32

1*3 •if

From the Committee of the

The following Open Letter and women under arms and which seriously with the problems of line was forwarded to A World to Win has set ablaze a people's war which threaten the revolutionary by the Information Bureau of the throughout the Philippines, was left character of your party and the peo• RIM. It is published in full; the paralyzed by the march of events, ple's war it is leading. subheads have been added by or worse, trailing in their wake. In• This is a matter of serious impor• AWTW. deed, the inability of the CPP to tance not only for the destiny of the oo To the Central Committee find its bearings amidst the political Philippine revolution, but for the Communist Party of the Philippines crisis and ultimate fall of the Mar• proletarian revolutionary move• co cos regime in order to carry forward ment around the world. At its foun• ». Comrades, the revolutionary war has now given ding the CPP declared that the > It is with the most dramatically rise to political crisis in the CPP Philippine revolution was a compo• ^ conflicting emotions that the Com- itself, and even to mounting tenden• nent part of the world proletarian S mittee of the Revolutionary Inter- cies towards outright capitulation. revolution. And indeed it is. The Q nationalist Movement has viewed This situation has arisen after CPP itself was born in the flames *"* the unfolding of events over the past several years in which Marxist- of the international battle against Q year in the Philippines. On the one Leninists around the world have revisionism led by Mao Tsetung, 5 hand that infamous tyrant and im- viewed with concern your party's especially the Great Proletarian O perialist puppet, Ferdinand Marcos, silence on the urgent questions con• Cultural Revolution. At that time j£ has been forced to flee from his fronting the international com• young revolutionaries in the Philip• throne, hounded by the wrath of munist movement. After hailing pines revolted against the stifling millions of his aroused subjects, in• Mao and the Cultural Revolution at reformism of the revisionist party, to the hands of his awaiting master. the time of his death, you then the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas This was truly a sight which gave turned around and supported Hua (PKP), and, on 26 Dec 1968, the joy not only to the Filipino revolu• Guo-feng's reactionary coup d'etat 75th anniversary of the birth of tionaries and oppressed, but to pro• a short time later; since then you Mao Tsetung, declared the letarians and oppressed the world have ignored the virulent assault on establishment of a new communist over. Mao Tsetung Thought and the party, , guided by Mao Tsetung Yet at the very moment when the Cultural Revolution which has Thought, which it hailed as "the Filipino ruling regime was wracked spewed forth from revisionists and acme of Marxism-Leninism." Im• by crisis and instability, as millions reactionaries around the world, in• mediately thereafter the CPP stormed into the streets and the im• cluding China, and it now appears unleashed people's war to carry out perialists manoeuvred to shore up that you have made your peace with the New Democratic Revolution in their deteriorating position, at that Soviet social-imperialism. In view the Philippines as the first step on critical juncture, which contained of this and especially the perils the path to socialism and com• opportunities as well as dangers for which immediately confront the munism, which the party said would the revolutionary struggle, your CPP, the international communist be realised only after "many party, a party which arose out of the movement would be shkking its du• cultural revolutions." same history of revolutionary strug• ty if it were to remain silent. Thus Since that time, the CPP, though gle as have many in the RIM itself, we call on you, the leadership and faced with martial law and a bloody a party which has thousands of men membership of the CPP, to grapple counter-insurgency war, has 33

Revolutionary Internationalist Movement

nonetheless grown from a relative means to rectify them is a pressing will "take up the sword" herself. handful, armed with a few revolvers task for the Filipino revolutionaries She has publicly divided the guer• and a handful of ancient rifles, in• today. rillas into three distinct groups: to a party of many thousands, "those who found themselves join• leading the New People's Army Aquino — Vacillating Ally or ing the rebels to escape the abuses (NPA) and the National Democrat• Sworn Enemy? of the Marcos regime — they are ic Front (NDF). Today even the Among the most serious indications ready to come down and join the U.S. imperialists must admit that of the turn in the CPP's line is its rest of the people; those who won't the CPP has become a threat to treatment of the Aquino govern• come down until they see our pro• their continued domination of the ment. Innumerable spokesmen for posals; and the hardcore —• they will Philippines. These developments the imperialists and for the new never give up. We may not be able are a profound affirmation of the government itself have made abun• to win them over but we can isolate basic principles of Marxism- dantly clear that one of the key them. Our economic and social Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought on reasons Marcos had to go was that policies will do just that." which your party was founded. his regime could not defeat the Is this anything less than a At the same time, the current liberation movement. As the declaration of war? Isn't the crucial situation of crisis in the party and Economist put it in a 15 Feb 1986 point of Aquino's effort to the danger of capitulation threaten• cover editorial entitled, "Now, paralyze, split and isolate the ing it are reflections of tendencies Go!": ''The longer President Mar• revolutionary combattants so that which arose and grew in the CPP cos clings to power, the likelier he the military can then finish them over the years to depart from these is to bring on the deluge. ... It off? principles. At stake here is not could lead to the storming of Yet the CPP has followed a adherence to some abstract dogma, Malacanang presidential palace, the policy of tailing the Aquino govern• as some would have it, for it is a closing of America's two biggest ment. In your initial response to the profound truth that, as the Declara• bases in Asia and a communist Aquino government's call for a tion of the Revolutionary Interna• takeover of this archipelagic aircraft ceasefire 18 March 1986, the CPP tionalist Movement observes, carrier." A leading member of Military Commission and the NPA "Without upholding and building Aquino's entourage spoke even leadership "sincerely acknowledged on Marxism-Leninism-Mao more bluntly: "What is going to the popular support gained by Tsetung Thought, it is not possible beat the Left is not the Marcos President Corazon Aquino," hail• to defeat imperialism, revisionism government. It's a new regime bas• ed her "positive efforts" and add• and reaction in general." The real ed on the moderate opposition." ed their "hope that these stakes involved are the victory or Aquino herself has repeatedly progressive moves will gather defeat of the Philippine revolution argued that the guerrillas should lay momentum towards the solution of itself, and the profound impact — down their arms now that Marcos the more fundamental problems positive or negative —• develop• has gone, and she has recently back• confronting our people." Further• ments there have on the proletarian ed this up with the threat that if they more, the March 1986 issue of Ang revolution throughout the world. don't, the military will pursue the Bayan, the political organ of the Summing up the roots of these er• counter-insurgency war until vic• CPP Central Committee, states rors and finding the ways and tory, with her support, and that she that, "Mrs Aquino needs popular assessment on which the boycott policy was based erred in that it "overestimated U.S. capacity to im• pose its subjective will on local politics" and "underestimated the bourgeois reformists' capabilities and determination to engage the Marcos regime in a decisive contest for state power." It goes on to note that the CPP "missed oppor• tunities" because of such erroneous assessments of the situation. Accor• ding to the "self-criticism," the CPP failed to seize the chance to hook up more closely with the Aquino forces, ride along on the anti-Marcos tide, and, implicitly, to wield significant influence within the new government (one "senior Party member" complains openly that "the left was not part of the machinery" of the anti-Marcos elec• toral campaign activity). Thus the CPP compounds its errors by seriously underplaying the reac• tionary essence of the Aquino forces, exaggerating their in• support for the measures which, newly awakened masses back to dependence from U.S. imperialism, with liberal and progressive forces sleep. For it is as true of the Philip• and concluding that it was too "sec• 8 in and out of government, she in• pines today as it was of Russia in tarian" towards them. Far from 00 tends to pursue." Elsewhere it says, 1905 that, as Lenin put it, "historic acknowledging the necessity to have "President Aquino and her pro• situations arise when reforms and persevered in the people's war and gressive allies are enjoying popular particularly promises of reforms delivered blows at the weakened rul• support in their moves to disman• pursue only one aim: to allay the ing regime, on the contrary, based tle the machinery of fascist rule in unrest of the people, force the on your support for Aquino you g the country and pursue other dem• revolutionary class to cease, or at argued against stepping up the arm• ocratic reforms." least slacken, its struggle." ("A ed struggle! Just which reforms are the CPP Lecture on the 1905 Revolution") The Philippine ruling class was, OS talking about? Can it be possible Doesn't this accurately characterise and is, seriously split into rival fac• that you are wishing well to the Aquino government's activity — tions, but Aquino and the forces i Aquino's political tinkering which minor reforms or promises of around her are very much con• she herself proclaims is aimed at reform, like the supposed agrarian nected to U.S. imperialism and ac• splitting up and isolating the NPA? reform which has been postponed ting in its interests, and tied in to the Are these the "progressive moves" over and over again, which are feudal and semi-feudal elements in which you hope will "gain momen• designed to assure the masses that society. U.S. Secretary of State tum"? And could it possibly be any all is being taken care of for them, Schultz hails her, U.S. Defense clearer that the main military struc• so that the ' 'parliament of the hills Secretary Weinberger rushed her tures Aquino intends to dismantle and streets" can be adjourned and 100 million dollars worth of mihtary are your own1\d what does all the parliament of the (new) puppets aid in order to "support the new de• their talk of "professionalizing the can assume unchallenged sway in mocracy" there, Reagan rolled out army" and "ridding it of the land? the red carpet for her while holding cronyism," etc. amount to: Marcos at arms length in Hawaii, "dismantling the machinery of The Political Bureau "Self- Time magazine selected her fascist rule"? Not at all, for here Criticism" "Woman of the