NOTES

Introduction: The Mother’s Mark and the Maternal Monster 1 . Douglas Kelly, “The Domestication of the Marvelous in the Melusine Romances,” in Melusine of Lusignan: Founding Fiction in Late Medieval France , ed. Donald Maddox and Sarah Sturm-Maddox (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1996), pp. 39–40 [32–47]. 2 . Sarah Alison Miller, Medieval Monstrosity and the Female Body (New York: Routledge, 2010), p. 3; William F. MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger: High Medieval Medicine and the Problem(s) of the Child,” in Medieval Mothering , ed. John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Routledge, 1999), p. 3 [3–24]. 3 . Siobhain Bly Calkin, “Marking Religion on the Body: Saracens, Categorization, and The King of Tars,” The Journal of English and Germanic Philology 104.2 (2005): 229 [219–238]. 4 . Kay Staniland, “Royal Entry into the World,” in England in the Fifteenth Century: Proceedings of the 1986 Harlaxton Symposium , ed. Daniel Williams (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell Press, 1987), p. 309 [297– 313]; MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger,” 8; Susan Karant-Nunn, The Reformation of Ritual: An Interpretation of Early Modern Germany (London: Routledge, 1997), p. 78. 5 . Renate Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born: Representations of Caesarean Birth in Medieval and Renaissance Culture (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990), pp. 10 and 26. 6 . I Timothy 2:14; Dyan Elliot, Fallen Bodies: Pollution, Sexuality, and Demonology in the Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), pp. 3–6. 7 . Caroline Walker Bynum, Jesus as Mother: Studies in the Spirituality of the High Middle Ages (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982), p. 143. 8 . Alexandra Barratt, ed., The Knowing of Woman’s Kind in Childing (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), p. 46. MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger,” p. 5. 9 . Miller, Medieval Monstrosity , p. 57; Karma Lochrie, Covert Operations: The Medieval Uses of Secrecy (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999), p. 120. 196 NOTES

10 . Helen Cooper, The English Romance in Time: Transforming Motifs from Geoffrey of Monmouth to the Death of Shakespeare (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), pp. 29–30; Felicity Riddy, “Middle English Romance: Family, Romance, Intimacy,” in The Cambridge Companion to Medieval Romance , ed. Roberta L. Krueger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), p. 235 [232–252]. 11 . Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” p. 245. 12 . Bettina Bildhauer, “Blood, Jews and Monsters in Medieval Culture,” in The Monstrous Middle Ages , ed. Bettina Bildhauer and Robert Mills (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2003), pp. 90–91 [75–96]. 13 . Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, “Monster Culture (Seven Theses),” in Monster Theory: Reading Culture , ed Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. 4 [3–25].

1 Women’s Secrets and Men’s Interests: Rituals of Childbirth and Northern Octavian 1 . The Middle English (Northern) Octavian romance exists in two extant manuscripts: The Lincoln Thornton Manuscript (Lincoln, Dean and Chapter Library, MS 91), and the closely related Cambridge Manuscript (Cambridge, University Library, MS Ff.2.38). A third incomplete edi- tion exists in a fragment of an early print, Huntington (San Marino, Huntington Library 14615). Editions of each of these manuscripts are found in the facing-page Octovian . Frances McSparran, ed. Octovian EETS o.s. 289 (London: Oxford University Press, 1986). Internal evidence of the Lincoln Thornton manuscript suggests that it was copied in the sec- ond quarter of the fifteenth century, in the northeast Midlands, and the Cambridge manuscript later in that century, near Essex. McSparran sug- gests that both versions of the Northern Octavian were probably composed during the second half of the fourteenth century (42). Unless otherwise marked by “C.,” all citations will refer to the Lincoln Thornton text, fol- lowing the EETS edition edited by Frances McSparran. 2 . Geraldine Heng, Empire of Magic: Medieval Romance and the Politics of Cultural Fantasy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2003), pp. 29 and 185. Felicity Riddy also notes the persistent centrality of families to fourteenth- and fifteenth-century popular English romance, but avoids the term “family romance,” preferring instead to associate the romances with the idea of the “domestic.” See Felicity Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” pp. 235–252. 3 . Cooper, English Romance in Time , pp. 324 and 326. 4 . Heng, Empire of Magic , p. 185; David Salter, “‘Born to Thraldom and Penance’: Wives and Mothers in Middle English Romance,” in Writing Gender and Genre in Medieval Literature: Approaches to Old and Middle English Texts , ed. Elaine Treharne (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 2002), p. 44 [41–60]; Jennifer Fellows, “Mothers in Middle English Romance,” NOTES 197

in Women and Literature in Britain, 1150–1550, ed. Carol M. Meale (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 43–44 [41–60]. 5 . David Salter, “‘Born to Thraldom and Penance’: Wives and Mothers in Middle English Romance,” in Writing Gender and Genre in Medieval Literature: Approaches to Old and Middle English Texts, ed. Elaine Treharne (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1997), p. 44. 6 . Gail McMurray Gibson, “Blessing from Sun and Moon: Churching as Women’s Theatre,” in Bodies and Disciplines: Intersections of Literature and History in the Fifteenth Century, ed. Barbara A. Hanawalt and David Wallace (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996), p. 144 [139– 154]; see also Adrian Wilson, “The Ceremony of Childbirth and Its Interpretation,” in Women as Mothers in Pre-Industrial England, ed. Valerie Fildes (London: Routledge, 1990), pp. 68–107. 7 . Kay Staniland suggests that in terms of the woman’s retreat into the lying-in chamber, “All of the late fifteenth-century accounts of court cer- emonials simply use the formula ‘when it plessithe the Queen to take to hir chambre,’ or a variation upon it, to describe the withdrawal of the heav- ily pregnant queen from the court. A sixteenth-century document [BL, Egerton MS 985, f.98] suggests that four to six weeks were normal.” See Staniland, “Royal Entry,” p. 301. As Becky Lee points out, emergencies and sudden labor might disrupt the normative gender exclusions, in which husbands, or in extreme cases, doctors might be present. See Becky R. Lee “A Company of Women and Men: Men’s Recollections of Childbirth in Medieval England,” Journal of Family History 27 (2002): 94 [224–241]. Likewise, Renata Blumenfeld-Kosinski notes the early presence of doctors at some royal births. See Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born , p. 15. 8 . Nicholas Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry (London: Methuen, 1984), pp. 8–9. 9 . Ibid., p. 8. 10 . Lochrie, Covert Operations , p. 93. For a reading of the pregnant body’s representation of paternal and lordly dominance over a female body and feminized polity, see John Carmi Parsons, “The Pregnant Queen as Counselor and the Medieval Construction of Motherhood,” in Medieval Mothering , ed. John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Garland, 1996), p. 46 [39–62]. 11 . Lochrie, Covert Operations , p. 9. 12 . Wilson, “Ceremony,” p. 73. 13 . Staniland, “Royal Entry,” p. 302. 14 . Kim M. Philips, Medieval Maidens: Young Women and Gender in England , 1270–1540 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2003), pp. 116– 117. Philips cites a 1494 Royal Ordinance describing the enclosure of a pregnant queen after attending mass: Then all the ladies and gentlemen to go in with her; and after that no man to come into the chamber where she shall be delivered, save women; and they to be made all manner of officers, as but- lers, panters, sewers, carvers, cupbearers; and all manner of officers 198 NOTES

