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No 11, March 2004 ELECTION · TALK A fortnightly policy brief from the Electoral Institute of Southern Africa No 11 26 March 2004 MALAWI ‘S PRESIDENTIAL RACE UNDERWAY Rafiq Hajat Po Box 740, Auckland Institute for Policy Interaction Park, 2006 41 Stanley Avenue, The Malawi election campaign period was officially launched on Saturday Auckland Park, Gauteng 19 March 2004 by the Chairman of the Malawi Electoral Commission, Tel 27-11-4825495 Justice J. B. Kalaile, who exhorted all contenders to practice tolerance and Fax 27-11-4826163 refrain from violence during the campaign period. In referring to the [email protected] opposition parties’ uproar on the inaccessibility and biased reporting by the http://www.eisa.org.za national media, he stated “the two public media institutions will be ISSN 1029-273X required to provide fair and balanced reporting of campaign policies, © EISA 2004 meetings, rallies and press conferences of contestants during the campaign period”. However serious concerns continue to be expressed vis a vis the Published with the impartiality of national media institutions. The General Elections, which assistance of NORAD will cater for the Presidency as well as the Legislature, are slated for & OSISA Tuesday, 18 May 2004, and show every sign of being a heated contest The preceding weeks have been rife with Movement (PPM), MAFUNDE, PETRA, and the acrimony, animosity and violent incidents that do Malawi Democratic Party (MDP), who joined not auger well for a smooth process. The ranks to defeat a common foe. Mr Chakuamba Presidential race features six contenders. They was the President of the MCP, but formed his are as follows: Dr. Bingu Wa Mutharika is the own political party (the Republican Party) after candidate for the ruling party, the United suffering a defeat at the hands of Mr. Tembo Democratic Front (UDF) and is vigorously during the contest for Party President at the MCP supported by the incumbent President Dr. Bakili Convention. It is worth noting that his running Muluzi; Mr. J. Z. U. Tembo is the flag bearer of mate is Mr. Aleke Banda, a seasoned veteran the Malawi Congress Party (MCP), who had held from the Banda era, who fell out of grace, total power for 30 years under Dr. Hastings suffered long years of imprisonment, and re- Kamuzu Banda during the one-party dispensation emerged on the political field with the onset of prior to 1994. He was reputed to be the “power multi-party democracy. He held the position of behind the throne” during Dr. Banda’s declining Vice President of the ruling party (UDF), until years and is now counted as one of the major resigning in protest over the method of contenders in the race; Mr. Brown Mpinganjira nomination of Dr. Mutharika for the presidential is the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) candidacy by Dr. Muluzi during the latter half of presidential candidate. He was one of the earliest 2003. Mr. Banda subsequently joined PPM and members of the ruling UDF when it was was elected as Party President during its operating as an underground movement resisting convention in January 2004. He was therefore the MCP one-party state. He featured mandated to run for State Presidency by the PPM prominently as a UDF heavyweight until he fell rank and file, but accepted the post of running out of favour with Dr. Bakili Muluzi in 2000, mate for the coalition presidential candidate after when he was suspected of having presidential the selection process had been duly completed. aspirations. He is reckoned to pose a substantial Mr. Justin Malawezi is the only independent challenge in the forthcoming race. Mr. Gwanda candidate in the contest. He is still the State Vice Chakuamba heads the Mgwirizano Coalition, President and held the position of 2nd Vice comprising of six opposition parties; namely the President of the ruling UDF until January 2004, Republican Party, The People’s Progressive when he resigned abruptly and joined PPM, 1 where he was elected as 1st Vice President at their position to profit from the demarcation. Well convention. When PPM joined the coalition resourced in terms of finance and campaign (Mgwirizano), he broke ranks and decided to capacities, with favourable access to the media stand as an independent – espousing a campaign through government-run radio and television based on issues and not character assassination. stations, it could readily command a good field of This move took most political players by surprise potential parliamentary candidates. The BDP and is still a hot topic of debate. Dr. Hetherwick was the only party of government in charge over Ntaba hails from once exalted heights as a the life of the independent country, and for an member of the Kadzamira family that once held ambitious young man or woman, it represented sway as a virtual aristocratic clan in Dr. Kamuzu upward advancement in politics and government. Banda’s heyday (Cecilia Kadzamira was the Government is easily the country’s biggest Official