Year," bankers too the imperialists and their agents The summation of these events by from the Club of Paris to have repeated that these changes are the CPP Political Bureau, in• Washington and Tokyo have exactly for the purpose of making cluding in its "self-criticism" in the rescheduled debts on terms notably the army more efficient in its pur• May 1986 Ang Bay an of the CPP more generous than those for Mar• suit of the revolutionaries. boycott of the snap elections, pro• cos under the open banner of "Ral• Moreover, it should be clear by pels the CPP even farther in the ly Round Mrs Aquino " — despite now that a more general point of same mistaken direction. The "self- the overall world financial crisis — Aquino's reformism is to lull the criticism" says that the political such events are daily fare, yet you 35 offer up an analysis that you Central Committee divides the ex• terms for the leases, but not at all "overestimated" U.S. influence on isting state power into a "civilian to kick the bases out. Hasn't she the situation and "underestimated" bloc" and a "military bloc" — the backed off her promise to do this, the "capabilities and determina• former, you say, is composed of a now that she's finally in power? tion" of the "bourgeois refor• "coalition of liberal and progressive And what do you think of her calls mists," and you go on to say that personages" and the latter of the to strengthen ASEAN, the U.S. im• it is the "military bloc" and not the "bigger, more organised armed perialists' regional military alliance? "civilian bloc" that "enjoys U.S. conservative and reactionary On the issues of most fundamental support"! forces." According to you, "the importance to the imperialists, she The political support you are progressives and liberals have the comes through for them every time. rendering Aquino and the promo• initiative" and "can be drawn to And is it the case that the Aquino tion of the bourgeois-democratic il• support the people's demands or forces are opposed to the repressive lusions which underpin this policy can be neutralised" while the latter tactics of the military and commit• are a reversal of correct verdicts "enjoys U.S. support" and must be ted instead to a policy of concilia• which your own party reached years fought. tion so that they can really ' 'tackle ago. In Urgent Tasks, adopted by This point is worth quoting at the social roots of the people's your Central Committee in 1976, more length: struggle"? Such views cannot be at• you warned that the "alliance of the "For the conservatives, especial• tributed to mere naivete. The ruling Macapagal, Aquino, Lopez and ly those who have had a taste of classes always use counter• Manglapus groups is not idle" (em• fascist power, naked repression is revolutionary dual tactics — as phasis added), and noted that "U.S. still the best response against the Lenin put it, they always have need imperialism has already assured this revolutionary movement. In their of both the hangman and the priest alliance that it should do what it can view, the Aquino government's (or of the "carrot and the stick" as to stand in reserve in the face of popularity and its conciliatory calls this tactic is often popularly refer• Marcos' growing unpopularity." are just useful for tricking and red to). These are the dual tactics of What happened to this correct weakening the revolutionary move• the system, of the ruling classes verdict? Is the class character of ment, the easier to crush it. overall, and even the most brutal Mrs Aquino different from that of "The liberals and progressives, fascist regime uses reform and her husband? Was Commander on the other hand, recognise the deception, just as the most liberal Dante wrong when he said that Mr legitimacy of fighting an unjust bourgeois democracy uses torture Aquino was just one of those politi• social system. They earnestly desire chambers and pogroms. Which role ^ cians who ride on the backs of the to pursue genuine peace through any given person plays in this reac- O people (Ang Bayan,, 15 March principled negotiations, to enable tionary division of labour should jj 1978). In fact, what has changed the Aquino government to tackle deceive only those who are unaware Q since 1976, when Aquino's opposi• the social roots of the people's of what class rule means. In fact, it ^ tion to Marcos was considered part struggle. . . . often happens that one person can O of the "splits among reactionaries," "The conservatives are hellbent play both roles, even at the same s is not the Aquinos' class character on keeping to the old semicolonial time. For example, it was the fair- 5 but your political line. Isn't this and semifeudal framework, and haired youthful U.S. President J.F. < evidence that you should have heed• they are acting as the principal tools Kennedy who gushed on about de- *« ed your own warning in Urgent of U.S. monopoly capital for this mocracy and justice and modernisa- § Tasks on the necessity to purpose." tion programs in the Third World Sj "deliberately and clearly link the Ang Bayan goes on to mention on the one hand, while at the same Co anti-fascist movement to the anti- Aquino forces who "oppose" the time he threatened the armed feudal and anti-imperialist conservatives on issues of im• nuclear might of U.S. imperialism movements." "Otherwise," - you perialist bank loans and "have as he did in the Cuban missile crisis, warned, "we would be merely call• begun to see the destructive effects or presided over bloody counter- ing for the restoration of formal of imperialism," and argues that insurgency wars, as in Vietnam. democratic rights and worn-out for the U.S. imperialists "Mrs You argue that, "If U.S. im• processes of the ruling system. Like Aquino remains an unknown perialism had its way it would make bourgeois democrats, and not pro• political factor." Aquino boot out the progressives letarian revolutionaries, we would These views are as wrong as they and liberals from the government, be going after forms and we would are dangerous. Are the Aquino or it would get rid of Mrs Aquino be missing the content of a people's forces "opposing" imperialist herself the moment she definitely democratic revolution." penetration? Not at all. Certainly sets out on a nationalist path." Aquino has sought better terms for (Ang Bayan, May 1986) This is a Smashing the Reactionary State Ap• loans, but that's just the point: what continual theme of yours, while you paratus — or "Reorganizing" It? she's sought is better terms, not at minimise or even ignore complete• These errors regarding the Aquino all an end to imperialist dependen• ly the possibility that the U.S. could government are linked to increas• cy, or even a step towards such an have Mrs Aquino herself lead a ingly reformist notions of the state. end. The same with the U.S. counter-insurgency war to wipe out In the May 1986 Ang Bayan your military bases:, she seeks better the revolution. . . even though she 36

has repeatedly promised that she the fascist mihtary as the constraint of Aquino, but of the political would "take up the sword" if it on their ability to implement their power that rests on the armed becomes necessary! More to the reforms, and then the revolu• revolutionary peasants in the coun• point, she has already picked up the tionaries rush to help strengthen the tryside. Second, in the months sword — she is already at the head "civilian bloc" against the following the February Revolution, of the state, serving as its symbol of "military bloc" so as to realise the what Lenin sought above all was to legitimacy, as the guarantor of its promise of the new regime. As you dispel illusions about the new pro• stability and its law and order, with put it in Ang Bayan, ' 'we should be visional government, to unmask its the support of reaction worldwide, alert to and thoroughly oppose all bourgeois character, to show how and presiding over its massacres, as the moves of the reactionary forces, one of its key goals was to raise the of the unarmed peasants in front of especially of those who are most banner of revolution in order to Malacanang Palace, and then likely to menace Mrs Aquino with head off a genuinely revolutionary receiving them afterwards to shed a a coup threat." Every menace of a movement. Talking about the "pro• few crocodile tears of pity. Yet your coup d'etat becomes a new occasion gressive character'' of the newly in• analysis would lay the responsibili• to rally around the "fragile democ• stalled provisional government was ty for this recent massacre wholly at racy" (and thus a new occasion to not Lenin's work, it was the work the feet of the so-called "military forget the class nature of the regime of his Menshevik opponents. bloc," and thus objectively wipe as a whole and the people's war All this talk of "people's power" Aquino's hands of the blood shed against it...). Jose Maria Sison, and "civilian blocs" opposed to by the state she heads, whose power the founding chairman of the CPP "military blocs" is not so different rests firmly on the guns of the AFP CC, in a recent interview with a from the theories of the state pro• (Armed Forces of the Philippines), Western magazine, went so far as to moted by the Soviet revisionists — the police and — it must be added say: "In case of a military coup the offspring of their theory of the — the U.S. imperialists. The army d'etat, the NPA could place itself at "state of the whole people" — shoots, Aquino complains, they the service of the 'People's Power' which have set up the masses of shoot again, she cries, they shoot of Mrs Aquino." Though Sison's people for more than one bloody yet again, she appoints commissions present relationship to the CPP is ambush. Specifically, all this recalls of inquiry. It reminds us of Peru's not clear to us, the CPP leadership the Indonesian Communist Party's co Alan Garcia and his commission of has not distinguished itself from "theory of two aspects in state K inquiry after 350 revolutionary pris• Sison's political activity, and his power." In the self-criticism made ts oners were executed in cold blood. statement flows out of the same later by the Political Bureau of their These tactics are all the more effec- logic as the CPP's general line. Yet Central Committee, they explain ^ tive if the vanguard abdicates its if the task of the people's army is that, according to their previously 5 responsibility to expose such reduced to defending Aquino and held theory, "within the state power 5 counter-revolutionary dual tactics the "reformist bourgeoisie," will of the Republic of Indonesia there Q to the masses and lead them in the people still have an army?! existed two aspects, the 'anti-people struggle against the ruling classes Here a word must be said about aspect' consisting of comprador, Q and their state. those in your party who, in order to bureaucrat capitalist and landlord a» You must face your own respon- promote the self-criticism that the classes on the one hand, and the O sibility in this matter too. Didn't CPP failed to "get in on" the 'pro-people aspect' composed main• ^ you teach the peasants that there Aquino movement, have drawn ly of the national bourgeoisie and ^ was a section of the state power that comparisons to the February the proletariat on the other hand." was for them, that looked after their Revolution in Russia in 1917, say• Following this analysis, they had interests, and that the "liberals and ing that what has been (or at least concluded