The Roles of Governments in the Education Reform Policy in Thailand from 1999 - 2009

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Roles of Governments in the Education Reform Policy in Thailand from 1999 - 2009 The roles of governments in the education reform policy in Thailand from 1999 - 2009 Thipsarin Phaktanakul Thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Professional Doctorate in Public Administration University of Canberra 2015 Abstract The most recent education reform policy in Thailand officially began in 1999, when the National Education Act came into force. It was considered the most comprehensive reform in Thailand’s history. From 1999 to 2009, many governments and ministers of education assumed power. Their roles in implementing the education reform policy as stipulated in the National Education Act were significant. This research examines the roles of each government and each Minister of Education in implementing the education reform policy after the National Education Act came into force in 1999 to the end of the first decade of this policy. This research is qualitative and is undertaken by two main methods: document analysis and semi-structured interviewing. This research analyses the factors which influenced the implementation of the education reform policy based on the top-down approach to policy implementation analysis. The governments of Thailand within the timeframe of this research can be divided into three groups: (1) the Democrat Party from 1999 to the beginning of 2001 and from the end of 2008 to 2009; (2) the Thai Rak Thai Party and other political parties associated with Thaksin Shinawatra from 2001 to 2006 and in 2008; and (3) the government appointed by the military junta after the coup d’état on 19 September 2006. Based on the top-down approach to policy implementation analysis, there are five major factors which obstructed the implementation of the education reform policy from 1999-2009, namely: (1) the size of target groups involved and affected and the extent of change required by the policy; (2) the ambiguity of the National Education Act as the main framework of the education reform policy and other related regulations; (3) the lack of one main agency responsible for implementation of the education reform policy; (4) different levels of commitment and leadership of the governments; and (5) political instability in Thailand, especially from 2006-2009. i Table of Contents Abstract ...................................................................................................................... i Form B Certificate of Authorship of Thesis .............................................................. iii List of Diagram .......................................................................................................... vii Acknowledgements ................................................................................................... ix Chapter 1: Introduction ............................................................................................. 1 Chapter 2: Literature Review..................................................................................... 11 Chapter 3: Research Methodology and Methods ...................................................... 23 Chapter 4: The Origin of the National Education Act ................................................................................................................................... 33 Chapter 5: The Size of Target Groups Involved and Affected and the Extent of Change Required by the Policy ................................................................................................................................... 47 Chapter 6: The Ambiguity of the National Education Act as the Main Framework of the Education Reform Policy and Other Related Regulations ................................................................................................................................... 65 Chapter 7: The Lack of One Main Agency Responsible for the Implementation of the Education Reform Policy ........................................................................................... 81 Chapter 8: Different Levels of Commitment and Leadership of the Governments ................................................................................................................................... 97 Chapter 9: Political Instability in Thailand ............................................................... 127 Chapter 10: Discussion, Conclusion and Suggestions ............................................... 137 References.................................................................................................................. 151 Appendix ................................................................................................................... 169 Table of Contents v List of Diagram Diagram 1 .................................................................................................................. 