shall bring to them all manner of things to the great chamber door and the women officers for to receive it in the chamber. 15 . Denise Ryan, “Playing the Midwife’s Part in the English Nativity Plays,” The Review of English Studies (n.s) 54 (2003): 437 [435–448]. 16 . Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born , p. 115. As Blumenfeld- Kosinski notes, infanticide was a likely recourse in many cases of unwed childbirth. 17 . Heldris de Corn äuille, Silence: A Thirteenth-Century French Romance , ed. and trans. Sarah Roche-Mahdi (East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1992). The same desire to avoid slander or embarrassment at the hands of men who witness such a scene is evident in the fifteenth-century Middle English gynecological text, Barratt, ed., Knowing of Women’s Kind in Childing , pp. 40–42. The text suggests that its translation to the ver- nacular was completed in order to shield women from the embarrassment of male curiosity and slander by making it possible for women to treat other women. 18 . Lee “Company of Women and Men,” p. 94 [92–100]. 19 . Gail McMurray Gibson, “Scene and Obscene: Seeing and Performing Late Medieval Childbirth,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 29.1 (1999): 8–9 [7–24]. 20 . Parsons, “Pregnant Queen,” p. 43. 21 . Miller, Medieval Monstrosity , p. 140. 22 . For a reading of this trope in mystery plays, see Gibson, “Scene and Obscene.” 23 . Louis Th éo Maes, “Les Dé lits de Moeurs dans les Droit P énal Coutumier de Malines,” Revue du Nord 30 (1948): 11–12, quoted in Myriam Greilsammer, “The Midwife, the Priest, and the Physician: The Subjugation of Midwives in the Low Countries at the End of the Middle Ages,” Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 21 (1991): 290 [285–325]. 24 . Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born , 94. Felicie is referred to by crit- ics as both Jacoba and Jacqueline. As Karma Lochrie notes, this defense ultimately proved unsuccessful due to the increasing role of licensing and partitioning of roles involved in the medical professions, but the defense’s appeal to a presumed notion of propriety suggests the larger stakes involved for those who have access to and authority over the female sexual reproductive body, and the arguments and logic that surround it concerning female and male propriety and masculine control of women’s bodies through observation. See Lochrie, Covert Operations , pp. 118–119. 25 . Karant-Nunn, Reformation of Ritual , p. 83. 26 . Beryl Rowland and Margaret Jennings, “Medieval Multiple Birth,” Neuphilologische Mitteilungen 81 (1980): 173 [169–173]; and Jan Bondesmon and Arie Molenkamp, “The Countess Margaret of Henneberg and her 365 Children,” Journal of the Royal Society of Medicine 89 (1996): 712 [711– 716]. Bondeson suggests that if Margaret indeed did suffer a strange, NOTES 199

multitudinous, and unviable “childbirth” leading to her death and pro- ducing 365 “children” the size of mice, the cause of her condition was likely a hydatidiform mole, a group of growths produced in the course of an abnormal pregnancy. Hydatidiform moles occur when an unvi- able fertilized egg develops into a potentially dangerous mass with the appearance of clusters of grapes. These masses are made up of numerous individual swollen villi in the uterus. In most cases, the mass is safely passed through a spontaneous miscarriage, but in rare instances, the mass can cause a serious health risk to the afflicted woman. The Countess Margaret has been cited in some medical sources as the earliest known fatality due to hydatidiform mole, as Bondeson notes, p. 715. For an over- view of the condition, its cause, presentation, and history, see R. Slim and A. Mehio, “The Genetics of Hydatidiform Moles: New Lights on an Ancient Disease,” Clinical Genetics 71 (2007): pp. 25–27 [25–34]. 27 . Bondeson, “Countess Margaret of Henneberg,” p. 712. 28 . Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born , p. 103. 29 . Ibid. Significantly, Jewish women were excluded from this courtesy, as Blumenfeld-Kosinski points out. 30 . Jean Rychner, ed., Les.XV. Joies de Mariage (Genè ve: Librairie Droz, 1967), p. 18 (translation mine). 31 . Ibid., pp. 19–26. 32 . The consistent association of women with both gluttony and sinful speech was a staple of medieval misogynistic material, as R. Howard Bloch has demonstrated. For an outline and analysis of this association, see R. Howard Bloch, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 14–22, p. 65. 33 . Suzanne M. Yeager, “The Siege of Jerusalem and Biblical Exegesis: Writing about Romans in Fourteenth-Century England,” Chaucer Review 39 (2004): 94, 89 [70–102]. 34 . Ibid., p. 84. 35 . Gibson, “Scene and Obscene,” p. 11. 36 . Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry, p. 9. 37 . Gibson, “Scene and Obscene,” pp. 11–13. 38 . Bumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born , p. 16. 39 . Peggy McCracken, The Curse of Eve, the Wound of the Hero (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003), p. ix, p. 3. 40 . Bildhauer, “Blood, Jews and Monsters in Medieval Culture,” p. 91; and Bettina Bildhauer, Medieval Blood (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2006), p. 7. 41 . McCracken, Curse of Eve , p. 58. 42 . Ibid., p. 68. 43 . “Notwithstanding she shall be saved in childbearing, if they continue in faith and charity and holiness with sobriety” (I Timothy 2:14). In repre- sentations of childbirth and childbirth culture, Jennifer Wynne Hellwarth sees a struggle with conflicting doctrines of fruitfulness and chastity. See 200 NOTES

