalism Dr. Jeremy Webster Dean, Honors Tutorial College 2 Table of Contents 1. History 2. Literature Review 2.1. Reframing the Conflict 2.2.Scholarship about Terrorism in Northern Ireland 2.3.Media Coverage of the Conflict 3. Theoretical Frameworks 3.1.Media Theory 3.2.Theories of Ethnic Identity and Conflict 3.3.Colonialism 3.4.Direct rule 3.5.British Counterterrorism 4. Research Methods 5. Researching the Troubles 5.1.A student walks down the Falls Road 6. Media Censorship during the Troubles 7. Finding Meaning in the Posters from the Troubles 7.1.Claims of Abuse of State Power 7.1.1. Social, political or economic grievances 7.1.2. Criticism of Government Officials 7.1.3. Criticism of the police, army or security forces 7.1.4. Criticism of media or censorship of media 7.2.Calls for Peace 7.2.1. Calls for inclusive all-party peace talks 7.2.2. British withdrawal as the solution 7.3.Appeals to Rights, Freedom, or Liberty 7.3.1. Demands of the Civil Rights Movement 7.3.2. -
Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein
Leading to Peace: Prisoner Resistance and Leadership Development in the IRA and Sinn Fein By Claire Delisle Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the Ph.D. degree in Criminology Department of Criminology Faculty of Social Sciences University of Ottawa ©Claire Delisle, Ottawa, Canada, 2012 To the women in my family Dorothy, Rollande, Émilie, Phoebe and Avril Abstract The Irish peace process is heralded as a success among insurgencies that attempt transitions toward peaceful resolution of conflict. After thirty years of armed struggle, pitting Irish republicans against their loyalist counterparts and the British State, the North of Ireland has a reconfigured political landscape with a consociational governing body where power is shared among several parties that hold divergent political objectives. The Irish Republican Movement, whose main components are the Provisional Irish Republican Army, a covert guerilla armed organization, and Sinn Fein, the political party of Irish republicans, initiated peace that led to all-inclusive talks in the 1990s and that culminated in the signing of the Good Friday Agreement in April 1998, setting out the parameters for a non-violent way forward. Given the traditional intransigence of the IRA to consider any route other than armed conflict, how did the leadership of the Irish Republican Movement secure the support of a majority of republicans for a peace initiative that has held now for more than fifteen years? This dissertation explores the dynamics of leadership in this group, and in particular, focuses on the prisoner resistance waged by its incarcerated activists and volunteers. -
“To the Extent the Law Allows:” Lessons from the Boston College Subpoenas
J Acad Ethics DOI 10.1007/s10805-012-9172-5 Defending Research Confidentiality “To the Extent the Law Allows:” Lessons From the Boston College Subpoenas Ted Palys & John Lowman # Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2012 Abstract Although in the US there have been dozens of subpoenas seeking information gathered by academic researchers under a pledge of confidentiality, few cases have garnered as much attention as the two sets of subpoenas issued to Boston College seeking interviews conducted with IRA operatives who participated in The Belfast Project, an oral history of The Troubles in Northern Ireland. For the researchers and participants, confidentiality was understood to be unlimited, while Boston College has asserted that it pledged confidentiality only “to the extent American law allows.” This a priori limitation to confidentiality is invoked by many researchers and universities in the United States, Canada and Great Britain, but there has been little discussion of what the phrase means and what ethical obligations accompany it. An examination of the researchers’ and Boston College’s behav- iour in relation to the subpoenas provides the basis for that discussion. We conclude that Boston College has provided an example that will be cited for years to come of how not to protect research participants to the extent American law allows. Keywords Research confidentiality . Boston College . Belfast Project . Legal cases . Limited confidentiality . Ethics-first Although in the United States there have been dozens of subpoenas seeking information gathered by academic researchers under a pledge of confidentiality (e.g., Cecil and Wetherington 1996; Lowman and Palys 2001), few cases have garnered as much attention as the two sets of subpoenas issued to Boston College in 2011 by the US Attorney General acting on a request from the United Kingdom under the UK-US Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty (MLAT) regarding criminal matters. -