146 List of Diagram vii Acknowledgements A large number of people contributed to this thesis. First and foremost, I wish to thank my supervisors, Dr Robin Tennant-Wood and Dr Christopher Sadleir. Without their continuous academic and moral support from my first year at the University of Canberra (UC), this thesis would not have been completed. I also owe my gratitude to Sue Uzabeaga, Faculty Research Support Officer, Faculty of Business, Government and Law, who has been with much patience assisting me in many different ways throughout my study. In Thailand, co-operation from a wide range of stakeholders in the education reform policy was of paramount significance. I thank all key informants who were willing to give interviews and to provide their information and opinions on the policy. The key informants are politicians who were responsible for the education reform policy in Thailand from 1999 to 2009, bureaucrats of the Ministry of Education and other related agencies, school executives, teachers, educational supervisors, scholars, and the chairperson of the National Parent Network Association. My thanks also go to all of my lecturers and supervisors during my undergraduate and postgraduate studies in Thailand. They have always supported me morally and academically. Knowledge I got from them is a strong foundation for my thesis. ix On a more personal note, I thank my family in Thailand who has been supporting me throughout my study. My husband, Thosaphon Chieocharnpraphan, has always been on my side for nine years in hardship and in happiness. Without his company, I would not have been able to come this far. Gregory Bruce Bradford, my best Australian friend who has made my life in Australia happy and enjoyable. He is also my best English teacher who has patiently taught me English since 2010 so that I can write this thesis more effectively. I also wish to thank Thomas Knight, who has always patiently fixed my computer. Without his assistance, my work would have been lost. I am also in the debt of Allan and Jenny Nicholls, my homestay parents. They are like my father and mother in Australia. Without their kind support and generous assistance, I would not have been able to settle down well in Canberra. I thank all my Thai friends in Canberra. They are not only friends, but they are also my family members in Canberra. Last but not least, I thank Phenphan Weissel, my first Thai friend in Australia, who has always cooked delicious Thai food for me. The support from compatriots is always significant overseas. x Chapter 1 Introduction Rationale and Significance of the Thesis In 1997, Thailand encountered the most severe economic crisis in its modern history. This crisis had unprecedented traumatic effects on people’s daily lives. The country’s educational system was blamed on the ground that it had failed to prevent the crisis in the first place. On the other hand, it was also considered a solution to revive the country’s economy from the recession, to lay a strong foundation to enhance the country’s competitiveness in the era of globalisation, and to promote the wellbeing of Thai people in every perspective. Before the promulgation of the National Education Act B.E.2542 (1999), hereinafter the National Education Act, there had been some critical problems in Thailand’s educational system, which urgently needed to be resolved, exemplified by the inequality of access to high quality education between urban and rural children. There were about 7.1 million children between 13 and 24 years of age who were excluded from the compulsory educational system. Worse still, when compared to 47 other countries, Thailand’s competitiveness ranked lowly at 33, which also reflected on the poor quality of the educational system (Office of Education Reform 2001a, p.1). Additionally, there had been other weaknesses that exacerbated the educational system of Thailand. These included: (1) the lack of reliable indicators to measure the standards of schools and other educational institutions nationwide; (2) the teacher-centred teaching method, which has ignored the true potential of learners; (3) the centralised administrative system which has led to the inefficiency, rigidity and inertia of decision-making procedures, as well as the low-level of participation of civil-society organisations and ordinary citizens. Consequently, the Chapter 1 1 demand for a comprehensive education reform had been continuously increasing in Thai society. The most significant milestone which turned the education reform vision into reality was the Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand B.E.2540 (1997), which was commonly known as the ‘People’s Constitution’. It was the first constitution of Thailand having the most tangible provisions
Recommended publications
  • June 9, 2021 Thai Enquirer Summary Political News • Today Sees Several
    June 9, 2021 Thai Enquirer Summary Political News Today sees several hot issues that drive the already hot political temperature a few degrees higher. The biggest issue today is the fact that most major mainstream media houses are all now predicting a house dissolution by the end of the year and an election as early as 2022. To add fuel to the ongoing fire of possible house dissolution, the press conference by the 2014 coup leader and incumbent Prime Minister – Prayut Chan-o-cha, who during the press conference said “This government has a life of about a year and I have instructed all Cabinet ministers to be clear of any corruption issues.” This is the clearest indication that the government of Prayut Chan-o-cha is looking to dissolve the parliament. It was reported by Manager Daily that during yesterday’s Cabinet meeting the 2014 coup leader reportedly told the Cabinet ministers there that ‘this cabinet has 1 more year to go and after that we all will go our separate ways.’ Below are the front pages of some of the main media houses Daily News – Prayut sends signal of possible house dissolution Krungthep Thurakij - Says that accelerate the work as Prayut wants to show his work before house dissolution Thai Post - Govt. side’s 4 MPs to be prosecuted by NACC including Preecha. Matichon - 4 MPs to be prosecuted while Democrat and BJT in shock Public Health Minister Anutin Charvirakul who is the leader of Bhumjai Thai party came out to say that the party is ready for an election anytime there is a need.
