Collected Works of V. I. Lenin, Vol
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Delegation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist) Returns from Visit to Albania
Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Anti-revisionism in Ireland Delegation of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist) Returns from Visit to Albania Published: Red Patriot, newspaper of the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist), May 21, 1978.) Transcription, Editing and Markup: Paul Saba and Sam Richards Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti- Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. Recently a Central Committee delegation of the Communist Party of Ireland (Marxist-Leninist) returned from a visit to the People's Socialist Republic of Albania, where it was hosted by the Central Committee of the Party of Labor of Albania. The delegation saw at first hand the great achievements of the Albanian people under the leadership of the great Party of Labor of Albania led by Comrade Enver Hoxha. The Party of Labor of Albania has distinguished itself by its persistent adherence to principle and its refusal to capitulate to any form of revisionism. It opposed the revisionism of Tito right from the outset. It opposed the revisionism of the Khrushchev clique and the Soviet revisionists as soon as it appeared. Today, the Party of Labor of Albania has taken a resolute stand against the new revisionists pushing the reactionary theory of three worlds. The Party of Labor of Albania has played an outstanding role in the struggle against revisionism of all kinds and has won the deepest respect of all genuine Marxist-Leninists and progressive people throughout the world. -
All Indochina Must Go Communist!
NUMBER NINETEEN TEN CENTS MAY 1975 Saigon puppets flee All Indochina must go communist! The fall of Saigon on 30 April to the National The triumphant advance of the NLF-DRV proved and the complete collapse of the capitalist class Liberation Front and Democratic Republic of Viet conclusively the complete untenability of the and its state apparatus, there is now only one nam (NLF-DRV) is a decisive defeat of US imperi 1973 Paris peace treaty, an agreement promoting possible path of 'development -- the expropriation alism and its South Vietnamese puppets. Together the illusion of peace between the classes, pro of the basic productive forces. Whatever the with the success of. the Khmer Rouge in Cambodia, claiming acceptance of continued capitalism in outward forms of rule in Cambodia and South Viet it is a great victory for the oppressed through South Vietnam and a coalition government with the nam, they are now deformed workers states, which out the world, and especially for the workers and capitalist Saigon government. The peace treaty can only base themselves on the property forms of peasants of Indochina who have fought so long and came not out of a decisive military victory but proletarian rule, but with socialist development suffered so much through three decades of war out of a heroic struggle of the masses resulting and the international extension of revolution against oppression. But with this victory the in a military standoff with their enormously held back by a bureaucratic caste ruling in the struggle does not end, either for the peoples of powerful enemy. -
1992 a Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified 1992 A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France Citation: “A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France,” 1992, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, Luo Guibo, "Wuchanjieji guojizhuyide guanghui dianfan: yi Mao Zedong he Yuan-Yue Kang-Fa" ("A Glorious Model of Proletarian Internationalism: Mao Zedong and Helping Vietnam Resist France"), in Mianhuai Mao Zedong (Remembering Mao Zedong), ed. Mianhuai Mao Zedong bianxiezhu (Beijing: Zhongyang Wenxian chubanshe, 1992) 286-299. Translated by Emily M. Hill http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/120359 Summary: Luo Guibo recounts China's involvement in the First Indochina War and its assistance to the Viet Minh. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation and the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation One Late in 1949, soon after the establishment of New China, Chairman Ho Chi Minh and the Central Committee of the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP) wrote to Chairman Mao and the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), asking for Chinese assistance. In January 1950, Ho made a secret visit to Beijing to request Chinaʼs assistance in Vietnamʼs struggle against France. Following Hoʼs visit, the CCP Central Committee made the decision, authorized by Chairman Mao, to send me on a secret mission to Vietnam. I was formally appointed as the Liaison Representative of the CCP Central Committee to the ICP Central Committee. Comrade [Liu] Shaoqi personally composed a letter of introduction, which stated: ʻI hereby recommend to your office Comrade Luo Guibo, who has been a provincial Party secretary and commissar, as the Liaison Representative of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. -