182 Chapter 12 Hibernia: Voices of Dissent, 1968–80 Brian Trench for at Least the Last Decade of Its Existence, Spanning the 1
Chapter 12 Hibernia: voices of dissent, 1968–80 Brian Trench For at least the last decade of its existence, spanning the 1970s, Hibernia had a strong presence in Irish media as an independent, frequently dissenting voice. It provided a platform for a wider range of opinion than was represented in daily and weekly newspapers and in broadcasting. It was a springboard for young graduates into significant careers in journalism. It is often fondly remembered in anecdote but it has not been the subject of extended analysis or even of a personal memoir that offers a broader appraisal or account of its place in Irish media and society.1 In his history of Irish media, John Horgan offers a packed paragraph that recounts: [John] Mulcahy … turned it into a lively, irreverent and often well-informed magazine which specialised in an eclectic but highly marketable mix of political gossip and features, book reviews, and authoritative business and financial journalism. Its tone was crusading and investigative: by 1973 it was already carrying articles alleging conflicts of interest and possible corruption in relation to the activities of local politicians in the Greater Dublin area – an issue which resurfaced with dramatic effect, at the end of the 1990s.2 There are passing references in other works of history and reference, such as MacRedmond’s Modern Irish Lives, which refers to its ‘searching liberal critique of Irish society’ and Morash’s history of media, which describes Hibernia as ‘robustly critical … [and] … in some respects [setting] the agenda for the magazines that would follow it in the 1980s’.3 Journalists’ books covering the 1960s and 1970s, including those by Tim Pat Coogan, T. -
Gerry Adams Has Long Denied Being a Member of the I.R.A. but His Former Compatriots Say That He Authorized Murder. in the March
For Immediate Release: March 9, 2015 Press Contacts: Natalie Raabe, (212) 286-6591 Molly Erman, (212) 286-7936 Adrea Piazza, (212) 286-4255 Gerry Adams Has Long Denied Being a Member of the I.R.A. But His Former Compatriots Say That He Authorized Murder. In the March 16, 2015, issue of The New Yorker, in “Where the Bodies Are Buried” (p. 42), Patrick Radden Keefe reports from Belfast and investigates the alleged involvement of Gerry Adams, the president of Sinn Fein, the political wing of the Irish Republican move- ment, in the Irish Republican Army and in the murders perpetrated by that organization during the conflict known as the Troubles. “Though Adams is the most famous face of the Irish Republican movement, he has long denied having been a member of the I.R.A.,” Keefe writes. “He maintains that he never played any operational role in the violence of the Troubles, and that he confined himself to the leadership of Sinn Fein.” Keefe examines the killing, in 1972, of Jean McConville, a thirty-seven-year-old widow and mother of ten who was kidnapped and executed by members of a secret I.R.A. unit called the Unknowns. According to former members of the Unknowns, including the late I.R.A. terrorist Dolours Price, Adams was their Officer Commanding. In Northern Ireland, where roughly thirty-six hundred people were murdered during the Troubles and some forty thousand wounded, there has been no comprehensive accounting for expansive crimes that took place. Keefe reports that Belfast is a city that remains deeply marred by unresolved conflict. -
Voices from the Grave Ed Moloney Was Born in England. a Former Northern Ireland Editor of the Irish Times and Sunday Tribune, He
Voices prelims:Layout 1 3/12/09 11:52 Page i Voices from the Grave Ed Moloney was born in England. A former Northern Ireland editor of the Irish Times and Sunday Tribune, he was named Irish Journalist of the Year in 1999. Apart from A Secret History of the IRA, he has written a biography of Ian Paisley. He now lives and works in New York. Professor Thomas E. Hachey and Dr Robert K. O’Neill are the General Editors of the Boston College Center for Irish Programs IRA/UVF project, of which Voices from the Grave is the inaugural publication. Voices prelims:Layout 1 3/12/09 11:52 Page ii by the same author the secret history of the ira paisley: from demagogue to democrat? Voices prelims:Layout 1 3/12/09 11:52 Page iii ed moloney VOICES FROM THE GRAVE Two Men’s War in Ireland The publishers would like to acknowledge that any interview material used in Voices from the Grave has been provided by kind permission from the Boston