that "a miracle could progressives" "had the initiative" could have been or still could be) happen in Indonesia, namely that and wanted to "tackle the social achieved was the kind of "dual the state could cease to be an instru• roots of the people's struggle"? If power" that existed for a time in ment of the ruling oppressor classes they then march with empty hands Russia, that "People's Power" to subjugate other classes, but could against the guns and bayonets of the represents this at least to some ex• be made an instrument shared by state's repressive apparatus, do you tent, and it is this that is actually be• both the oppressor classes and the bear no responsibility? ing defended, much as the oppressed classes. And the fun• With this line of supporting the Bolsheviks had to defend and damental change in state power, progressive reforms of the "civilian strengthen "dual power" there. that is to say, the birth of a people's bloc" against the "military bloc," First, this analogy is just wrong. power, could be peacefully ac• the CPP has also set itself up to be The Soviets in Russia were organs complished by developing the 'pro- whipped back and forth by in• of the masses themselves which car• people aspect' and gradually li• fighting within the Philippine ruling ried out certain functions of quidating the 'anti-people aspect.'" class. The so-called "civilian bloc" political power apart from the esta• Under the influence of such think• dangles promises of democratic blished provisional government. If ing, the Indonesian revolutionaries reform to entice the NPA fighters you want to talk about "dual and people were disarmed and com• down (as Aquino openly said she power" in the Philippines, talk not pletely unprepared for the savage would) and points to the menace of of the "people's power" movement attacks launched by the Suharto 37 government, in which hundreds of Bayan, April 1986 — emphasis add• "Except for State Power, All is thousands were massacred. ed) Isn't this the same as the In• Illusion" Your own party is initimately donesian CP's call to "gradually In part the CPP's erroneous con• familiar with this tragedy. Yet what liquidate the 'anti-people' aspect in ception of state power is linked to do you say about the Philippine state power"? Isn't this talk of a misplaced effort to uphold the state power, following the analysis "reorienting" and "cleansing" the "power of the masses of people." quoted above about the division of AFP moving further and further As Liberation, the organ of the the government into the "civilian away from the revolutionary task of NDF, puts it: "Let us remember bloc" of "liberals and pro• "the destruction of the apparatus of that it was the struggle of the peo• gressives" and the "military bloc": state power," without which "the ple behind Corazon Aquino, the "These questions are reflective of liberation of the oppressed class is courageous widow of assassinated the intense fundamental struggle be• impossible," as Lenin put it? And opposition leader Benigno Aquino tween the imperialists, big bour• isn't this same line reflected in the — and not the U.S. •— that ousted geois compradors, landlords and CPP CC's call to scale down the Marcos." This seemingly anti-U.S. bureaucrat capitalists, on the one NPA's armed struggle, first to "ac• argument is a key support for the hand, and the middle and lower tive defense," then later to a idea that "People's Power" has strata of society, on the other hand. ceasefire? Why step up the war, captured a section of state power. It has never happened before that after all, if "people's power" is Certainly it was the masses who a contradiction as intense as this is already in possession of a key part laid down their lives against Marcos reflected within government itself." of the state apparatus? (Ang Bayan, May 1986 — emphasis added) Here is your Philippine ver• sion of the Indonesian "miracle" — an unprecedented event, a state fun• damentally rent in two, no longer the organ of repression of the rul• ing classes, but now "an instrument shared between the oppressor classes and the oppressed classes," as the Indonesian CP argued. Where is the difference? Indeed, isn't it based on this very analysis, that "People's Power" has captured a section of the state, that you have begun to talk less and less of smashing the repressive arm• o ed forces of the Philippines and in• stead lay out as principal tasks of the CPP "the struggle to dismantle the structures of fascist domination. Part of this is the thorough I reorganisation, reorientation and cleansing of the entire Armed Forces of the Philippines." (Ang I Co

For years the CPP followed a policy of self-reliance. Here a fighter trains with homemade wooden gun. 38

and U.S. imperialism, and certain• Reducing the Enemy to a Small solidate that power. It turned the ly it was they who took to the streets Clique AFP (Armed Forces of the Philip• at the final hour. Moreover, the im• These bourgeois democratic tenden• pines) into a vast private army of its perialists made it quite plain that cies are associated with certain er• own, and the bureaucracy, in• one of their main reasons for rors that arose over the years as the cluding the government financial in• withdrawing support from Marcos CPP made alliances with broad stitutions, into its private preserve." was their fear that the people's war class forces against Marcos. While Since the state was now said to be would continue to gain strength some such efforts might have been the "private preserve" of the U.S.• under his regime. correct, it is crucial to note, as the Marcos clique, opposition bour• But it is not new that while the Declaration of the RIMargues, that geois and landlord sectors began to masses do the fighting and dying, "this can only be carried out suc• be treated as if they were no longer the ruling classes zealously guard cessfully if the party maintains its really part of the ruling classes. As state power — and once again it is leadership, utilising such alliances the "Urgent Message" stated: exactly the question of state power, within the overall and principal task "Bourgeois liberal oppositionists particularly of the repressive ap• of carrying the revolution to com• have ranged themselves with the paratus of the army and police, that pletion without making a strategic people, as have more and more the CPP obscures. And, to put it stage out of the struggle against dic• businessmen. In increasing concisely, "Except for state power, tatorship since the content of the numbers, the politically advanced all is illusion." anti-fascist struggle is nothing other bourgeois liberal oppositionists now Although Liberation presents this than the content of the new demo• declare themselves in favor of arm• stand as going up against the U.S., cratic revolution." (emphasis add• ed struggle. Even anti-Marcos bour• the U.S. imperialists have actually ed) By the late 1970s the anti-fascist geois compradors and landlords are promoted the same theme. The 3 struggle began to be regarded by the now openly protesting against the March 1986 New York Times notes CPP as taking priority over the anti- regime." (emphasis added) And: that most coverage in the Western imperialist and anti-feudal struggle. "Under present conditions in media of the rise of Aquino has por• The target of the revolution tended PhiUppine society, the national trayed the U.S. as reluctantly bow• more and more to be reduced to a united front also attracts the bour• ing to the democratically expressed fascist clique — Marcos and a hand• geois liberal sections of the com• PO "will of the Filipino people." But ful of his cronies — and the class prador bourgeoisie and landlord K for the imperialists, presenting nature of the state and the im• class to further isolate the dictator• § Aquino as the expression of the perialist and feudal system of which ship and concentrate the heaviest **• "will of the people" is cynical Marcos and his clique were a part blows against it." And in the coun• ^ justification for stepping up military receded into the background. tryside: "a considerable number of 5 and economic aid to the "new de- In 1976 Urgent Tasks stated that landlords could be won to the * mocracy" to be used among other the CPP "must give first place to revolutionary land program on the O things against the liberation war the anti-fascist movement." By the basis of their anti- dictatorship itself. And while the U.S. im- early 1980s Ang Bayan referred stand." There has been no basic 2 perialists have indeed used the fall ceaselessly to the Marcos regime as change in this analysis since then, 0£ of Marcos to try and polish up their the "dictatorship" and to the move• including with the formal lifting of 0 image of supporting vicious dic- ment against it as the "anti- martial law. S tatorships around the world, they dictatorship front" (Dec 1980). In this way the role of the state ^ are not unaware of the need to work Theoretical underpinnings for nar• as an organ of class rule was to preserve a certain respectable rowing the target to Marcos and his obscured — it was now the "private distance from Aquino herself, at clique were elaborated; in October preserve'' of Marcos and a handful least for now. As the Economist 1983 an "Urgent Message" by the of cronies, no longer the protector editorial observed, "A Mrs Aquino CPP CC put forward the view that, of the class rule of the landlords, installed by the Americans would "Under martial law, the fundamen• compradors and imperialists — and lose the legitimacy the voters had tal contradiction between U.S. im• class alliances were expanded in a given her." perialism and the local ruling permanent fashion and very broad• We should bear in mind the bit• classes, on the one hand, and the ly, as the fight against Marcos and ter experience of Indonesia, where Filipino people, on the other, took his cronies more and more was promoting illusions of a fundamen• on a sharper form. The principal treated as a completely separate tal division in state power and of a conflict is now between the people, stage of struggle with no connection genuine "people's power" in con• on the one hand, and U.S. im• to the new democratic revolution. trol of or represented by one section perialism and the Marcos clique of This process of narrowing the of the state set the masses up for a comprador big capitalists, big target of the revolution and widen• bloodbath. Further, this line in• landlords and big bureaucrats, on ing class alliances reached its climax evitably leads away from the only the other." It discussed other with the snap elections. Throughout path to the genuine liberation of the changes wrought by martial law: the CPP's agitation concerning the oppressed: the thorough- going ' 'State power was now the monopo• recent elections, the "moderate op• smashing of the old reactionary ly of the US-Marcos clique. In the position" was targetted only state power. ensuing period, it moved to con• because their own participation in 22 January 1987. Troops of the Aquino regime opened fire on a peasant protest demanding land reform. At least 18 were killed and over 100 wounded. the elections was said to play into to "distance" itself from Marcos, organ of the CPP-led National Marcos' hands, since the purpose of as it became known in official U.S. Democratic Front, actually § the elections was said to be his ef• parlance, which ranged from U.S. polemicised against the idea that the forts to