Jennifer Wynne Hellwarth, The Reproductive Unconscious in Medieval and Early Modern England (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 6. 44 . The Venerable Bede, Bede’s Ecclesiastical History of the English People , ed. Bertram Colgrave and R. A. B Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1969), pp. i. 27, 88, 89, 90, and 91. 45 . Ibid., pp. i. 27, 89, and 91. 46 . Paula M. Rieder, “Insecure Borders: Symbols of Clerical Privilege and Gender Ambiguity in the Liturgy of Churching,” in The Material Culture of Sex, Procreation, and Marriage in Premodern Europe , ed. Anne L. McClanan and Karen Rosoff Encarnaci ón (New York: Palgrave 2002), p. 99. 47 . Orme, Medieval Children , p. 31. 48 . Gail McMurray Gibson, “Saint Anne and the Religion of Childbed: Some East Anglian Texts and Talismans,” Interpreting Cultural Symbols: Saint Anne in Late Medieval Society (Atlanta: University of Georgia Press, 1990), p. 96 [95–110]. See also Carolly Erickson, The Medieval Vision: Essays in History and Perception (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1976), p. 196. 49 . Rieder, “Insecure Borders,” p. 99. 50 . Kathryn Taglia, “The Cultural Construction of Childhood: Baptism, Communion, and Confirmation,” in Women, Marriage, and Family in Medieval Christendom: Essays in Memory of Michael M. Sheehan, C.S.B, ed. Constance M. Rousseau and Joel T. Rosenthal (Kalamazoo: Western Michigan UP, 1998), p. 259. For a discussion of the specific controversies concerning the appropriate burial site of a postpartum woman and/or her child who died during a Caesarian section, see Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born, 26. See Erickson, Medieval Vision , pp. 195–197, for a further discussion of church and folk beliefs concerning menstrual con- tamination, pregnancy, death, and burial. 51 . Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry , pp. 8–9; Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born, p. 26; See also Gail McMurray Gibson, Theatre of Devotion (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), p. 61. 52 . Karant-Nunn, Reformation of Ritual , p. 78. 53 . Ibid. 54 . Erickson, Medieval Vision , p. 196. 55 . Orme, From Childhood to Chivalry , p. 9. 56 . The conversion of the woman’s bedchamber into a lying-in room was completed at this time, and her return from the church marked the offi- cial change in status of the room. See Staniland, “Royal Entry,” p. 309. 57 . Dani èle Alexandre-Bidon and Didier Lett, Children in the Middle Ages, Fifth through Fifteenth Centuries (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1999), p. 14. 58 . Gibson, “Blessing from Sun and Moon,” p. 149; Wilson, “Ceremony,” p. 78. 59 . Sue Niebryzdowski, “Asperges Me, Domine, Hyssopo : Male Voices, Female Interpretation and the Medieval English Purification of Women After Childbirth Ceremony,” Early Music 39.3 (2011): 330 [327–333]. NOTES 201

60 . Staniland, “Royal Entry,” p. 308. 61 . Gibson, “Blessing from Sun and Moon,” p. 147. Staniland, “Royal Entry,” p. 308. For accounts of expenditures concerning churching and postchurching festivities, see also Jennifer Ward, Women of the English Nobility and Gentry, 1066–1500 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), pp. 68–70. 62 . Becky Lee, “Men’s Recollections of a Woman’s Rite: Medieval English Men’s Recollections Regarding the Rite of Purification after Childbirth,” Gender & History 14.2 (2002): 230 [224–241]. 63 . See Staniland, “Royal Entry,” pp. 299–308; and Lee, “Men’s Recollections,” pp. 224–241 for more detailed descriptions of churching feasts in England in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. 64 . Lee, “Men’s Recollections,” p. 224. 65 . Ibid., and Parsons, “Pregnant Queen,” p. 49. Note that while Lee sug- gests that the purification festivities marked the return of the wife to the conjugal bed and therefore highlighted her active sexual status, Parsons argues that the passive presence of the objectified mother acts to mask or deemphasize her sexuality. 66 . Albertus Magnus, “Questiones super de animalibus,” in Alberti Magni Opera Omnia , vol. 12, ed. Berhardus Geyer (Aschendorff: Monasterii Westfalorum, 1955), p. 150.

2 “That Moder Ever Hym Fed”: Nursing and Other Anthropophagies in Sir Gowther 1 . Sir Gowther survives in two extant late fifteenth-century manuscripts from the Northeast Midlands, British Library Royal MS 17.B.43 and National Library of Scotland MS Advocates 19.3.1, though the date of composition of both redactions is placed at around 1400. Quotations in this work will be taken from the Advocates version, as found in Maldwyn Mills, ed., Six Middle English Romances (Rutland, VT: Charles E Tuttle Co., 1992). 2 . For examples of this pattern in Gowther criticism, see Shirley Marchalonis, “ Sir Gowther : The Process of a Romance,” Chaucer Review 6.1 (1971): 14–29, E. M. Bradstock, “ Sir Gowther : Secular Hagiography or Hagiographical Romance or Neither?” AUMLA: Journal of the Australasian Universities Language and Literature Association 59 (1983): 26–47, Henry Vandelinde, “Sir Gowther : Saintly Knight and Knightly Saint,” Neophilologus 80 (1996): 139–147, and Alcuin Blamires, “The Twin Demons of Aristocratic Society in Sir Gowther ,” in Pulp Fictions of Medieval England: Essays in Popular Romance , ed. Nicola McDonald (Ma nchester: Ma nchester Un iver sit y Press, 20 04), pp. 45 – 62 . Ma rcha lon is and Blamires both suggest that the secular elements in the romance out- weigh the hagiographic trajectory, though Marchalonis does note some Eucharistic additions to the romance that were not included in the source 202 NOTES