    [Show full text]
  • Thai Freedom and Internet Culture 2011
    Thai Netizen Network Annual Report: Thai Freedom and Internet Culture 2011 An annual report of Thai Netizen Network includes information, analysis, and statement of Thai Netizen Network on rights, freedom, participation in policy, and Thai internet culture in 2011. Researcher : Thaweeporn Kummetha Assistant researcher : Tewarit Maneechai and Nopphawhan Techasanee Consultant : Arthit Suriyawongkul Proofreader : Jiranan Hanthamrongwit Accounting : Pichate Yingkiattikun, Suppanat Toongkaburana Original Thai book : February 2012 first published English translation : August 2013 first published Publisher : Thai Netizen Network 672/50-52 Charoen Krung 28, Bangrak, Bangkok 10500 Thailand Thainetizen.org Sponsor : Heinrich Böll Foundation 75 Soi Sukhumvit 53 (Paidee-Madee) North Klongton, Wattana, Bangkok 10110, Thailand The editor would like to thank you the following individuals for information, advice, and help throughout the process: Wason Liwlompaisan, Arthit Suriyawongkul, Jiranan Hanthamrongwit, Yingcheep Atchanont, Pichate Yingkiattikun, Mutita Chuachang, Pravit Rojanaphruk, Isriya Paireepairit, and Jon Russell Comments and analysis in this report are those of the authors and may not reflect opinion of the Thai Netizen Network which will be stated clearly Table of Contents Glossary and Abbreviations 4 1. Freedom of Expression on the Internet 7 1.1 Cases involving the Computer Crime Act 7 1.2 Internet Censorship in Thailand 46 2. Internet Culture 59 2.1 People’s Use of Social Networks 59 in Political Movements 2.2 Politicians’ Use of Social
    [Show full text]
  • 28Th Meeting of Ministers of Health, Bangkok, Thailand, 7 September
    Report of the Twenty-eighth Meeting f Ministers of Health of Countries f the South-East Asia Region Thailand, 7 September 201 0 4 SEA-HM Meet-28 Distribution: General Report of the Twenty-eighth Meeting of Ministers of Health of Countries of the South-East Asia Region Bangkok, Thailand, 7 September 2010 © World Health Organization 2010 All rights reserved. Requests for publications, or for permission to repro- duce or translate WHO publications, whether for sale or for noncommercial distribution, can be obtained from Publishing and Sales, World Health Or- ganization, Regional Office for South-East Asia, Indraprastha Estate, Ma- hatma Gandhi Marg, New Delhi-110 002, India (fax: +91-11-23370197; e-mail: publications@ searo.who.int). The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this pub- lication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the World Health Organization concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. Dotted lines on maps represent approximate border lines for which there may not yet be full agreement. The mention of specific companies or of certain manufacturers’ products does not imply that they are endorsed or recommended by the World Health Organization in preference to others of a similar nature that are not men- tioned. Errors and omissions excepted, the names of proprietary products are distinguished by initial capital letters. All reasonable precautions have been taken by the World Health Organiza- tion to verify the information contained in this publication.
    [Show full text]
  • May 10, 2021 Thai Enquirer Summary Covid-19 News • the Situation In
    May 10, 2021 Thai Enquirer Summary Covid-19 News The situation in Bangkok still remains at worrying levels although the total number of cases that were announced this morning saw a slight drop. Total number of new infection - 1,630 Total number of new death - 22 Total number of infections in the country - 56,142 Total number of people recovered - 27,782 Total number of people recovered today - 1,603 Sunday saw 2,021 new cases and 17 deaths Saturday saw 2,419 new cases and 19 deaths To make matters worse, Bangkok Metropolitan Administration has come out to admit at the meeting that the number of people being infected is ‘way beyond their ability to manage’. The meeting held yesterday saw that BMA coming out to accept that the situation was out of control. This prompted Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha to set up a new Covid-19 management committee only for Bangkok. If you thought that things were bad, a member of parliament of Phalang Pracharat party that is the party in power, came out to announce on her social media page that despite all the outbreak there were still some illegal gambling dens operating in Bangkok. She pointed out to a illegal gambling den in Phayathai area where the owner reportedly has been diagnosed with Covid-19 virus. She said that as many as 50 per cent of the more than 20+ people who have been identified as being people who had visited the illegal gambling den have been identified to be infected with the virus.
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy and the Thai Middle Class: Globalization, Modernization, And
    DEMOCRACY AND THE THAI MIDDLE CLASS Globalization, Modernization, and Constitutional Change Neil A. Englehart Abstract Although democratization in Thailand is often seen as an illustration of mod- ernization theory, the extent of middle class support for democracy is actually unclear. The greatest advance for Thai democracy in the 1990s was the pas- sage of the 1997 Constitution, more closely linked to economic globalization than modernization. Thai democratization in the 1990s is commonly charac- terized as a classic case of modernization theory in action. The moderniza- tion argument holds that economic development in Thailand created a substantial, well-educated urban middle class that wanted accountable demo- cratic government. Thus, when a military coup overthrew a fledgling demo- cratic regime in 1991, it led to middle class protests in 1992 that ejected the junta and put Thailand firmly on the path to democratic consolidation. These events purportedly demonstrated that military governments are no longer ten- able in the face of middle-class demands for democracy. Does modernization theory provide an accurate account of the Thai case? Close examination of the evidence shows that it does not. The Thai middle class cannot be characterized as having coherent political preferences. Some Neil A. Englehart is Assistant Professor of Government and Law at Lafayette College in Easton, Pennsylvania, and is currently a member of the Institute for Ad- vanced Study in Princeton, New Jersey. Laura Luerhmann, Melissa Miller, Clark Neher, Michael Nelson, and an anonymous reviewer all provided valuable comments on this paper. Asian Survey , 43:2, pp. 253–279. ISSN: 0004–4687 Ó 2003 by The Regents of the University of California.