legitimise his rule. The CPP complaints about the handling of U.S. had anything whatsoever to do D even repeatedly stated that the snap the General Ver case to exposure of with this manoeuvre and declared election was held at the initiative of Marcos' fake WW2 exploits, to that Enrile and Ramos' defection 3 Marcos (Ang Bayan Dec 1985). mounting efforts, especially from "gave the U.S. as well as Marcos a Similarly, it was argued that U.S. Democratic Party politicians massive shock." Come now! legitimizing Marcos was the U.S. like the liberal imperialist Teddy Whether or not the U.S. literally ar• imperialists' point in going along Kennedy, to unite the bourgeois op• ranged such a defection, Enrile and with Marcos' election manoeuvre. position and to present them as the Ramos are both long-time chiefs of The U.S. was undoubtedly sur• representatives of the people and the U.S. puppet army in the Phihp• prised by the speed with which the hope for a "restoration of de• pines, both trained in the U.S., ad• events moved in the Phihppines, mocracy," at whatever point this vised by the U.S., with extensive and most of all by the explosion of proved to be necessary. contacts with U.S. intelligence. the masses themselves. But they But in the CPP perspective, it was Moreover, these so-called military have been manoeuvring for quite more and more thetail that wagg• "reformists" were regarded by the some time now to strengthen the ed the dog: Marcos fully in control, imperialists themselves as key to the hand of the ruling class opposition Marcos the real power, U.S. im• succession. Again as the Economist and to prepare for replacing Mar• perialism (and other Philippine rul• editorial noted, "If these would-be cos, all the more so since it became ing class sectors) watching on the reformers were quietly assured of apparent that Marcos was in bad sidelines or at best able only to react both diplomatic support and a big health, both physically and to Marcos' manoeuvres. infusion of military resources to politically. These particular elec• This line also came out sharply help them get on with their proper tions were to play a significant role with the post-election defection of job of fighting the communists, in this process. There is in fact much Enrile, long-time Minister of they might be emboldened to refuse evidence that the elections were held Defense under Marcos, and Ramos, to enforce a new Marcos clamp- not at the initiative of Marcos, but also a general under Marcos and down; and they might well carry at that of the U.S. Furthermore, now Army Chief of Staff, the their troops with them." Need the there were numerous signals of what military revolt that signaled that the scenario have been spelled out any the U.S. was up to in the Philippines rug had been finally pulled out from more clearly? And this editorial, — the increasing efforts of the U.S. under Marcos. Liberation, official (Continued on page 68) 68 and elsewhere, has also criticised the forces to power. The proletariat Philippines boycott policy for its passivity; but cannot let down its guard on the (Continued from page 39). what it means by "passivity" is that grounds that these reactionary from 15 Feb 1986, was made before the party failed to join up with the forces are in conflict with another Ramos and Enrile's manoeuvre. Aquino forces and the electoral tide section of ruling strata currently in Far from these puppet generals' and sat out the snap election. Such power. act really "shocking the U.S.," it is activity would have been no better, That there exist serious deviations much more the case that the CPP's to say the least, than the passivity in your understanding of state tendency to reduce the target to manifested by the party around the power is further indicated by the Marcos blinded you to the larger election. revised programme of the NDF, manoeuvring by U.S. imperialism What the election offensive cried which came out in early 1986. and its key agents in achieving the out for was a bold revolutionary (While the NDF is not the same as transition. This led to the in• response: exposing the manoeuvring the CPP, your party founded it and congruous situation where the CPP of all the bourgeois forces, conduc• leads it, and it was the NDF that was trying to target Enrile and ting revolutionary Marxist educa• negotiated the ceasefire with the Ramos as leading elements in the tion on the nature of the state and Aquino government.) Consider how "fascist structures still to be the elections as part of that, and the the NDF describes the way in which dismantled," but at the same time launching of revolutionary offen• the new people's democracy will be the NDF was obscuring their real sives in the countryside to organised: nature as imperialist puppets by try• strengthen and Mghlight the only "A constituent assembly shall be ing to somehow uphold their revolt real alternative to the reactionary elected to draft the constitution of and claim that it had nothing what• imperiahst-dominated state power: the new state. After ratification of soever to do with the U.S. Is it any the new embryonic state power of the constitution, general elections wonder that many of the masses the masses themselves, based on shall be held, and the democratic were left confused and disoriented, their armed struggle. Especially in coalition government inaugurated. and thus all the more susceptible to the cities the CPP needed to go "In its constitution and practice, Aquino's efforts to sweep these against the petit bourgeois pre• the people's democratic republic fascists' bloody crimes under the judices that were being swept up in• shall uphold the essential elements rug as she and the U.S. worked to to a big tide by the imperialist of a genuine modern-day republic: smooth over differences and programme as represented by people's sovereignty and national stabilise a new ruling coalition? Aquino. And there was a basis to independence; all political authori• Furthermore, your assessment do this. The CPP itself noted that ty emanating from the people; dem• that the elections were simply an ex• the peasants were hardly drawn on• ocratically elected officials who ercise by Marcos to legitimise to the Aquino bandwagon, and cer• shall be their representatives and himself, your focus on the corrup• tainly there was unprecedented servants; elected representative tion and manipulation Marcos used in-fighting in the ruling classes' own assemblies at all levels that express to rig the elections, and your subse• ranks. Yet the CPP failed to seize the will of the people, rather than quent conclusion that he was bound on this or to make efforts to step up a single individiual making laws; to win, amounted to a bourgeois the military struggle or to meet the determination of the popular will democratic critique of the elections, political offensive in general. through free and clean elections and as if the problem were that they It is sometimes the case that, for other democratic means. ..." were not being held under fair or many reasons, including the narrow What "genuine modern-day just conditions and that the bour• base of support for the ruling republic" in today's world did you geois opposition consequently did classes in the oppressed countries, have in mind as a model — India, not have a real chance of winning, sections of them come into sharp perhaps, or West Germany? All a theme which you repeated over conflict with the dominant ruling modern-day republics have class and over in your election agitation. cliques'and the dominant imperialist content! Yet there is no difference Because of all this, the CPP was power(s). But, especially in the con• here from what any bourgeois de• not prepared to deal with the text of imperialism's deep mocracy inscribes in its formal manoeuvrings of U.S. imperialism, worldwide crisis, things can change documents. New democratic revolu• which resulted in a significant very rapidly and such forces can be tion relies on the masses; the organs number of middle forces, some of swiftly brought onto the seats of of revolutionary political power it whom had been influenced by the power (as was Aquino, who never establishes — first in base areas CPP, to be drawn into the electoral really opposed U.S. imperialism at and, upon victory, nationwide — path and brought under the sway of all). This requires that even when grow out of and are built on the pro-U.S. reactionaries. As the elec• such forces are not yet in power the fighting detachments of the masses tion approached, even many proletarian vanguard must prepare themselves, on organisation form• members of the CPP, including the masses to understand their class ed and forged in the furnace of some in leadership, began to go with character so that they are not revolutionary war, just as the the tide and advocate participation disoriented by any changes in the masses themselves are tempered and in the polls. form of rule which might accom• gain the consciousness required to The CPP, in its "self-criticism" pany the rise of these opposition rule in the process of the revolu- 69 tionary struggle and especially of the erroneous boycott line was, "directly and openly went against revolutionary war. These are the ' 'First place should have been given the desire of the broad masses to genuine forms of popular power, to creating a broad anti- fascist uni• pursue the anti-fascist struggle by not the bourgeois electoral institu• ty committed principally to over• means of critically participating in tions of the "modem-day republic" throwing the fascist dictatorship," the elections." Others have concise• enshrined in the NDF Programme, that the boycott error was "just the ly summarised this as "violating the which have been perfected over latest and, perhaps, the costliest will of the people," and failing to decades of experience in channeling manifestation of a tendency to slur apply the "mass line." But isn't it the masses' discontent into voting over the anti-fascist movement and the task of communists to help com• booths in order to yield all power to give undue importance to the bat illusions and certainly not to to so- called representatives who comprehensiveness of national dem• trail such illusions, specifically illu• stand over them, alienated from ocratic politics in formulating tac• sions about Aquino? And after all, them, and ultimately ruling them. tics in the open mass movement," whose "will" did this boycott Furthermore, these sham democrat• and it speaks of "rabid insistence on violate: that of the workers and ic institutions of the West have a a national democratic orientation." peasants, or that of the bourgeoisie? pitiful, ludicrous character in the This turns reality upside down! All of this treats the mass line as a oppressed nations, which can afford Was the CPP's failure to grasp the public opinion poll — not as requir• only the thinnest democratic trapp• dynamics of the snap election crisis ing the application of Marxism- ings for their repressive apparatus due to not giving enough emphasis Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought to (as, for example, in India, the to fighting Marcos? Or wasn't it due unleash the masses and synthesise "World's Largest Democracy," instead to narrowing everything their experience in revolutionary where the army is called out to down to Marcos alone, failing to see struggle. Should the majority of establish order every few days!). the larger functioning of im• people in England