Moscow Takes Command: 1929–1937
Section 3 Moscow takes command: 1929–1937 The documents in this section cover the period from February 1929 until early 1937, with most of them being concentrated in the earlier years of this period in line with the general distribution of documents in the CAAL. This period marks an important shift in the history of relations between the CPA and the Comintern for two main reasons. First, because the Comintern became a direct player in the leadership struggles within the Party in 1929 (the main catalyst for which, not surprisingly, was the CPA's long-troubled approach to the issue of the ALP). And second, because it sent an organizer to Australia to `Bolshevize' the Party in 1930±31. A new generation of leaders took over from the old, owing their positions to Moscow's patronage, and thusÐuntil the Party was declared an illegal organization in 1940Ðfully compliant with the policies and wishes of Moscow. The shift in relations just outlined was part of a broader pattern in the Comintern's dealings with its sections that began after the Sixth Congress in 1928. If the `Third Period' thesis was correct, and the world class struggle was about to intensify, and the Soviet Union to come under military attack (and, indeed, the thesis was partly correct, but partly self-fulfilling), then the Comintern needed sections that could reliably implement its policies. The Sixth Congress had been quite open about it: it now required from its national sections a `strict party discipline and prompt and precise execution of the decisions of the Communist International, of its agencies and of the leading Party committees' (Degras 1960, 466). -
The Bolshevil{S and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds
The Bolshevil{s and the Chinese Revolution 1919-1927 Chinese Worlds Chinese Worlds publishes high-quality scholarship, research monographs, and source collections on Chinese history and society from 1900 into the next century. "Worlds" signals the ethnic, cultural, and political multiformity and regional diversity of China, the cycles of unity and division through which China's modern history has passed, and recent research trends toward regional studies and local issues. It also signals that Chineseness is not contained within territorial borders overseas Chinese communities in all countries and regions are also "Chinese worlds". The editors see them as part of a political, economic, social, and cultural continuum that spans the Chinese mainland, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau, South East Asia, and the world. The focus of Chinese Worlds is on modern politics and society and history. It includes both history in its broader sweep and specialist monographs on Chinese politics, anthropology, political economy, sociology, education, and the social science aspects of culture and religions. The Literary Field of New Fourth Artny Twentieth-Century China Communist Resistance along the Edited by Michel Hockx Yangtze and the Huai, 1938-1941 Gregor Benton Chinese Business in Malaysia Accumulation, Ascendance, A Road is Made Accommodation Communism in Shanghai 1920-1927 Edmund Terence Gomez Steve Smith Internal and International Migration The Bolsheviks and the Chinese Chinese Perspectives Revolution 1919-1927 Edited by Frank N Pieke and Hein Mallee -
Open Letter to the Communist Party of the Philippines
32 1*3 •if From the Committee of the The following Open Letter and women under arms and which seriously with the problems of line was forwarded to A World to Win has set ablaze a people's war which threaten the revolutionary by the Information Bureau of the throughout the Philippines, was left character of your party and the peo• RIM. It is published in full; the paralyzed by the march of events, ple's war it is leading. subheads have been added by or worse, trailing in their wake. In• This is a matter of serious impor• AWTW. deed, the inability of the CPP to tance not only for the destiny of the oo To the Central Committee find its bearings amidst the political Philippine revolution, but for the Communist Party of the Philippines crisis and ultimate fall of the Mar• proletarian revolutionary move• co cos regime in order to carry forward ment around the world. At its foun• ». Comrades, the revolutionary war has now given ding the CPP declared that the > It is with the most dramatically rise to political crisis in the CPP Philippine revolution was a compo• ^ conflicting emotions that the Com- itself, and even to mounting tenden• nent part of the world proletarian S mittee of the Revolutionary Inter- cies towards outright capitulation. revolution. And indeed it is. The Q nationalist Movement has viewed This situation has arisen after CPP itself was born in the flames *"* the unfolding of events over the past several years in which Marxist- of the international battle against Q year in the Philippines. -
The Beginning of the End: the Political Theory of the Gernian Conmunist Party to the Third Period