texts. Bradstock, on the other hand, argues that the hagiographic mode is ultimately dominant in the narrative. For a slightly different take on the issue, see Andrea Hopkins, The Sinful Knights: A Study of Middle English Penitential Romance (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990). Hopkins argues that the poem is at once “a highly stylized exemplum” and “also a highly crafted romance,” masquerading as a Breton lai (158, 150). 3 . Sir Gowther has been recognized as a version of the popular Robert le Diable narrative, which appeared in various prose and verse forms from the twelfth century on. For a comprehensive description of this narrative and some analysis of its differences from Sir Gowther, see Hopkins, Sinful Knights , pp. 146–157. Some of the more important distinctions between this narrative and Sir Gowther include the absence of the orchard seduc- tion scene, the duchess’ lies to her husband in Sir Gowther, the half diabol- ical nature of Sir Gowther ’s protagonist, Robert’s externalized compulsion to commit evil as opposed to Gowther’s apparent delight in it, the can- nibalistic aspects of Gowther’s nursing, and the Eucharistic emphasis on the feeding at the emperor’s table. 4 . David Williams, Deformed Discourse: The Function of the Monster in Mediaeval Thought and Literature (Montreal: McGill-Queen’s Universit y Press, 1996), p. 145; Nicola McDonald, “Eating People and the Alimentary Logic of Richard C œ ur de Lion ,” in Pulp Fictions of Medieval England: Essays in Popular Romance , ed. Nicola McDonald (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004), pp. 124–150 [124–150]. 5 . Diana Fuss, Identification Papers (New York: Routledge, 1995), p. 96. 6 . Williams, Deformed Discourse , p. 145. 7 . Maggie Kilgour, From Communion to Cannibalism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), p. 7; McDonald, “Eating People,” p. 139. 8 . Kilgour, From Communion to Cannibalism , 4. 9 . Bildhauer, “Blood, Jews and Monsters in Medieval Culture,” pp. 76–96, p. 81 [75–96]. 10 . Jill Tattersall, “Anthropophagi and Eaters of Raw Flesh in French Literature of the Crusade Period: Myth, Tradition and Reality,” Medium Æ vum 57 (1988): 240–241; McDonald, “Eating People,” p. 139; Kilgour, From Communion to Cannibalism , p. 7. 11 . Bildhauer, “Blood, Jews and Monsters in Medieval Culture,” p. 81. 12 . Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999), p. 121. 13 . Carole Rawcliffe, Sources for the History of Medicine in Late Medieval England (Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1995), p. 13; McCracken, Curse of Eve , p. ix. Also see David C. Lindberg, The Beginnings of Western Science: The European Scientific Tradition in Philosophical, Religious, and Institutional Context, 600 B.C. to A.D. 1450 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992), especially pp. 126–128. 14 . McCracken, Curse of Eve , p. ix. 15 . Isodore of Seville, Etymologiarum sive originvm , ed. W. M. Lindsay, 2 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon), 1911, (9.6, definition 4). “Consanguinei vocati eo NOTES 203

quod ex uno sanguine, id est ex uno patris semine nati sunt. Nam semen viri spuma est sanguinis ad instar aquae in scopulos conlisae, quae spu- mam candidam facit, vel sicut vinum nigrum, quod in calice agitatum spumam albentem reddit.” 16 . Clarissa W. Atkinson, The Oldest Vocation: Christian Motherhood in the Middle Ages (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991), p. 39; Lochrie, Covert Operations , 109; and Bildhauer, “Blood, Jews and Monsters in Medieval Culture,” pp. 90–91. 17 . McCracken, Curse of Eve , p. ix. 18 . Bildhauer, “Blood, Jews and Monsters in Medieval Culture,” pp. 88 and 83. 19 . McCracken, Curse of Eve , p. 110. 20 . Faye Getz, Medicine in the English Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1998), pp. 36, 39, and 47. 21 . Ibid., p. 35. 22 . Ibid., p. 36. 23 . Ibid., pp. 41, 47, and 64. 24 . Rawcliffe, Sources , p. 4. 25 . E. J. Mickel Jr., ed., The Old French Crusade Cycle , Vol. 1: La Naissance du Chevalier au Cygne : Elioxe , Beatrix , ed. Han A. Nelson (Tuscaloosa, Alabama: University of Alabama Press, 1977), l.747. 26 . Aristotle, Generation of Animals , ed. and trans. A. L. Peck (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press) 1953, II, i, 731b31–732a1. Joan Cadden, Meanings of Sex Difference in the Middle Ages (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 22; Bettina Bildhauer, “Bloodsuckers: The Construction of Female Sexuality in Medieval Science and Fiction,” in Consuming Narratives: Gender and Monstrous Appetite in the Middle Ages and Renaissance , ed. Liz Herbert McAvoy and Teresa Walters (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2002), p. 105 [104–115]. 27 . Cadden, Sex Difference, pp. 24–25, 33–35. Whether or not the menstrual blood was considered a seed or simple materia was largely determined by whether a writer followed a Galenic or Aristotelian model of reproduc- tion. In the Galenic model, both men and women contributed a seed to the child, which competed for influence in the shaping of the child. The female’s seed was, however, still considered to be a form of menstrual blood. In the Aristotelian model, only the father’s contribution was con- sidered a seed, and it ideally provided the blueprint for the child so that it would resemble the father. Any deviation from this pattern was seen as a deformation of the child’s intended form. Both models, however, funda- mentally defined parental contribution as blood. 28 . Aristotle, Generation of Animals , 73Ib3I–732aI. For further discussion, see Bildhauer, “Bloodsuckers,” p. 105; Cadden, Sex Difference , p. 22; Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex: Body and Gender From the Greeks to Freud (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 35–36. 29 . Barratt, ed., Knowing of Woman’s Kind in Childing , p. 46. 30 . MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger,” p. 5 [2–24]. 204 NOTES