favour voting for Yes, new democratic revolution is perialism and its local appendages, Thatcher, would your "mass line" a bourgeois democratic revolution, its manoeuvrings and preparation require the vanguard to go along but it is a bourgeois revolution of for replacing one puppet with with this too?! Isn't this yet more a new type; as Mao pointed out, it another? evidence of deeply rooted bour• is led by the proletariat, it forms In like manner, the National Stu• geois-democratic tendencies infec• part of the world proletarian revolu• dent and Youth Department writes: ting your party? tion and goes up against im• "Cory Aquino has clearly proven perialism; it opens the door to that she is a staunch and steadfast More on The United Front capitalism but it opens the door to anti-fascist. Hence, she is an ally, As pointed out earlier, the tenden• socialism even wider. Experience i.e., she is an objective tactical ally cy of the CPP to narrow the target has proven that only the proletariat of the national-democratic move• of the revolution to a single clique can lead the new democratic revolu• ment. True, Aquino may flip-flop and to obscure the class nature of tion, and it can do so only by rejec• on issues concerning imperialism the state is linked with errors made ting the form and content of the and feudalism. But she has also in broadening the class alliances the old-style bourgeois revolution and shown in words and in deeds her proletariat enters into in its quest establishing a dictatorship of the determination to wipe out fascism." for power. Even as the CPP was revolutionary classes led by the pro• Not only is Aquino's character busy drawing all sorts of forces in• letariat to suppress the comprador- wrongly portrayed, but she is pro• to the NDF and other mass feudal forces. This understanding is claimed an ally of the "national organisations, it neglected to grasp not reflected at all in the NDF Pro• democratic movement" even if she sufficiently the basic point by Mao gramme. Infatuated with these is pro-imperialist and pro-feudal! Tsetung that, "It is also necessary forms of bourgeois democracy, is it Opposing fascism without thor• to combat the error of identifying any wonder that as the imperialists oughly opposing feudalism and im• the programme, policy, ideology, and the Filipino ruling strata sought perialism inevitably means reducing practice, etc., of the proletariat with to use the elections for their own oneself to supporting bourgeois those of the bourgeoisie, and ends the CPP was unable to go up democratic masks on imperialist neglecting the differences in princi• against this, expose it and present domination in the oppressed na• ple between them. The error here a genuinely revolutionary alter• tions. In Latin America, U.S. im• consists in neglecting the fact that native? perialism has played the game of the bourgeoisie (and especially the Given these bourgeois-democrat• trying to whip the masses back and big bourgeoisie) not only exerts an ic roots of the CPP's errors, it is forth between military juntas and influence on the petite bourgeoisie doubly disturbing that criticism civilian rule for decades, and the re• and the peasantry, but does its ut• emanating from leading centres of visionists and social-democrats have most to influence the proletariat the CPP goes even further in the rendered them great service in pro• and the Communist Party in a same direction. The Editorial Board moting the pursuit of parliament strenuous effort to destroy their ide• of Praktika, the "bilingual and other democratic trappings. ological, political and organisa• theoretical journal of the Party in This is the context in which tional independence, turn them into the national urban centre," argues should be situated the CPP an appendage of the bourgeoisie in its first issue that a major cause "self-criticism" that the boycott and its political party, and ensure 70

that it will reap the fruits of the revolution for itself or its political party alone." ("Introducing The Communist") Today it is a fact that the U.S. imperialists and the reaction have managed to affect the alignment of class forces especially in the cities and have temporarily brought under their influence and outlook large numbers of the more bourgeois and petit-bourgeois forces. This, in itself, hardly constitutes a fatal blow to the revolutionary movement — far less, in any event, than if the representatives of the proletariat forget Mao's point and allow themselves to become obsessed with or fall under the influence of these other class forces. Unfortunately this is the direction that the CPP's recent "self- Sailors from Subic Naval Base in the Philippines, perhaps the U.S. 's criticism" takes, when it raises that single most vital foreign military base. one of the party's more serious er• rors was underestimating the geoisie is that there is always a tries is the poor peasantry, that the "capabilities and determination" of tendency to consider political activi• foundation for the united front is the "reformist bourgeoisie" — this ty in the cities as the principal form the agrarian revolution and people's at a time when the national bour• of political activity." (Main Tasks war, that the relations between the geoisie and some other middle of the Party) Or as you put it even proletariat and the national bour• forces have, by uniting around earlier: "In line with Mao Tsetung geoisie will generally follow a zig• is Aquino, actually shifted signifi• Thought, the Party must conscious• zag course, and that it is only by cantly away from the revolutionary ly shift its centre of gravity to the making advances in the people's camp! And just what does your countryside. All previous party war that the national bourgeoisie 2 term "reformist bourgeoisie" mean leaderships have suffered failures might be drawn into a united front anyway? Not only does it blur over that were singularly characterised (or at least neutralised) under pro• 0 the politically vital distinction be• by political activity that had its cen• letarian leadership — and not by tween the comprador bourgeoisie tre of gravity in the city of Manila." scaling down the people's war and and the national bourgeoisie, but it (Rectify Errors and Rebuild the centring the party's work on the also substitutes a new main division Party, 1968) bourgeoisie's own terms and turf. within the bourgeoisie: between In part the CPP's obsession with i supposedly fascist and "reformist" trying to maintain organisational Reversing the Verdict on Soviet sections. unity at all costs with these various Social-Imperialism Furthermore, this gaping at the bourgeois forces, particularly the The portrayal in Ang Bayan over "reformist bourgeoisie's" strength national bourgeoisie, reflects a the last few years of oppressed must be placed in the context of the tendency to treat them as a constant countries in the thrall of the Soviets practical measures the CPP is tak• and stable ally of the proletariat and as "revolutionary" is part of a ing, based on this assessment, to forget or ignore the previous larger reversal of the CPP's long• specifically your scaling down the assessment made in Philippine standing verdict on the Soviet armed struggle and concluding a Society and Revolution by Amado Unionitself. Beginning in the early ceasefire, while promoting parlia• Guerrero, the nom de guerre of Jose 1980s the CPP dropped all mentary work in the cities, for in• Maria Sison, which argued that, references to "social-imperialism," stance, around the Constitutional "The correct policy is to unite with and refers increasingly to "the Commission hearings. Isn't this (the national bourgeoisie) only to socialist countries" and to the repeating the error Mao warned of, the extent that it supports the "great progress" in "socialist con• and taking up the bourgeoisie's pro• revolution at a given time and at the struction" going on in "more and gramme, which centres on this sort same time to criticise it appropriate• more countries." Apparently this of work in the cities, and trying to ly for its vacillations or tendency to even includes China, despite Deng compete with them on their own betray the revolution. This policy Xiao-ping's backstabbing of the turf? This forgets the important will always keep us vigilant." Philippine revolution. Who else this analysis made by your own party in Lacking vigilance, you tended to includes became clearer recently its early years, that, "The danger of ignore that the truly firm ally of the when, following crescendoing praise cooperation with the national bour- proletariat in the oppressed coun• for the Soviet neo-colonies like 71

Cuba, a report appeared in the of arms would be necessary." Such Afghanistan? The nationalist March 1986 Ang Bayan on the 27th questioning of whether external aid blinders on your eyes that steer you Congress of the CPSU which refers would be "necessary" has appeared towards such conclusions forget to the "socialist economy" of the more and more frequently alongside even the history of the Philippines USSR and uncritically repeats Gor• continued upholding of "self- itself — after all, U.S. imperialism bachev's supposed "calls for reliance" in other interviews with sent in arms and men to throw out peaceful coexistence" and "striving leading CPP figures. Isn't it ap• the Spanish colonialists. . . and for world peace." parent that treating the Soviet then turned around and established What, might we ask, has changed Union as "socialist" prepares the their own domination. The since, for instance, 1980, when your path for accepting military aid, par• character of the Soviet Union is im• Central Committee referred ticularly in case of difficulty — or perialist whether or not they give repeatedly to "Soviet social- at least using the threat of such aid you arms — and even if they do, it imperialism" and noted the danger to "strengthen" potential CPP will only be with the same ends and of "interirnperialist world war" be• bargaining positions in any future means as they did to the Viet• tween the two rival blocs?! Or since negotiations? namese, Angolans, etc. Once you the late 1970s when you denounced Taking up such a position would swallow this bait, the hook sticks the leadership of Angola and Viet• represent yet another sharp reversal deep — the Vietnamese leadership nam as "pawns of Soviet im• of your earlier line, when you issued eclectically combined talk of "self- perialism"? In recent years the such bold revolutionary declara• reliance" with support for "frater• reactionary imperialist nature of the tions on the need for "self-reliance" nal" Soviet aid, and their promises USSR has been demonstrated with as the following, in Urgent Tasks: faded away into the bitter reality of the invasion of Afghanistan, the "When the people's combative Soviet naval forces in Cam Ranh smashing of the workers movement spirit is kept high by continuous Bay. in Poland, and the rapidly political education and military This question has been hotly escalating war preparations on the training, they will make do with any debated in the Philippine revolu• part of both imperialist blocs. The weapon and will use every trick and tionary movement, and for a long class character of the Soviet Union ruse to disarm the enemy even with time your party took a better line. is a question of crucial importance bare hands. Caught by surprise in Again, to hail the Soviets and their for the international communist any one