    [Show full text]
  • SCAN0602.Pdf
    62SL037_cover_Eng.pdf 1 7/31/2562 BE 11:01 AM Policy Statement of the Council of Ministers Delivered by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister, to the National Assembly Thursday, 25 July B.E. 2562 (2019) TABLE OF CONTENTS Announcement on the Appointment of the Prime Minister I Announcement on the Appointment of Ministers II Policy Statement of the Council of Ministers 1 Delivered by General Prayut Chan-o-cha, Prime Minister, to the National Assembly, Thursday, 25 July B.E. 2562 (2019) 12 Core Policies 3 1. Protecting and Upholding the Monarchy 3 2. Ensuring Stability, Safety and Peace in the Country 3 3. Fostering Religion, the Arts and Culture 4 4. Promoting Thailand’s Role on the Global Stage 5 5. Enhancing Economic Development and National Competitiveness 7 6. Developing Economic Areas of Potential and Delivering Prosperity 16 to All Regions 7. Enhancing the Country’s Strength through a Bottom-up Approach 17 8. Reforming Education and Learning and Enhancing the Potential of 20 Thai People of All Ages 9. Improving the Public Health System and Social Security 24 10. Restoring Natural Resources and Protecting the Environment to 25 Create Sustainable Growth 11. Reforming Public Sector Management 27 12. Preventing and Suppressing Corruption and Malfeasance, 29 and Improving the Judicial Process 12 Urgent Policies 30 1. Solving Bread-and-Butter Concerns 30 2. Improving the Welfare System and Enhancing the People’s 31 Quality of Life 3. Implementing Economic Measures to Cope with Volatilities in the 31 Global Economy 4. Providing Assistance to Farmers and Promoting Innovation 31 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) Working Paper Series No
    Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) Working Paper Series No. 188 Authoritarian Constitution-Making in Thailand, 2015-16: Elite (aphichon) Capture Turns a “Dual Polity” into a “System of Elite Rule with Elections,” or a “Thai-style Authoritarianism” Michael H. Nelson German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance (CPG) Faculty of Law Thammasat University Authoritarian Constitution-Making in Thailand, 2015-16: Elite (aphichon) Capture Turns a “Dual Polity” into a “System of Elite Rule with Elections,” or a “Thai-style Authoritarianism” Michael H. Nelson German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance (CPG) Faculty of Law, Thammasat University Preliminary remarks on the referendum result1 This working paper was finished shortly before the second referendum on a draft constitution in Thai history took place on 7 August 2016. The general assumption that scholars of politics “analyze the referendum as an institution within the framework of representative democracy” (Gallagher 2014:173) did not apply to Thailand since both referendums were held when mili- tary dictators ruled the country. The “National Council for Peace and Order” (NCPO), as the coup plotters called themselves, had come up, through their Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC), with a “‘constitution of the victor’ [called aphichon in this text, M.N.] rather than ‘the constitution of the people’” (The Nation, 26 April 2016). Nevertheless, these people ap- proved the draft constitution imposed upon them by a vote of 61.4 percent to 38.7 percent (2007: 57.8 percent to 42.2 percent). They also approved the “additional question” enabling the future military-appointed Senate to participate in the vote for prime minister (more on this below) by 58.1 to 41.9 percent.2 1 The opinions expressed in this paper are my own and do not necessarily reflect the policy of the CPG, the Fac- ulty of Law, or Thammasat University.