31 . Magnus, “Questiones super de animalibus,” p. 150. 32 . McCracken, Curse of Eve , p. xi. Erickson, Medieval Vision , p. 195. For a description of the connections between Levitican prohibitions on unclean women and the later Christian traditions, see Elliot, Fallen Bodies , pp. 3–6. 33 . Barratt, ed., Knowing of Woman’s Kind in Childing , p. 48: “Women þat be with schyld have no flovrys be-cause þ e schyulde ys norschyde in here body with þ e same flovrys.” A Middle English Trotula manuscript is even more specific about the means by which the blood is transferred from mother to child, stating that “this blode þat passith from women in tyme of hir purgacion cometh ou te of þ e veynes flat been in þ e marice that is cleped the moder & norisscher to þ e childern ry t conceyved in hem.” In Beryl Rowland, ed., Medieval Woman’s Guide to Health , The First English Gynecological Handbook (Kent, OH: Kent State University Press, 1981), p. 60. 34 . John Trevisa, On the Properties of Things: John Trevisa’s Translation of Bartholom æ us Anglicus De Proprietatibus Rerum: A Critical Text , vol. 1, ed. M. C. Seymour et al., 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975), 6.4, p. 298. 35 . Rowland, ed., Medieval Woman’s Guide to Health , pp. 58–60. 36 . Tania Colwell, “Mé lusine: Ideal Mother or Inimitable Monster?” in Love, Marriage, and Family Ties in the Later Middle Ages , ed. Isabel Davis, Miriam Mü ller, and Sarah Rees Jones (Turnhout: Brepols, 2003), pp. 185–186 [181–204]. 37 . MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger,” p. 3. 38 . Colwell, “M élusine,” p. 189. 39 . Ibid., pp. 185–186. 40 . Heng, Empire of Magic , p. 98. 41 . Michael Goodich, “Bartholomaeus Anglicus on Child-Rearing,” History of Childhood Quarterly 3 (1975): 77 [75–84]. 42 . Colwell, “Mé lusine,” pp. 185–186. See also MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger,” p. 3. 43 . Trevisa, On the Properties of Things , p. 303. 44 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 4; See also Atkinson, Oldest Vocation , p. 39. 45 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 4; McCracken, Curse of Eve , p. 68; Rieder, “Insecure Borders,” pp. 98–99 [93–114]. 46 . Barratt, ed., Knowing of Woman’s Kind in Childing , p. 72: Thus schall yow fede hym: wete yowur fyngure in þ e hony & put hit in to hys movth & let hym sok hit wele & þan yf hym mylk, [f.17v] but lok ye gyve hym not hys modyrs mulk [fyrst] fo be-cause of þ e travelynge þ at sche hath had & þ e purgacyon, for þat mylk ys not so good and holsame as oþ er ne wyll not [defye] so ly thly as oþ er tyll sche have restyd a whylle; & svmme say þat hyt were good for a chyld to drynk þ e mylk of ix women be-fo‘o’re he drank eny of hys modere & þ an hys modere mylk ys best for hym. NOTES 205

47 . Blumenfeld-Kosinski, Not of Woman Born , p. 26. 48 . McDonald, “Eating People,” p. 143. 49 . Carol ine Wa l ker By num, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987), pp. 3, 256–257. 50 . Kilgour, From Communion to Cannibalism , p. 15. 51 . Qtd. in Miri Rubin, Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), p. 27: “est mirabilis et interminabilis unio inter cibatum et cibum et conversio unius in alterum.” Bonaventure, Opera Omnia , vol. 9, 265, complete sermon: 258–266. ed. P.P. of the College of St Bonaventure, 10 vols. (Florence: College of Saint Bonaventure, 1882–1902). 52 . Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologi æ , pt. 3 q. 73 a.3, ed. and trans. Thomas Gilby, O. P. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006 [1965]), vol. 58, pp. 12–13. 53 . Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast , pp. 256–257. 54 . Sarah Beckwith, Christ’s Body: Identity, Culture and Society in Late Medieval Writings (London: Routledge, 1993), p. 3. 55 . G. J. C. Snoek, Medieval Piety from Relics to the Eucharist: A Process of Mutual Interaction (Leiden: Brill, 1995), p. 28. See also McDonald, “Eating People,” p. 143 for a slightly different rendition and interpretation of this narrative. 56 . Snoek, Medieval Piety , p. 28. 57 . Rubin, Corpus Christi , p. 136; Snoek, Medieval Piety , pp. 311–312; for a representative example, see Snoek, Medieval Piety , p. 37. 58 . Rubin, Corpus Christi , p.139. 59. Bynum, Holy Feast , pp. 271–272; Bynum, Jesus as Mother , p. 123. 60 . Bynum, Holy Feast , p. 239. 61 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 5. 62 . Bynum, Holy Feast , p. 265. 63 . Qtd. in Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p.110: “O beata ubera, quae dum tenue lac puer- ilibus labris infundunt, angelorum cibum et hominum pascunt . . . Manat liquor ex uberibus Virginis, et in carnem uertitur Saluatoris . . . Illud siquidem corpus christi quod beatissima Virgo genuit . . . illud inquam, abseque ulla dubietate, non aliud, nunc de sacro altari percipimus, et eius sanguinem in sacramentum nostrae redemptionis haurimus” from Peter Damian, Serm 45, c. 4, Sermones , ed. Giovanni Lucchesi, CCCM, 57 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1983), p. 267. 64 . Rubin, Corpus Christi , p. 142. 65 . Bynum, Holy Feast , p. 271. 66 . Bynum, Jesus as Mother , pp. 152–153. 67 . Trevisa, On the Properties of Things , p. 303. 68 . See Bynum, Jesus as Mother , pp. 117, 123, and 133. For example, Aelred of Rievaulx encourages a fellow believer to nurse from Christ: “Have a representation of our savior hanging on the cross; that will bring before 206 NOTES