of so many possible situa• puppets as "socialist" can only movement, yet your party —• which tions, a full enemy squad can be open the door to accepting their not only had its origins in the bat• easily overpowered by our militia "fraternal aid" and ultimately to tle Mao launched against Soviet re• with bolos or even with bare hands. collaboration with these enemies of visionism but which also denounced The most important thing is the the Filipino people. Soviet social-imperialism for over people's revolutionary determina• The CPP has also opened the ten years — has not publicly issued tion and wisdom." Do you now door to Soviet "aid" in the econom• a single word in explanation of your regard this as "infantile naivete"? — ic development of the country, change of line! if so, it is far preferable to the which is one important way in It must be said frankly that this "maturity" of opening your arms which Soviet social-imperialism at• lack of explanation over the years to those you earlier denounced so tempts to penetrate the oppressed for reversing a verdict on such a fiercely and righteously. countries. In Angola, for example, question is singular testimony to the It is also unfortunate that it is on the Soviets actually gave material deterioration of your grasp of the nationalist grounds that you seem aid to the MPLA liberation move• decisiveness of revolutionary prin• prepared to judge friends and ment, then, once it came to power, ciples in leading proletarian revolu• enemies. As the NDF Programme encouraged it to nationalise certain tion, not to speak of your puts it, "We wage people's war on strategic holdings. But was that commitment to struggling over car• the fundamental principal of self- anything but a mere change in legal dinal questions within the interna• reliance, but we also consider inter• form? Did it do anything to really tional communist movement. national support as an integral part restructure internal relations in The Soviet question is bound up of our struggle. Thus, we seek the Angola and break its dependency with another vital question of political and material support of on imperialism — or didn't it just revolutionary principle: that of self- other countries and revolutionary take new forms? In fact, using the reliance in the revolutionary strug• movements and organisations leverage the Soviets had built up gle. In an interview with Far Eastern abroad. Those who extend such over the years of the liberation war, Economic Review, Satur Ocampo, support prove themselves true and with its proteges in control of the who was named to head up the friends of the Philippine revolution state sector, the Soviets further ceasefire negotiations with the and the Filipino people." (emphasis secured their hold with military aid Aquino government, replied to a added) Would Soviet arms trickling and advisors (Cuban, E. German, question on external aid that, in, or even flowing into the Philip• etc.). "depending on the level of ar• pine revolutionary movement real• The CPP appears, unfortunate• maments that the AFP would utilise ly prepare you to hail them as "true ly, to be less and less averse to this against the NPA, the NPA would friends of the Filipino people"? kind of "development." Issues of determine whether external sources And what of the people of Ang Bayan over the past two years 72 have hailed the "victories" of the Philippines, and instead argues the nomic Review cited earlier, stated "revolution" in Angola, possibility of achieving power more that, while the CPP still considered Nicaragua, etc. The January 1984 rapidly through uprisings in the ci• the armed struggle principal, "it Ang Bayan reported: "Tor the first ty combined with compromises with doesn't leave out the possibility of time Cubans are masters of then- sections of the ruling classes; it achieving its ends through political own country.' In these words, Presi• models itself to a large degree on the means. Now we are looking more dent Fidel Castro described what experience of the Sandinistas in towards the probability of devel• the revolution has achieved for the Nicaragua. oping a very strong unarmed move• people of Cuba." Yet Castro In June 1984 Ang Bayan printed ment among the people with a presides over a one-crop sugar an article entitled "Long Live the moral force that would enable the economy as dependent as ever on an Nicaraguan Revolution!" As the ti• people's forces, armed and unarm• imperialist overlord, only now the tle indicates, the article lauds the ed, to overthrow the Marcos dic• Soviets, and, in exchange for the Sandinistas, specifically their land tatorship with as little bloodshed as financial infusions necessary to reform. It goes on to hail the San- possible." keep Cuba afloat, has turned over dinista land reform as offering "a This holding out of the the command strings of the entire good example of the correct ap• "possibility of achieving the CPP's society to his Soviet masters, so that proach to revolution" and "blazing ends through political means" is an now Cuba's soldiers jump to the a new path in agrarian struggle'' —• eclectic formulation typical of the bark of Russian generals! this despite admissions in the arti• revisionist parties, and stands op• Finally, while you speak of "in• cle that the Sandinistas "have plac• posed to a long-standing fundamen• ternational solidarity" with other ed no limit on land ownership and tal principle of the CPP. As put in revolutionary movements, in reali• guaranteed the right to private lan- an early Ang Bayan (19 March ty your party, especially through the dholdings as long as the lan• 1971): "Holding high the spirit of NDF internationally, concentrates downers. . . make the land produce the Paris Commune, Chairman on "solidarity work" with Catholic efficiently," and that the "San- Mao teaches us that, 'Political Church groups, social democrats, dinista government believes that the power grows out of the barrel of a revisionist trade unions, etc. Any continued existence of a mixed gun.' This is not only the essence of one of these initiatives might be economy in the countryside is not the people's democratic revolution justified, but it is impermissible to only politically expedient but eco• under the leadership of the pro• forget that the firm real allies of nomically advantageous." Whether letariat in China but of every your people's war, which at its birth or not this is a new path to agrarian revolutionary battle led by the pro• you declared part of the world pro• struggle — and it seems to be only letariat during the 100 years since letarian revolution, are the workers too familiar — it is most definitely the Paris Commune. No movement and oppressed of all countries, and not a "correct approach to revolu• or proletarian party has ever seized their genuine revolutionary lead• tion." political power without having ership, the Marxist-Leninists. Your The article goes on to say that the followed the principle of armed conception of "international developments in Nicaragua "speak revolution." (emphasis added) solidarity" departs from the correct well for the policies and tactics Unfortunately, there is reason to proletarian internationalist undertaken by the national lead• believe that the unleashing of "self- viewpoint. ership" and that "the history and criticism" in the CPP has been ac• struggle of the Nicaraguan people companied, at least in certain What Road to Power? have much in common with our quarters, not by determination to Closely related to the errors already own." Of particular interest is the deepen an understanding of the noted — particularly the narrowing favourable assessment given to the path of people's war, but by open of the target of revolution, the pro• "broad popular front" set up by the flirtation with this Sandinista path. motion of bourgeois democratic Sandinistas "which included Both major articles in the afore• forms, the obscuring of the necessi• various political groups with dif• mentioned Praktika seem to sup• ty to smash the reactionary state ferent political tendencies" and port this path, and a series of papers power, and your new openness to "was supported even by anti- by a certain Marty Villalobos, de• social- democracy and social- Somoza groups within the local rul• scribed as "a senior Party imperialism — is a conception ing classes." Here the resemblance member," which are circulating for emerging within the CPP CC of an• to some of the policies already discussion in your party and in the other road to political power, one adopted by the CPP — efforts to Philippine revolutionary move• which is different from and oppos• unite with ruling class opposition ment, openly do so. Villalobos' ed to the Marxist-Leninist path and forces, the narrowing of the target papers have the merit of being a one which cannot enable the CPP to the Marcos clique, etc. — are clear and concise statement of a to achieve its original goal of over• striking. thoroughly opportunist line which throwing "imperialism, feudalism Since that time, the "Sandinista" should be vigorously repudiated by and bureaucrat capitalism." road has been the subject of an im• your party. The essence of this road is that it portant discussion in your party. The critique launched in calls into question the strategy of Satur Ocampo, for instance, in the Praktika is ostensibly against the protracted people's war in the interview with the Far Eastern Eco• boycott policy, but, as the authors 73

from the National Youth and Stu• "the insurrectional strategy is more papers. There is a logic to this how• dent Board note, "behind the urban-centred, since the mass move• ever: why mobilise the millions of boycott tactics lurk the deep- rooted ment, which is the focal point of the peasants in people's war if the plan problems concerning. . . the whole struggle in the insurrectional is to retain a "mixed economy" and strategy and tactics of the Philip• strategy, converges mainly in the large private landholdings anyway? pine revolution." Both articles cities." (2) "In the insurrectional Nor are the peasants of much use sound the battlecry, "Dare We strategy, the political forces play the if one's strategy relies not on rous• Win?" — the theme is that the re• decisive role and the military forces ing a mighty red army, of which cent events offered (and perhaps the supportive role. Humberto peasants would definitely form the still do) the possibility of hnking up Ortega, commander- in-chief of the bulk, but on demonstrations, with and leading much broader Sandinista People's Army,. . . strikes, etc., and especially parlia• forces in the city, including many clarified: 'The mass movement is mentary work with the ruling class liberal democrats, towards the suc• the focal point of the struggle and opposition and diplomatic work cessful seizure of power by the not the vanguard with the masses with social-democratic imperialists. revolutionaries, and that the failure limited to merely supporting it.'" For Villalobos the word "masses" to do this, the "slurring over" of (3) "In the insurrectional strategy, doesn't mean the masses of oppress• the "anti-fascist component of the victory is envisioned in a relatively ed and exploited, but the urban united front," and the underestima• much shorter time. . . ." (4) "In middle forces, and especially the na• tion of work in the cities resulted in the insurrectional strategy, guerrilla tional bourgeoisie and the ruling the fact that "the revolutionaries warfare