College Center for Irish Programs IRA/UVF project that is archived at the Burns Library on the Chestnut Hill campus of Boston College. Voices prelims:Layout 1 3/12/09 11:52 Page iv First published in 2010 by Faber and Faber Limited Bloomsbury House 74–77 Great Russell Street London wc1b 3da Typeset by Faber and Faber Limited Printed in England by CPI Mackays, Chatham All rights reserved © Ed Moloney, 2010 Interview material © Trustees of Boston College, 2010 The right of Ed Moloney to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with Section 77 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 Use of interview material by kind permission of The Boston College Irish Center’s Oral History Archive. -
The Development of the Irish-American Political Identity and Political Power and Its Effects on the Good Friday Agreement
Irish Blood, American Heart: The Development of the Irish-American Political Identity and Political Power and Its Effects on the Good Friday Agreement Senior Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Arts and Sciences Brandeis University The Department of Politics Jytte Klausen, Advisor The Department of History Winston Bowman, Advisor In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Arts By Catherine Rosch April 2016 Copyright by Catherine Rosch Committee Members Jytte Klausen Winston Bowman Mark Hulliung Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to acknowledge Professor Klausen and Professor Bowman for their dedication and encouragement as I’ve worked on this thesis. Thank you so much, both of your, for your patience and guidance. I would also like to thank my additional reader, Professor Hulliung, for reading my thesis and providing me with invaluable feedback. I would also, of course, like to thank my parents, Tom and Debbie, for always supporting me academically and encouraging me to follow my niche interests. Additionally, I would like to thank my twin sister, Amelia, for always encouraging me, even if she refuses to read my thesis. I also need to thank Professor Michael Willrich for forcing me to challenge myself as a writer, a historian, a researcher, and a person since taking my first class with him as a first-year. In Ireland, I was lucky enough to take a class with Professor Jennifer Todd at University College Dublin. Without her class, I would not have the knowledge base that allowed me to explore the American role in the conflict. -
United States District Court District of Massachusetts (Boston) CIVIL DOCKET for CASE #: 1:11-Mc-91078-WGY
In Re: RequestCM/ECF from -the USDC United Massachusetts - Version 5.1.1 as of 12/5/2011 Page 1 of 7 Doc. 106311276 Att. 2 APPEAL United States District Court District of Massachusetts (Boston) CIVIL DOCKET FOR CASE #: 1:11-mc-91078-WGY In Re Application for Appointment of a Commissioner Date Filed: 03/30/2011 Assigned to: Judge William G. Young Nature of Suit: 890 Other Statutory related Cases: 1:11-mc-91356 Actions 1:11-cv-12331-WGY Jurisdiction: U.S. Government Plaintiff In Re Dolours Price Petitioner United States of America represented by John T. McNeil United States Attorney's Office John Joseph Moakley Federal Courthouse 1 Courthouse Way Suite 9200 Boston, MA 02210 617-748-3242 Fax: 617-748-3951 Email: [email protected] ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED Todd F Braunstein United States Attorney's Office Suite 9200 1 Courthouse Way Boston, MA 02210 617-748-3249 Email: [email protected] TERMINATED: 09/08/2011 ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED V. Movant Trustees of Boston College represented by Jeffrey Swope Edwards Wildman Palmer LLP - MA 111 Huntington Avenue Boston, MA 02199 617-239-0100 Email: [email protected] LEAD ATTORNEY ATTORNEY TO BE NOTICED https://ecf.mad.circ1.dcn/cgi-bin/DktRpt.pl?473102476008789-L_1_0-1 12/30/2011 Dockets.Justia.com CM/ECF - USDC Massachusetts - Version 5.1.1 as of 12/5/2011 Page 2 of 7 Commissioner Todd F. Braunstein TERMINATED: 12/15/2011 Commissioner John T. McNeil V. Intervenor Ed Moloney represented by James J. Cotter , III P.O. Box 270 No. -
James B. Steinberg the Good Friday Agreement: Ending War and Ending Conflict in Northern Ireland