your mind his Passion for you to imitate, his outspread arms will invite you to embrace him, his naked breasts will feed you with the milk of sweetness to console you.” De institutione , chap. 26, Opera omnia 1: p. 698, trans. M. P. Mcpherson in The Works of Aelred of Rievaulx 1: Treatises and Pastoral Prayer (Spencer, MA: Cistercian Publications, 1971), p. 73. See also Elaine H. Pagels, “What Became of God the Mother? Conflicting Images of God in Early Christianity,” Signs 2 (1976): 293–303, 302. 69 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 5. Thomas Aquinas directly addresses this ques- tion: Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologiae 3a, q. 3I, art. 5, resp. ad 3, ed. and trans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province (London: Blackfriars, 1972), 52: 26–29. 70 . Goodich, “Child-Rearing,” p. 77. 71 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 109. 72 . Gibson, “Blessing From Sun and Moon,” pp. 139–154 and 151. 73 . Rubin, Corpus Christi , p. 149; Atkinson, Oldest Vocation , p. 79; Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 4. 74 . Bynum, Holy Feast , p. 30. 75 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 29. 76 . Bynum, Holy Feast , p. 278. 77 . Ibid., pp. 136 and 257. 78 . Rubin, Corpus Christi , p. 343. 79 . Qtd. in Bynum, Holy Feast , p. 266. 80 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , pp. 53 and 32–34. 81 . Henry Kramer and James Sprenger, Malleus maleficarum 1487, photo- graphic facsimile of the first edition (Hildesheim: Georg Olms, 1992), pt. 1, q. 3; pt. 2, q.1, c. 4, fols. 11r–13v, 55r–55v; trans. Montague Summers (London: John Rodker, 1928; rprt. New York:Dover, 1971), pp. 21–28 and 112–113. See Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 33, for discussion of how this theory fit in with preexisting theological positions. 82 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 57. 83 . Jeffrey John Cohen, “Gowther among the Dogs: Becoming Inhuman c.1400,” in Becoming Male in the Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey J. Cohen and Bonnie Wheeler (New York; London: Garland Publishing, 1997), p. 225. 84 . John Block Friedman, The Monstrous Races in Medieval Art and Thought (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981), p. 1; Michael Uebel, “The Foreigner Within: The Subject of Abjection in Sir Gowther ,” in Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages , ed. Albrecht Classen (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 108 [196–117]. 85 . Jesus Montañ o, “Sir Gowther : Imagining Race in Late Medieval England,” in Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages , ed. Albrecht Classen (New York: Routledge, 2002), p. 122 [118–132]. 86 . Montañ o, “Sir Gowther ,” p. 223. 87 . Cohen, “Gowther among the Dogs,” p. 222. 88 . Ibid; Blamires, “Twin Demons,” pp. 52–53. NOTES 207

89 . Blamires, “Twin Demons,” pp. 46 and 53; Hopkins, Sinful Knights , p. 152; Cohen, “Gowther among the Dogs,” p. 222; Marchalonis, “Sir Gowther ,” p. 18; Jane Gilbert, “Unnatural Mothers and Monstrous Children in The King of Tars and Sir Gowther ,” in Medieval Women: Texts and Contexts in Late Medieval Britain , ed. Jocelyn Wogan-Browne, Rosalynn Voaden, Arlyn Diamond, Ann Hutchison, Carol Meale, and Lesley Johnson (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), pp. 338 and 339 [329–344]; Uebel, “Foreigner Within,” p. 101. 90 . Williams, Deformed Discourse , p. 286. 91 . Ibid., p. 288. 92 . Ibid., p. 288–289. 93 . Ibid., p. 145. 94 . Uebel, “Foreigner Within,” p. 101. 95 . Bradstock, “ Sir Gowther ,” pp. 39–40. 96 . Cohen, Of Giants, pp. 130–131. 97 . Elliot, Fallen Bodies , p. 12. 98 . Marchalonis, “ Sir Gowther ,” 20; Cohen, Of Giants , p. 136. 99 . Montañ o, “Imagining Race,” p. 127. 100 . Blamires, “Twin Demons,” pp. 52–53. 101 . Cohen, “Gowther among the Dogs,” p. 220. 102 . Uebel, “Foreigner Within,” p. 102. 103 . Williams, Deformed Discourse , p. 143; Cohen, “Monster Culture (Seven Theses),” p. 83; Liz Herbert McAvoy and Teresa Walters, “Introduction,” in Consuming Narratives: Gender and Monstrous Appetite in the Middle Ages and Renaissance , ed. Liz Herbert McAvoy and Teresa Walters (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2002), p. 5 [1–14]. 104 . Williams, Deformed Discourse , p. 14.

3 “Youre Owene Thyng”: The Clerk’s Tale and Fantasies of Autonomous Male Reproduction 1 . For a reading of the Clerk’s Tale that links Walter’s need to produce an heir with Richard II’s notorious failure in this duty, see Michael Hanrahan, “‘A Straunge Succesour Sholde Take Your Heritage:’ The Clerk’s Tale and the Crisis of Ricardian Rule,” The Chaucer Review 35.4 (2001): 336 [335–350]. 2 . Sam Worby, Law and Kinship in Thirteenth-Century Kinship (Suffolk: Boydell Press, 2010), p. 41. 3 . Philip Barker, “The Politics of Primogeniture: Sex, Consciousness and Social Organisation in North-Western Europe (900–1250 AD),” in Feudalism: Comparative Studies , ed. Edmund Leach, S. N. Mukherjee, and John Ward. Sydney Association for Studies in Society and Culture, No. 2 (Sydney: Pathfinder Press, 1985), p. 91; Carolyn Dinshaw, Chaucer’s Sexual Poetics (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1989), p. 91. 4 . Worby, Law and Kinship , p. 143. 208 NOTES