is intensified but it does not class opposition. This is the heart of ended up without a medal" — develop into regular mobile warfare Villalobos' "insurrectionstrategy": which appears to mean above all or positional warfare." Instead, the rejection of making the workers and that they didn't maximise their in• insurrectional strategy envisions peasants the focal point of the fluence in the new government. combining general strikes, mass revolutionary strategy. These same themes are taken up uprisings, and guerrilla warfare to The Sandinista path seeks to by Villalobos, and generalised. For defeat the government. (5) "A flex- mobilise the revolutionary forces to Villalobos, the root evil behind ibile policy of alliances with opposi• contend with the bourgeoisie on these "failures" is the strategy of tion bourgeoisie may be considered their grounds and on their terms; it protracted people's war itself. He a distinct feature of the insurrec• stands in stark opposition to Mao's argues that protracted people's war tional strategy." Finally, the insur• defiant statement of military is a gradualist strategy that is rectional strategy counts on support strategy, "You fight your way, I'll responsible not only for the boycott from powerful forces international• fight mine" — while the reac• position but more generally for the ly; Villalobos specifically cites the tionaries base themselves on their CPP missing the opportunity for Socialist International (France's technological superiority, on ig• leading a successful Sandinista-style Mitterand, Spain's Gonzalez, norant conscripted soldiers, and "insurrection" in the cities. Speak• Peru's Alan Garcia, etc.) as poten• military doctrines suited to these ing of protracted people's war, he tial supporters to be courted. features, the proletarian revolu• says: ". . .victory against the U.S.• Might this be "faster" than pro• tionaries base themselves on the Marcos dictatorship would only be tracted people's war? Perhaps — conscious mobilisation of the achieved in at least five years, but if so, for one simple reason: masses of people. In the Philip• maybe seven years, or even ten Villalobos' scenario has nothing pines, this means, above all, the years. While the CPP- NDF were whatsoever to do with uprooting a peasantry. While the strategy of preparing for the leap in the next system of imperialism, feudalism people's war must be able to take few years into the next substage of and bureaucrat capitalism. In rejec• account and make use of the kind the strategic defensive. . . the Mar• ting the path of people's war for the of urban upheavals that you have cos fascist regime was toppled in Philippines, Villalobos has rejected recently experienced, it is still true three months. There can be ho revolution altogether. that the countryside is principal and evidence more damning than this How could this strategy be ex• that protracted people's war is the that the Party was pursuing an in• pected to overthrow imperialism basic path for the Philippine revolu• correct strategy." ("On the Insur• and feudalism when, despite its tion, as your party spelled out at its rectional Strategy") Villalobos claim to promote the role of the origins. argues that, while protracted peo• masses and all its feigned humility All this is a reflection of the truth ple's war was suitable for a certain about not "limiting the masses to that there are no easy short-cuts to period, the CPP should have gone supporting the vanguard," it raises victory in revolutionary war, for over to an "insurrectional strategy" unity with bourgeois and interna• there is no easy way to destroy the several years ago, at the time of the tional forces above relying on the enemy's repressive apparatus (i.e., major urban demonstrations masses and raises the city above the smash the existing state power) and following Benigno Aquino's countryside in a land where the uproot centuries of class rule along assassination. great masses of exploited and op• with all the old habits, traditions He enumerates the differences be• pressed are peasants? It is indeed and ideas which prop it up, nor to tween protracted people's war and noteworthy that the peasants figure prepare the masses to run society the "insurrectional strategy": (1) only in passing in Villalobos' themselves. Yet this is what 74

Villalobos' "insurrectional of the failure of the protracted peo• organisationally incapable of strategy" amounts to above all: the ple's war strategy: that while it en• resisting imperialist and bourgeois illusion of an easy, quick path to visioned victory only after a number influences. Even where such forces victory, easy and quick because it of years, Marcos was toppled in have seized power they have been bypasses any real revolution. Gen• three months. All this is proof of is incapable of carrying through a uine revolutionaries have only too that what Villalobos thinks the thorough-going revolutionary trans• often sought to pursue such short• revolution is all about is getting rid formation of society and end up, cuts, especially in times of mass of a single clique. Is this the goal of sooner or later, being overthrown upheaval, when principles are jet• protracted people's war — or isn't by the imperialists or themselves tisoned as it appears that bending to it overthrowing the entire becoming a new reactionary ruling nationalism and bourgeois democ• imperialist-feudal system, liberating power in league with imperialists." racy offer quick paths to victory. the Filipino people from all forms Villalobos continues this same of oppression as they embark on the The Ceasefire Negotiations: Tit- tact in his raising of the political path of abolishing class society, as for-Tat? struggle above the military struggle, part of the world proletarian In the last few months your party as if this too promoted the role of revolution? has sat down at the negotiating table the masses. Quite the opposite. The Villalobos virtually admits that and concluded a ceasefire with the armed struggle is, as Mao put it, the his is not a program for a real rup• representatives of a government highest form of struggle because it ture with imperialism. In lamenting that defends the "three mountains" is the seizure of power by the how up to the present, "unfor• of imperialism, feudalism and masses, the battle to destroy the old tunately the Chinese influence has bureaucrat capitalism that still rest state and establish the new, and thus been more pervasive (than the San• on the back of the Filipino people. to take control of and reorganise all dinista)," he says that one major This action sharpens even further society. In Villalobos' view, guer• difference between the two is that the serious questions facing the rilla warfare is not a means for the objective of the Chinese model CPP. Leaving aside whether the mobilizing the masses, especially the is "complete victory of the demo• negotiations are a legitimate tactical poor peasants, over time so as to cratic forces," whereas that of the step, we are compelled to ask: what build the red army and eat up the Sandinista model is "decisive vic• politics are in command of these JO old state power and finally destroy tory of the democratic forces." negotiations? *S its repressive apparatus altogether; What a difference a word makes! Mao Tsetung noted that * no, instead of correctly viewing For the Chinese revolution did in• "Sometimes not going to negotia• »» guerrilla warfare as a critical com- deed shatter the reactionary state tions is tit-for-tat; and sometimes, 2 ponent of protracted people's war, apparatus of Chiang Kai-shek and going to negotiations is also tit- for- 5 guerrilla warfare is just one more his U.S. backers, imperialism was tat." And as he pointed out, "How * means of pressure to be brought to tossed out on its heels, and the to give 'tit-for-tat' depends on the O bear, along with strikes, demonstra- revolution was continued for several situation." ("On the Chungking tions, and political and interna- decades against all imperialism. But Negotiations") Mao himself of Q tional pressure from bourgeois this is not Villalobos' goal. He course sat down with Chiang Kai- Be forces. This is no revolutionary openly acknowledges his willingness shek to conduct negotiations, but he O strategy for seizing and holding to settle for less — and anything less was always clear that armed revolu• S power through armed struggle, and than a "complete" break with im• tionary warfare is the only road to ^ it certainly has nothing to do with perialism can only mean settling for genuine liberation and he never har• the Bolsheviks' mass insurrection resting in the embrace of imperialist boured or promoted any illusions and all-out civil war to establish relations, for breaking with cen• about the nature of Chiang Kai- proletarian rule. This is just refor• turies of class society and with con- shek and his U.S. masters or the mist mush, a slightly warmed- over tinuing imperialist encirclement will possibility of achieving fundamen• version of the Cuban foco-ist be a most arduous uphill battle. tal change through the negotiations. theory, which has always combin• The real lesson of the Sandinista On the contrary, even as they ed peaceful mass movements with a path is summed up by the statement opened negotiations with the KMT, dash of guerrilla warfare and a big in the Declaration of the RIM: Mao led the CCP in exposing helping of support from bourgeois ' 'History proves the bankruptcy of Chiang Kai-shek's fascist repression forces. an 'anti-imperialist front' (or of the people, his character as a Everything about this version of similar 'revolutionary front') which representative of the compradors, the "insurrectional strategy" points is not led by a Marxist-Leninist par• feudals and bureaucrat capitalists, not at the overthrowing of ty, even when such a front or forces his ties to the U.S., and his prepara• imperialist-backed rule, but a dif• within it adopt a 'Marxist' (actual• tions for launching a civil war to re• ferent goal: the mere toppling of ly pseudo-Marxist) colouration. establish the old order. Further• one clique of the ruling classes, and While such revolutionary forma• more, he pointed out that the main at most the establishment of some tions have led heroic struggles and danger would be "failing to strug• bourgeois democratic trappings. even delivered powerful blows to gle hard and in making a voluntary Look at what Villalobos himself the imperialists they have been pro• gift to Chiang Kai-shek of the fruits holds up as such "damning" proof ven to be ideologically and which should go to the people," and 75 he called on the party and the troops path. We cannot sum up the full revolution itself. As our movement "to be mentally prepared well in ad• process that gave rise to this situa• declared in its Declaration, vance (for civil war). This is a very tion — but one thing can be said "Upholding Mao Tsetung's important point, and it makes a with certainty: the dangerous qualitative development of the world of difference whether or not tendencies infecting your line are science of Marxism-Leninism there is such preparedness." (The bound up with your refusal to deal represents a particularly important Situation and Our Policy after the correctly with the cardinal questions and pressing question in the inter• Victory in the War of Resistance of line in the international com• national movement and among the against Japan) munist movement which arose