THE BEGINNING OF THE END: THE POLITICAL THEORY OF THE GERNIAN CONMUNIST PARTY TO THE THIRD PERIOD By Lea Haro Thesis submitted for degree of PhD Centre for Socialist Theory and Movements Faculty of Law, Business, and Social Science January 2007 Table of Contents Abstract I Acknowledgments iv Methodology i. Why Bother with Marxist Theory? I ii. Outline 5 iii. Sources 9 1. Introduction - The Origins of German Communism: A 14 Historical Narrative of the German Social Democratic Party a. The Gotha Unity 15 b. From the Erjlurt Programme to Bureaucracy 23 c. From War Credits to Republic 30 II. The Theoretical Foundations of German Communism - The 39 Theories of Rosa Luxemburg a. Luxemburg as a Theorist 41 b. Rosa Luxemburg's Contribution to the Debates within the 47 SPD i. Revisionism 48 ii. Mass Strike and the Russian Revolution of 1905 58 c. Polemics with Lenin 66 i. National Question 69 ii. Imperialism 75 iii. Political Organisation 80 Summary 84 Ill. Crisis of Theory in the Comintern 87 a. Creating Uniformity in the Comintern 91 i. Role of Correct Theory 93 ii. Centralism and Strict Discipline 99 iii. Consequencesof the Policy of Uniformity for the 108 KPD b. Comintern's Policy of "Bolshevisation" 116 i. Power Struggle in the CPSU 120 ii. Comintern After Lenin 123 iii. Consequencesof Bolshevisation for KPD 130 iv. Legacy of Luxemburgism 140 c. Consequencesof a New Doctrine 143 i. Socialism in One Country 145 ii. Sixth Congress of the Comintern and the 150 Emergence of the Third Period Summary 159 IV. The Third Period and the Development of the Theory of Social 162 Fascism in Germany a. -
Soviet Workers State . Was Strangled
. '-.-~ ___ J - '-. -. ") .----~~ How the .Soviet Workers State . Was Strangled August 1993 ..x~" Spartacist Publishing Co., Box 1377 GPO, New York, NY 10116 2 Table of Contents Introduction "Standing alone, as it does, the only young Soviet republic, premised on the Bankrupt Stalinism Opens Floodgates live thing in the universe, there slogan "Workers of the world, unite," to Capitalist Restoration is a strong probability that the Rus became a beacon to the exploited and Soviet Workers: sian Revolution will not be able oppressed the world over, from the pow Defeat Yeltsin-Bush to defy the deadly enmity of the erful organized workers movements of Counterrevolution! ............... 3 entire world. But whether it survive Europe to the small but militant prole or perish, whether it be altered tariats of countries subjected to colonial unrecognizably by the pressure of ist oppression. But due mainly to the Traitors, Not Trotskyists circumstance, it will have shown absence of a hardened, tested leadership Cheerleaders for that dreams can come true, that the like the Bolsheviks, the revolutionary Yeltsin's Counterrevolution ... 12 race may be to the strong, that the wave was repulsed in the advanced impe toiling masses can not only conquer, rialist centers, first and foremost Ger but build." many where revolutionary upsurges in Moscow: Cops Unleashed Against Anti-Yellsin Demonstrators -John Reed, March 19 J 8 1918-19 and 1923 were defeated. Under conditions of hostile imperial Soviet Union in the Balance ... 17 The Russian Revolution of 25 October 1917 (7 November in the modern calen ist encirclement, economic backward dar) was the defining political event of ness and the disappointment of the hopes Moscow-Patrice Lumumba University the 20th century. -
Socialism and War.Pdf
SOCIALISM AND WAR SOCIALISM AND WAR BY G. ZINOVIEV and V. I. LENIN INmRNATIONAt PuBmHEIH NEW YO= 5 0. ~PAam~~ ..A b i'PamBrwa~l~f0~0F1905 7. Bs.smlr 8. -rao~hAm k ~T*sraoa.ra~Fnmm~~mO~~rmou 10. T# dP1Dr. CON-= IL Taa; THUEL~~~CAT AS^ rn How To FbeElr h ES wu.rae Bwrawns hm STAYS Po-? IS.OlrmcEvsoF~ 14 ST- llrtr Rmo~trmo~ I5.~~~arsrsTmorcAPm~ In Prcp~& w CQ~:Aw IIIrAnTm Dm- EmmIclb hmm- -O=K Am THE R~~EADxmU%SKf WoTA~CB OF TEE ~.DEHoQ~~~m PB]L Dzuommc Rmotrno~ TgC Nm*c Qumzon mFmmF~m-~ . , p. ~S~~MP.* . OF 3WUBM Am TBS WM OP l$U&lP% ;, OfSocialitato~W~ . 9 ~ofWarkh~ofMod!mt~.. '3 .. U 'Writ mmng dm S1awBoIdem fa&e Wm . ~and~of~verp,18 --,?ai b Folh camthd olh (k,PdIs1 .- Mem$* ............ f4 .~e.of~.1.. l5 .*..l5 r -Whtlehid-Chatl~*l,, . • - 16 '-lmsBasr~Mdf~. , . , a. 11 A FdseRefmm~ta+db*.. ..17 1 &~pof~~~d.. l9 - phion. .......... I9 ~whhtbOppo~banAn~$dfhp Wdmwith %la'NatfaPal Bourguo* d clam............. m . .$antd+l. ........... 2l IhSIogan of Mmxb ,bdm Slogan of hlfgnm- aryQd-]Dam~ ........ 2# ~1eufF~in~~.. rn ~ofnr~~.6 . 33 war ..**.****. H< 1 ~~~F~SI~..... *, s . ~PfNakteW~.... .S -- 3-- - 7-&----<.- - 4 n. ~~~cDP~W~. .na ThaBoqdhandthaWtrr. 27 %Working Clam adthe War . 2B % ksia~~Sd-Watio Wu1: Fraction in h Imperial Duma and the War . 30 TkB -uCTIOH OF THE ?~TIOBU. MktW of tha Social-Chrtu* and of the "Cmtre'' 34 strta of Mhin the OppoAtion . 36 The RWSdl-Demdc Uour Party and tho Third International . -
On Democratic Centralism