The Strategist James B. Steinberg The Good Friday Agreement: Ending War and Ending Conflict in Northern Ireland The 1998 Agreement that ended Northern Ireland’s bloody civil war has often been attributed to many of the remarkable individuals involved in the peace process. But how much of a difference did they really make? James Steinberg explores this question by examining the interaction between structural factors, the peace process, and efforts made by key individuals involved in the process. He also looks at what lessons this history holds for future peace negotiations. wenty years ago, Northern Ireland’s by participants, journalists, and academics that bloody civil war ended with the signing have sought to describe the process leading up to of the “Good Friday” Agreement.1 The the Agreement and to explain why it came about.4 scale of the conflict may seem small Peace, like victory, has a thousand fathers, and inT terms of absolute numbers of those killed and studies of the peace process have identified a wide wounded when compared to larger tragedies of the range of factors that arguably contributed to the 20th century.2 Nevertheless, its duration, spanning outcome. Why then yet another article on this topic? nearly 30 years from the onset of the “Troubles” My contribution seeks to “bridge the gap” between until the Agreement was signed in 1998, and its two complementary perspectives: the viewpoint pervasive impact — not just on Northern Ireland, of a diplomat deeply involved in the negotiations but on the Republic of Ireland, the United Kingdom, and that of a teacher and scholar of international and even the United States — more than justifies relations and conflict resolution.5 My goal is twofold: the importance attached to the achievement of to help practitioners think about how to orchestrate peace. -
The Belfast Project: an Overview
The Belfast Project: An Overview Peace, Justice, and Oral History The Belfast Project: An Overview The Belfast Project: An Overview Peace, Justice, and Oral History July 2014 3 Published by Democratic Progress Institute 11 Guilford Street London WC1N 1DH United Kingdom www.democraticprogress.org [email protected] +44 (0)203 206 9939 First published, 2014 ISBN: 978-1-905592-96-8 © DPI – Democratic Progress Institute, 2014 DPI – Democratic Progress Institute is a charity registered in England and Wales. Registered Charity No. 1037236. Registered Company No. 2922108. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee or prior permission for teaching purposes, but not for resale. For copying in any other circumstances, prior written permission must be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable.be obtained from the publisher, and a fee may be payable 4 The Belfast Project: An Overview Contents Foreword ....................................................................................6 Introduction ...............................................................................8 Overview of the Conflict in Northern Ireland ............................9 The McConville Case ...............................................................12 The Belfast Project ....................................................................15 Peace vs Justice .........................................................................19 Criticism of the Study ..............................................................21 -
In Northern Ireland
Terrorism, Counterterrorism and “The Rule of Law”: State Repression and “Shoot-to-Kill” in Northern Ireland Robert W. White, Professor of Sociology Tijen Demirel-Pegg, Associate Professor of Political Science Vijay Lulla, Assistant Professor of Geography Indiana University-Purdue University, Indianapolis (IUPUI) *Paper presented at the annual meeting of the American Conference for Irish Studies, Boston, 2019. We thank Eitan Alimi, Aaron Dusso, Anthony McIntyre, Kenzie Mintus, Ed Moloney, Dieter Reinisch, Cáit Trainor, and Tim White for their helpful comments and Nikki Brown and April Eales for research assistance. Please direct all questions to Robert White ([email protected]). 1 This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. Abstract Authors have argued that counterterrorism must be consistent with “the rule of law.” Often associated with this approach is the assumption that plural political structures limit the state’s response to terrorism and that state agents will be held accountable if their response is excessive. Scholars who focus on social movements reject this assumption.. We examine the state’s response to anti-state violence in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1994. In 1982, Sinn Féin did much better than expected in an election to the Northern Ireland Assembly. Following the election, it is alleged that state agents followed a “shoot-to-kill” policy and shot dead Irish republican paramilitaries instead of arresting them. We find evidence suggesting such a policy and consider the implications. 2 When responding to “terrorism”, democratic states face the dilemma of defending themselves without “destroying the values for which they stand” (Ignatief 2004, p.