in class-conscious workers and other You too have been negotiating — the wake of the death of Mao revolutionary-minded people in the but what pohtics are leading? What Tsetung and the reactionary coup world today. The principle involv• are you preparing your cadre and d'etat in China in 1976. ed is nothing less than whether or troops for, when instead of expos• Whether or not you acknowledg• not to uphold and build upon the ing those with whom you negotiate, ed it, and despite advances in your decisive contributions to the pro• you promote illusions about their own armed struggle in the Philip• letarian revolution and the science "progressive" character, about the pines, the reversal of proletarian of Marxism-Leninism made by Mao "democratic reforms" they are rule in China and the subsequent at• Tsetung. It is therefore nothing less engaged in, and you hide and tacks on Mao Tsetung Thought and than a question of whether or not obscure their ties to imperialism? the Cultural Revolution dealt a to uphold Marxism-Leninism And what, after all, are they prepar• serious blow to the international itself." And, as was quoted earlier, ing for — with imperialist military communist movement and raised "Without upholding and building aid pouring in on a heightened profound questions of political and on Marxism-Leninism-Mao scale, economic debts being ideological line. These put revolu• Tsetung Thought it is impossible to renegotiated, while all the im• tionaries around the world to a test: defeat revisionism, imperialism and perialists pull together to support whether or not to rise up against the reaction in general." the Aquino government — if not re- reactionary onslaught on Mao This is proved by the history of stabilizing the old order, through a Tsetung Thought and defend it as the CPP itself. Its very origins-were bloody civil war if necessary? It the highest pinnacle yet reached by a product of the battle launched by must be asked bluntly: are these the world proletarian revolution, as Mao Tsetung against revisionism. negotiations, in your view, a means the "acme of Marxism-Leninism," In the Philippines, it was forced to to advance people's war to thor• as your party once put it. break with and expose the revi• oughly smash the old reactionary At the time of Mao's death, the sionist PKP, which had declared its order and establish a revolutionary CPP circulated a statement by its own supposed "principled in• dictatorship of the people led by the chairman upholding Mao Tsetung dependence" from the "Sino-Soviet proletariat? Or is it the case that Thought and the Great Proletarian split,'' and soon showed just where guerrilla warfare is being reduced to Cultural Revolution and condemn• that centrist path led as it slid fur• just one among several means of ing the revisionist line of the ther than ever into the Soviet revi• bringing leverage against the unrepentant capitalist roader Deng sionist grip and wound up government for achieving some Xiao-ping. Shortly thereafter, the capitulating to Marcos in a other, ultimately non-revolutionary, CPP turned around and hailed the ceremony broadcast on television. objectives, which you hope the reactionary coup d'etat of Hua At that time you declared that Mao negotiations are serving to advance? Guo-feng and virulently denounced Tsetung Thought was "the line of the so-called "Gang of Four," demarcation between true and false Departing from Marxism-Leninism- though without any real explanation revolutionaries" — is that any less Mao Tsetung Thought Means or analysis of the class struggle in true today? Has this changed Death for the Revolution China. Since that time, as Deng was because the forces attacking Mao We have analysed above some of brought back, as the policies of the Tsetung Thought appear stronger the key erroneous trends that have Cultural Revolution were reversed and have intensified their attack, infected the line of the CPP over the one after another, as the attacks on having .seized state power in past years and have given rise to the Mao Tsetung escalated in China China. . . or isn't it the case that current situation in which a party and around the world, the CPP defending the contributions of Mao founded on Marxism-Leninism- stood, and still stands, silent. You Tsetung to Marxism-Leninism is Mao Tsetung Thought, on the also turned a deaf ear to the efforts more than ever a fundamental line strategy of people's war led by the of genuine Marxist-Leninists trying of demarcation between revolution proletariat, with the goal of to regroup internationally to wage and revisionism, and that Marxism- establishing the revolutionary dem• a riposte to these attacks. Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought is ocratic dictatorship led by the pro• Agnosticism or indifference to the basis for the international com• letariat and moving forwards this battle in fact amounted to in• munist movement to regroup and towards classless society through difference to the battle to defend the advance? It is ironic that the end many cultural revolutions, has more revolutionary science of the pro• result of your wrong assessment of and more given way to a party letariat and thus to indifference to the developments in China (i.e. your mired in crisis and on a dangerous advancing the world proletarian support for the reactionary coup 76 d'etat) and your refusal to correct to) united action with bourgeois carrying on and advancing the peo• this view has not been to trail strata in the cities; — Imperialist ple's war, for opportunist and Chinese revisionism but rather to countries are treated as socialist capitulationist tendencies must be get closer and closer to the Soviet ones, dependent countries as in• defeated both in theory and in Union! dependent revolutionary regimes, practice. Furthermore, the CPP's apparent and eventually the necessity or Today's conditions of great abandoning of its line upholding the possibility of completely rupturing danger and great opportunity in the necessity of "many cultural revolu• with imperialism begins to give way Philippines make it all the more tions" and of continuing revolu• to "practical" plans to come to urgent that the leadership and tionary struggle against the new terms with imperialism, possibly membership of the Communist Par• bourgeoisie which is inevitably under the banner of the "necessity" ty of the Philippines rise to the engendered under socialism — of Soviet aid. challenges before you and carry out nothing on any of this has appeared The "insurrectionary strategy" is your obligation to the Filipino peo• for years now in the CPP press — one important manifestation of ple and the international proletariat. means that it would be impossible these dangerous tendencies, but it is But fulfilling these noble obligations for you to preserve national in• not the only such manifestation. is not simply a question of inten• dependence even if it were won by tions; it is above all a matter of force of arms. For in the oppressed Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung political and ideological line. For countries, without the proletariat's Thought is the Key to the Philippine the crisis in which the CPP finds continual victory over emerging new Revolution! itself caught today is not brought bourgeois forces and its on-going Despite whatever twists and turns on, as some currents argue, by the revolutionisation of the production the revolution might be obliged to party's Marxist-Leninist line and relations, it is impossible even to de• pass through, in the final analysis hence by its allegedly dogmatic and velop a relatively self-sufficient eco• the situation is excellent for sectarian character, but on the con• nomic system and thus prevent the persevering in the people's war and trary it is a crisis brought on by the re-emergence of neocolonial rela• making genuine advances towards failure to systematically take up and tions of dependency, much less ad• the revolutionary goal. The im• apply Marxism-Leninism-Mao vance in the direction of communist perialists themselves understand this Tsetung Thought. Resolving this society. The reactionary coup d'etat clearly — their accelerated military crisis demands not the abandoning in 1976 in China illustrated this, as aid is not a sign of strong, confident of revolutionary principles in pur• the new revisionist bourgeoisie expansion, but of their sober suit of some illusory shortcut, but quickly reversed verdicts and awareness of the fragility and a return to them in order to sum up re-opened China's door to im• vulnerability of the ruling regime. the serious errors committed, rectify perialist economic penetration and They can offer no fundamental them and then move ahead to ad• undid the achievements in building solution to the profound crisis grip• vance the Philippine revolution as an independent socialist economy. ping the Philippines. part of the world proletarian In sum, the depths of the ideolog• But in order to advance the arm• revolution. ical and political deterioration of ed struggle it is necessary to carry In conclusion, it is worth citing the Party, which results in no small on two-line struggle as well. The from the Report to the 10th Party way from the refusal to take a clear central political question facing the Congress of the Communist Party stand between Mao Tsetung Philippine revolution today is the of China: "Chairman Mao teaches Thought and revisionism, have question of persevering in people's us that 'the correctness or incorrect• become truly alarming: — The class war and continuing on the path of ness of the ideological and political nature of the regime you were Mao Tsetung. But this cannot be re• line decides everything.' If one's line fighting was lost sight of, the duced to simply continuing to carry is incorrect, one's downfall is in• necessity to smash the entire repres• out armed actions, for political er• evitable, even with the control of sive apparatus increasingly rors have been distorting the the central, local and army lead• downplayed, bourgeois-democratic character and role of the armed ership. If one's line is correct, even notions of "modern-day republics" struggle. The experience of the Huk if oneJias not a single soldier at were promoted, as wrong concep• Rebellion of the 1950s, when first, there will be soldiers, and even tions of the path and goal of the thousands of armed fighters under if there is no political power, revolution have come to the fore; — the leadership of the old communist political power will be gained. This The proletariat has been pro• party, the PKP, were led to defeat, is borne out by the historical ex• gressively subordinated to other has already provided the basis for perience of our Party and by that class forces, imperialist puppets are showing that only a correct line bas• of the international communist promoted as "progressives" and ed on Marxism-Leninism-Mao movement since the time of "reformists," and one of the Tsetung can lead to victory. Marx. . . . The crux of the matter original strengths of the CPP, that Without defeating erroneous lines, is line. This is an irrefutable truth." of rallying the peasants in a genu• continued advance of the people's • ine people's war as the main force war will be placed in jeopardy; yet Fraternally, for revolution, is increasingly put at the same time such rectification Committee of the RIM on a par with (or even subordinated must be carried out in the course of March 1987