    [Show full text]
  • 'Thailand's Amazing 24 March 2019 Elections'
    Contemporary Southeast Asia 41, No. 2 (2019), pp. 153–222 DOI: 10.1355/cs41-2a © 2019 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute ISSN 0129-797X print / ISSN 1793-284X electronic Anatomy: Future Backward DUNCAN McCARGO The most popular man in Thailand appears out of the bushes on Thammasat University campus, dripping with sweat and with no staff in sight: Future Forward leader Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit is promptly mobbed by fans clamouring for selfies and autographs. Voters on Bangkok’s Charoenkrung Road look delighted to see a former prime minister out on the campaign trail: eager to show off his fitness, Abhisit Vejjajiva practically runs up some footbridge steps, leaving the local candidate panting behind. A Pheu Thai candidate asks a village crowd in Ubon Ratchathani to raise their hands if they are better off now than they were five years ago: everyone roars with laughter at a woman who puts her hand up by mistake, since nobody could possibly be better off. In Pattani, thousands of people stay until midnight at a football ground to hear prominent speakers from the Prachachart Party. No big outdoor rallies like this have been held after dark in the three insurgency-affected southern border provinces since 2004. The weeks leading up to the 24 March 2019 elections were a time of excitement; after almost five years of military rule following the 22 May 2014 coup d’état, Thais were finally free to express themselves politically. Around 51 million people were eligible to vote, while a record total of 80 political parties and 13,310 candidates from across the ideological spectrum were listed on their ballot papers.
    [Show full text]
  • Thailand's 20 December 2020 Provincial Elections: a Contest
    ISSUE: 2020 No. 145 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 18 December 2020 Thailand’s 20 December 2020 Provincial Elections: A Contest among National Political Parties and a Quasi-Party? Evidence from the Andaman Coast Michael J. Montesano* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • Voters across Thailand will go to the polls on 20 December 2020, to elect chairmen of provincial administrative organisations and members of the councils of those organisations. • At a time of deep-seated political crisis in the country, observers have assumed the “nationalisation” of Thai provincial politics, and the central relevance of political parties to that process. • Consideration of political parties’ decisions on whether formally to contest the 2020 provincial elections and close scrutiny of races for the post of provincial administrative organisation chairman in four provinces on the Andaman Coast of South Thailand suggest that this relevance, along with the role of parties, remains minimal. • In 2020, provincial-national dynamics in Thai politics, as mediated by political parties, thus demonstrate little change from patterns of the recent past. • Even the much-noted effort of the Progressive Movement led by Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit to nationalise provincial polls does not seem to defy this pattern. • Thai political parties may rely on local structures of power, respect and influence in fighting national elections. But to see candidates in provincial elections simply as torch-bearers for national parties is to adopt a flawed understanding. * Michael J. Montesano is Coordinator, Thailand and Myanmar Studies Programmes, ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, and a co-editor of the forthcoming book Praetorians, Profiteers or Professionals? Studies on the Militaries of Myanmar and Thailand (ISEAS Publishing).
    [Show full text]
  • Le Système Thaksin : Coup De Frein Au Processus De Démocratisation Ou « Voie Thaïlandaise » Vers La Démocratie ?
    L e s É t u d e s d u C E R I N° 115 - juin 2005 Le système Thaksin : coup de frein au processus de démocratisation ou « voie thaïlandaise » vers la démocratie ? Nicolas Revise Centre d'études et de recherches internationales Sciences Po Nicolas Revise Le système Thaksin : coup de frein au processus de démocratisation ou « voie thaïlandaise » vers la démocratie ? Résumé Thaksin Shinawatra, le Premier ministre thaïlandais, est l’homme de tous les superlatifs : magnat des télécommunications, milliardaire, il est le seul chef de gouvernement thaïlandais élu ayant réussi à boucler une législature avant d’être reconduit triomphalement pour un deuxième mandat. Son parti, le Thai Rak Thai (« Les Thaïlandais aiment les Thaïlandais »), gouverne avec une majorité parlementaire écrasante. Parvenu au pouvoir dans le sillage de la crise asiatique de 1997 et de la Constitution démocratique thaïlandaise promulguée la même année, Thaksin constitue une synthèse de l’histoire récente du pays : il est l’héritier des régimes militaires autoritaires des années 1960-1970 et le produit d’une libéralisation politique et économique ayant porté au pouvoir des hommes d’affaires mus en politiciens professionnels. Mais que le « système Thaksin » – mélange d’autoritarisme et de libéralisme – marque un coup d’arrêt à vingt-cinq ans de démocratisation politique ou qu’il incarne une « voie thaïlandaise » vers la démocratie, le Premier ministre ne peut gouverner à sa guise : il a face à lui une société civile dynamique, complexe et structurée qui a déjà fait par trois fois au moins la démonstration éclatante de sa capacité de mobilisation politique.