5 . Cadden, Sex Difference, p. 24. 6 . Bildhauer, Medieval Blood , p. 88. 7 . Gabrielle M. Spiegel, “Genealogy: Form and Function in Medieval Historical Narrative,” History and Theory: Studies in the Philosophy of History 22 (1983): 49 [43–53]. 8 . Isodore of Seville, Etymologiarum sive originvm (9. 6. definition 4). 9 . Fellows, “Mothers in Middle English Romance,” p. 42 [41–60]. 10 . Edmund Leach, “Complementary Filiation and Bilateral Kinship,” in The Character of Kinship, ed. Jack Goody (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973), p. 56 [53–58]. 11 . Leach, “Complementary Filiation,” p. 56. 12 . Cecil R. Humphrey-Smith, “An Introduction to Medieval Genealogy, Part I,” Family History 9 (1975): 6. 13 . Bildhauer, Medieval Blood , p. 98. 14 . Mary Murray, “Primogeniture, Patrilineage, and the Displacement of Women,” in Women, Property, and the Letters of the Law in Early Modern England , ed. Nancy E. Wright, Margaret W. Ferguson, and A. R. Buck (University of Toronto Press: Toronto, 2004), p. 124. 15 . Ibid., p. 129 [121–136]. 16 . Laura D. Barefield, Gender and History in Medieval English Romance and Chronicle (New York: Peter Lang, 2003), p. 75; John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler, “Introduction: Medieval Mothering, Medieval Motherers,” in Medieval Mothering , ed. John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Routledge, 1999), p. xv. 17 . Dana M. Oswald, Monsters, Gender and Sexuality in Medieval English Literature (Woodbridge: D. S. Brewer, 2010), p. 130. 18 . Edmund Leach, Culture and Communication: The Logic by Which Symbols are Connected (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), pp. 74–75. 19 . Lynda E. Boose, “The Father’s House and the Daughter in It: The Structures of Western Culture’s Daughter-Father Relationship,” in Daughters and Fathers , ed. Lynda E. Boose and Betty S. Flowers (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), p. 21. 20 . This reading conforms to anthropological and historical readings of the construction of women under exogamous patriarchy. For representative examples, see Boose, “Father’s House,” pp. 19–74 and Leach, Culture and Communication , pp. 74–75. 21 . Lochrie, Covert Operations , p. 121. 22 . Ibid., p. 97. Lochrie notes the irony that the Secret of Secrets itself is based on a tenth-century Arabic text called Kit ā h Sirr al-Asr ā r (Book of the Secret of Secrets), p. 101. 23 . Monica Green, “From ‘Diseases of Women’ to ‘Secrets of Women’: The Transformation of Gynecological Literature in the Later Middle Ages,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 30.1 (2000): 12 [5–39]. 24 . Lochrie, Covert Operations , p. 93. 25 . Ibid., p. 120. NOTES 209

26 . Ibid., p. 142. 27 . Glanvill , The Treatise on the Laws and Customs of the Realm of England Commonly Called Glanvill, ed. and trans. G. D. G Hall (London: Nelson, 1965), bk. 11, par. 3. 28 . Lochrie, Covert Operations, p. 12 0; Bi ld h auer, “Blood sucker s,” p. 10 6 [10 4 – 115]; MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger,” p. 16 [3–24]. 29 . Miller, Medieval Monstrosity , p. 79. 30 . Calkin, “Marking Religion on the Body,” pp. 219–238. 31 . Alexandre-Bidon and Lett, Children in the Middle Ages, p. 56. 32 . Larry Scanlon, Narrative, Authority, and Power: The Medieval Exemplum and the Chaucerian Tradition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), p. 187. 33 . Allyson Newton, “The Occlusion of Maternity in Chaucer’s Clerk’s Tale ,” in Medieval Mothering , ed. John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler (New York: Garland, 1996), p. 63 [63–76]. 34 . John Finlayson notes that “it is generally agreed that Chaucer has drawn attention much more than Petrarch to the human suffering of Griselda and the pathos of her position.” John Finlayson, “Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Chaucer’s Clerk’s Tale ,” Studies in Philology 97.3 (2000): 264–265 [255– 275]. In addition, Robert Worth Frank Jr. notes many of Chaucer’s modi- fications to the Griselda narrative, suggesting that Chaucer’s obscuring of Griselda’s interiority represents “possibly Chaucer’s most significant change”: Robert Worth Frank Jr., “Pathos in Chaucer’s Religious Tales,” in Chaucer’s Religious Tales , ed. C. David Benson and Elizabeth Robertson (Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1990), p. 48 [39–52]. 35 . Hanrahan, “Straunge Succesour Sholde Take Your,” pp. 343 [335–350].

4 “A Mooder He Hath, But Fader Hath He Noon”: Maternal Transmission and Fatherless Sons: The Man of Law’s Tale 1 . Sarah Hanley, “Identity Politics and Rulership in France: Female Political Place and the Fraudulent Salic Law in Christine de Pizan and Jean de Montreuil,” in Changing Identities in Early Modern France , ed. Michael Wolfe (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997), p. 79 [78–94]. 2 . Jules Viard, ed., Les Grandes Chroniques de France , 10 vols. (Paris: Librarie Ancienne Honor é Champion, 1920–1955), 8: 297–298. 3 . The complicated nature of this statement can be demonstrated by the text and commentary of De secretis mulierum , where the text notes that “every human being who is naturally conceived is generated from the seed of the father and the menses of the mother, according to all philosophers and medical authorities. And I say ‘medical authorities’ because Aristotle did not believe that the father’s seed was part of the substance of the fetus, but rather that the fetus proceeded from the menses alone . . . The doctors, on the other hand, believe that the fetus is made up of male and female seed together.” Here, the text first asserts directly that fathers contribute seed 210 NOTES