The Marxist, XXVI 1, January–March 2010 PRAKASH KARAT On Democratic Centralism In the recent period, alongwith a number of critical discussions on the electoral set-back suffered by the CPI (M) and the Left in last Lok Sabha elections, there have been some questions raised about the practice of democratic centralism as the organizational principle of the Communist Party. Such critiques have come from persons who are intellectuals associated with the Left or the CPI (M). Since such views are being voiced by comrades and persons who are not hostile to the Party, or, consider themselves as belonging to the Left, we should address the issues raised by them and respond. This is all the more necessary since the CPI (M) considers the issue of democratic centralism to be a basic and vital one for a party of the working class. Instead of dealing with each of the critiques separately, we are categorising below the various objections and criticisms made. Though, it must be stated that it is not necessary that each of them hold all the views expressed by the others. But the common refrain is that democratic centralism should not serve as the organizational principle of the Communist Party or that it should be modified. What are the points made in these critiques? They can be summed up as follows: THE MARXIST 1. Democratic centralism is characterized as a Party organizational structure fashioned by Lenin to meet the specific conditions of Tsarist autocracy which was an authoritarian and repressive regime. Hence, its emphasis on centralization, creating a core of professional revolutionaries and secrecy. -
Critique of Maoist Reason
Critique of Maoist Reason J. Moufawad-Paul Foreign Languages Press Foreign Languages Press Collection “New Roads” #5 A collection directed by Christophe Kistler Contact – [email protected] https://foreignlanguages.press Paris 2020 First Edition ISBN: 978-2-491182-11-3 This book is under license Attribution-ShareAlike 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0) https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/ Contents Introduction 1 Chapter 1 The Route Charted to Date 7 Chapter 2 Thinking Science 19 Chapter 3 The Maoist Point of Origin 35 Chapter 4 Against Communist Theology 51 Chapter 5 The Dogmato-eclecticism of “Maoist Third 69 Worldism” Chapter 6 Left and Right Opportunist Practice 87 Chapter 7 Making Revolution 95 Conclusion 104 Acknowledgements 109 Introduction Introduction In the face of critical passivity and dry formalism we must uphold our collective capacity to think thought. The multiple articulations of bourgeois reason demand that we accept the current state of affairs as natural, reducing critical thinking to that which functions within the boundaries drawn by its order. Even when we break from the diktat of this reason to pursue revolutionary projects, it is difficult to break from the way this ideological hegemony has trained us to think from the moment we were born. Since we are still more-or-less immersed in cap- italist culture––from our jobs to the media we consume––the training persists.1 Hence, while we might supersede the boundaries drawn by bourgeois reason, it remains a constant struggle to escape its imaginary. The simplicity encouraged by bourgeois reasoning––formulaic repeti- tion, a refusal to think beneath the appearance of things––thus finds its way into the reasoning of those who believe they have slipped its grasp. -
Refreshing China's Labor Education in the New Era: Policy Review On
Policy Review ECNU Review of Education 2020, Vol. 3(1) 169–178 Refreshing China’s Labor ª The Author(s) 2020 Article reuse guidelines: sagepub.com/journals-permissions Education in the New Era: DOI: 10.1177/2096531120903878 Policy Review on Education journals.sagepub.com/home/roe Through Physical Labor Guorui Fan Institute of Schooling Reform and Development & Institute of Education Governance, East China Normal University Jiaxin Zou Department of Education, Faculty of Education, East China Normal University Abstract Purpose: This study reviews China’s labor education theories and policies to reveal the main objectives, contents, and methods of the new era, as well as analyzes future development in labor education. Design/Approach/Methods: In addition to reviewing the relevant labor education theories, this study examines China’s labor education policies using historical documents and current policy texts. Marxist and traditional approaches to labor education, as well as the historical development of education in China, provide the macroscopic backdrop of this study’s analysis of the persistence and innovativeness of China’s labor education policies. Findings: China’s labor education policy has placed labor education on the same level as that in morality, intellect, sports, and aesthetics, thereby endowing labor education with new meaning. Labor education seeks to cultivate workers with all-round physical and mental development. Becoming more varied over time, labor education now involves the cultivation of skills, tech- nological capacities, creative thinking, labor habits, and emotional development. Approaches and Corresponding author: Guorui Fan, Institute of Schooling Reform and Development & Institute of Education Governance, East China Normal University, Shanghai 200062, China.