    [Show full text]
  • La Thaïlande Audrey Baron-Gutty
    Paradigme politique et évolution des institutions éducatives. Le cas d’une société non-occidentale : la Thaïlande Audrey Baron-Gutty To cite this version: Audrey Baron-Gutty. Paradigme politique et évolution des institutions éducatives. Le cas d’une société non-occidentale : la Thaïlande. Science politique. Université Lumière - Lyon II, 2011. Français. tel-00678967 HAL Id: tel-00678967 https://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00678967 Submitted on 14 Mar 2012 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. Université Lumière Lyon 2 Ecole Doctorale ED 483 ScSo Institut d’Etudes Politiques de Lyon Institut d’Asie Orientale IAO (UMR 5062) Paradigme politique et évolution des institutions éducatives Le cas d’une société non-occidentale : la Thaïlande Thèse pour le doctorat en science politique Sous la direction du Professeur Yveline LECLER présentée et soutenue publiquement par Audrey GUTTY (BARON-GUTTY) le 28 Novembre 2011 Membres du Jury : Hélène BUISSON-FENET , Chargée de recherche de 1 ère Classe, ENS Lyon Yves DÉLOYE , Professeur des universités, IEP Bordeaux ; rapporteur Bruno JETIN , Maître de conférences, Université Paris 13 Yveline LECLER , Professeur des universités, IEP Lyon ; directrice de thèse Sandrine MICHEL , Maître de conférences-HDR, Université Montpellier 1 ; rapporteur Annie VINOKUR , Professeur des universités, Université Paris 10 1 Remerciements Je tiens à remercier, en tout premier lieu, Yveline Lecler, pour son soutien et son aide tout au long de mes années de doctorat.
    [Show full text]
  • Bab Ii Kudeta Militer Dan Demokratisasi Thailand 2.1
    BAB II KUDETA MILITER DAN DEMOKRATISASI THAILAND 2.1. Posisi Militer dalam Politik Thailand Sejak berakhirnya sistem pemerintahan Monarki Konstitusional pada tahun 1932, militer memiliki peran yang cukup besar dalam politik pihak militer tidak hanya mengurusi masalah pertahanan tetapi juga masalah keamanan nasional yaitu stabilitas politik di pemerintahan.27 Pihak militer sebagai aparatur negara seperti aparat kepolisian telah memiliki pengaruh besar dalam pembuatan kebijakan politik. Militer selalu mengatasnamakan dirinya sebagai pelindung negara. Lemahnya kekuatan sipil dan kuatnya pengaruh militer memaksa Thailand menjadi negara otoriter. Fenomena kudeta banyak terjadi dikarenakan bahwa kinerja pemerintahan sipil tidak efektif dan tidak melembaga, badan eksekutif tidak dapat menguasai serta mengontrol militer, maka peluang terjadinya kudeta relatif terbuka lebar.28 Pada saat terjadi kudeta tahun 1932 militer Thailand berawal memasuki politik yang menjatuhkan sistem Monarki Absolut. Kudeta yang terjadi pada saat itu dipengaruhi dari beberapa faktor seperti situasi perekonomian negara semakin memburuk dan juga ada campur tangan raja pada waktu itu, namun kudeta ini termasuk langkah awal bagi masuknya militer ke dalam ranah politik di Thailand. 27Sri Issundari. “Latar Belakang Kudeta Militer Thailand Pada Masa Pemerintahan PM Thaksin Shinawatra,”Jurusan Hubungan Internasional UPN “Veteran” Yogyakarta, Vol. 12 No. 4, Desember 2008, hal. 204. 28Ibid. 28 Pengambil-alihan kekuasaan yang dilakukan pihak militer disebabkan oleh ketimpangan ekonomi akibat penyalahgunaan kekuasaan. Thaksin Shinawatra lebih dianggap sebagai pemimpin yang berkarakteristik pebisnis, korupsi, kronisme, nepotisme. Pemerintahan yang korup ataupun peraturan perundang- undangan yang tidak beres mengakibatkan buruknya kondisi pemerintahan Thailand. Semua kudeta yang terjadi selalu memunculkan dugaan kalau militer yang selalu melatarbelakanginya. Selama ini petinggi militer Thailand selalu memainkan peran sangat penting disetiap peristiwa kudeta maupun peristiwa unjuk rasa yang terjadi.
    [Show full text]