Hostess to Dr. Banda). Dr. Ntaba was employer, and access to its upper echelons comes also Dr. Banda’s personal physician and was best through the BDP. In sharp contrast, the once deemed as the next generation in line for the under-resourced opposition parties, which succession of power in the MCP. He fell out with previously faced difficulties in fielding even forty his uncle, John Tembo and split from the MCP to candidates, now have to find and field fifty seven. form his own party – The New Congress for Even the best of them face little or no realistic Democracy (NCD) in December 2003. All in all, hope of seats or jobs. For the BDP, as the contest promises to be a “no-holds barred” predominant in Botswana as is the ANC in South melee and tension is already growing. There is a Africa and SWAPO in Namibia, Parliament’s feeling that violence may break out at any time, expansion meant an augmentation of that and the nation is watching the unfolding scenario predominance. For weak and disunited opposition with bated breath. parties, the hurdle had been raised higher against them ever achieving meaningful representation. It THE IMPACT OF PARLIAMENT is little wonder that supposed voter apathy is a EXPANSION ON THE ELECTORAL perennia l problem in Botswana’s electoral PROCESS IN BOTSWANA democracy. It was seriously addressed in the Professor Kenneth Good report of the Democracy Research Project of the University of Botswana University of Botswana in March 2002. It was also noted however, that the country’s political The electoral playing-field has undergone radical history militated against political participation, change in the run-up to national elections in and that hereditary chieftainship specifically Botswana near the end of 2004. In circumstances disfavoured democracy in both the past and where life expectancy, under the impact of HIV- present. The non-participatory impulse did not AIDS, had fallen below 40 and where the spring entirely from the voters themselves, for a population growth-rate is slowing, Parliament’s survey conducted a little earlier by the project size was increased from 40 to 57 elected found that 55.8 per cent of the people supported members in February 2003. Parliament decided the direct election of the President, instead of the upon the increase in its size, and the exercise of established indirect method where the choice of creating the new constituencies was placed in the the President is reserved for MPs. hands of a Demarcation Commission appointed by the State President. The political parties were When Million Motlokwa of Francistown wrote to not consulted, and were variously reported to be The Botswana Guardian in November 2003, he dissatisfied with the outcome. The demarcation, noted that “our elections do not change nevertheless, was final as of February 2003, and anything...whether voting for the ruling party or neither Cabinet nor Parliament could change the not the results are always the same.” The Commission’s report. The voters had not been electoral environment, he continued, “is not consulted nor adequately informed about this big conducive for free and fair elections. The ruling change in their representation. party, he stated, is “a player and referee at the same time.” The low turnout in the then recent While Parliament’s expansion by almost 40 per by-election in Francistown East occurred because cent was favourable for popular representation in “people realised that it was worthless voting in general, its impact on the political parties was [what was] a fruitless election.” This sounds bound to be inequitable. The ruling Botswana more like the voice of posit ive abstention rather Democratic Party (BDP) was easily in the best than that of apathy. Botswana’s ruling elite, 2 moreover, does not always promote a big turnout. redistribution. This announcement was made in When important referenda were held in 1997 to, the context of the five regional by-elections and among other things, lower the voting age to 18 the local authorities elections scheduled for May years, some ministers, distrustful of the capacities this year, as well as the Parliamentary, of the youth, reportedly campaigned in favour of Presidential and Regional Council elections a No vote, and turnout was less than 18 per cent. pinned for the end of the year. Although the But the clearest indication that low electoral Minister of Lands, in a follow-up address, hinted participation was acceptable to the elite came just at the fact that officials from his Ministry were after the last, 1999, national elections, when about to identify farms for expropriation and President Mogae declared that Botswana took planned to contact the owners within the pride in its dull elections. Abstention in such subsequent four weeks, nothing concrete has circumstances could well be a rational response transpired to confirm that the government had the to the ruling party’s longevity and the absence of full intent to expropriate land.
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