and mothers menses, which is not identified as seed, and then an elabo- ration explains a further distinction between an Aristotelian position, which corresponds to the original statement and a “medical” position, that allows both women and men seed. Commentator A wades into this controversy by acknowledging it but reframing the medical position as one that grants male seed more power because it grants it physical status as matter, ignoring the status of the female contribution as seed, continu- ing to refer to it as menses: “The medical authorities say the opposite, however, because man is made from the most noble material, and thus the male seed must enter the fetus materially, because the female menses is a superfluity of the second digestion and the male seed is better cooked and digested. Therefore it is necessary that it enter into the matter and substance of the fetus, for it is seen that sometimes the fetus resembles the father in genitals and in other ways, and this would be impossible if sperm were not incorporated materially.” Helen Rodnite Lemay, trans., Women’s Secrets: A Translation of Pseudo-Albertus Magnus’ De Secretis Mulierum with Commentaries (Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1992), pp. 63–64. 4 . John Milton Potter, “The Development and Significance of the Salic Law of the French,” English Historical Review 53 (1937): 236 [235–253]. 5 . Hanley, “Identity Politics,” p. 79. 6 . Colette Beaune, The Birth of an Ideology: Myths and Symbols of Nation in Late-Medieval France (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), p. 248. 7 . Edward’s claim followed the seizure of his lands in Gascony by Philip VI. Thus, while the content of the argument was genealogical, the motive was territorial. See Christopher Allmand, The Hundred Years War: England and France at War c.1300–c.1450 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), p. 10. 8 . Potter, “Development and Significance of the Salic Law,” pp. 237–239. 9 . The feudal, rather than genealogical basis of the war is insistently, even testily affirmed by historians of the Hundred Years War, who often appear as if still fighting a rearguard action against the longevity of the genealog- ical propaganda surrounding the Hundred Years War. For two examples, see E. Perroy, The Hundred Years War (London: Eyre and Spottiswood, 1951), p. 69; and Allmand, Hundred Years War, p. 10. 10 . For example. S. J. Payling notes: “It is surprisingly difficult to find among the families chronicled examples of cases in which the heir general was largely, if not entirely, disinherited in favour of a male collateral, whether by an earlier settlement in tail male or an ad hoc settlement”: S. J. Payling, “Social Mobility, Demographic Change, and Landed Society in Late Medieval England,” Economic History Review 45 (1992): 59 [51–73]. 11 . J. C. Holt, Colonial England 1066–1215 (London: Hambledon Press, 1997), p. 247. 12 . Payling, “Social Mobility,” p. 52. Payling notes that the Black Death disrupted the generally stable ratio of landowning families who left direct NOTES 211

male and female heirs, or no heirs at all: “From the reign of Henry III . . . to the Black Death, there was very little variation in the pattern. About 72 per cent of male landowners left sons (or sons of sons) as their heirs, 10 per cent left daughters (or the issue of daughters), and the remaining 18 per cent left no issue . . . The plague-ridden years of the second half of the fourteenth century, however, brought about a sudden and profound change. Population fell rapidly . . . Comparing the half century that fol- lowed the Black Death with the period that went before it, the proportion of landholders leaving sons fell to 57 per cent; leaving daughters rose to 15 per cent; but leaving no children rose to as much as 29 per cent . . . This crisis of male succession was at its height in the late 1370s and early 1380s, when less than half of landowners left sons to succeed them. It was not until after c. 1450 that the pattern recovered to approximate to that pre- vailing before the Black Death.” Payling, “Social Mobility,” p. 54. 13 . David Crouch, The Image of Aristocracy in Britain, 1000–1300 (New York: Routledge, 1992), p. 10. 14 . Hanley, “Identity Politics,” p. 79. 15 . Ibid; Beaune, Birth of an Ideology , p. 48. Thus, as Sarah Hanley notes, a woman in Paris could transmit inheritance rights to her son or grandson yet not claim them for herself. Yet in other countries and fiefdoms in France, female inheritance in the absence of brothers was the norm, and, at least until the English claims to the French throne, this practice was openly accepted by Capetian kings. 16 . Potter, “Development and Significance of the Salic Law,” pp. 237–239. 17 . Sarah Hanley, “Mapping Rulership in the French Body Politic: Political Identity, Public Law and the King’s One Body ,” Historical Reflections/ Reflexions Historiques 23.2 (1997): 136 [129–149]. 18 . Jean Froissart, Chroniques , ed. George T. Diller, 5 vols., vol. 1 (Gen ève: Droz, 1991), p. 174. 19 . Cadden, Sex Difference, p. 23. 20 . Ibid., p. 24. 21 . Bildhauer, Medieval Blood , p. 88. 22 . Barker, “Politics of Primogeniture,” p. 97 [87–104]. 23 . Laura Barefield notes the tendency for medieval genres such as chronicle and romance, which have an ideological investment in patrilineal blood- lines to downplay or elide maternal contribution to offspring: Barefield, Gender and History , pp. 13 and 23. 24 . Cadden, Sex Difference , p. 35. 25 . Trevisa, On the Properties of Things , p. 295. One might note that the pas- sage mentions the possibility that the father’s seed will have precedence or that both seeds will manifest equally. The precedence of the mother’s seed is conspicuously absent. 26. Cadden, Sex Difference , p. 109. 27 . For more detailed treatment of this belief, see MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger,” pp. 3–24, and Kelly, “Domestication of the Marvelous in the Melusine Romances,” pp. 32–47, at pp. 39–40. 212 NOTES

28 . Gabrielle M. Spiegel, “Maternity and Monstrosity: Reproductive Biology in the Roman de M é lusine ,” in Melusine of Lusignan: Founding Fiction in Late Medieval France , ed. Donald Maddox and Sara Sturm-Maddox (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1996), p. 104 [100–124]. 29 . The modern term for this condition is “mole,” referring to a fleshy tumor resulting from the development of an abnormal zygote. 30 . Rowland, ed., Medieval Woman’s Guide to Health , p. 140. 31 . Ibid., p. 141. 32 . Kelly, “Domestication of the Marvelous in the Melusine Romances,” pp. 39–40. 33 . Karant-Nunn, Reformation of Ritual , p. 78; Staniland, “Royal Entry,” p. 309. 34 . Calkin, “Marking Religion on the Body,” p. 227 [219–238]. 35 . Heng, Empire of Magic , p. 192. Custance’s status as a blank space or empti- ness upon whom others’ desires are written has become somewhat of a critical truism. For example, Carolyn Dinshaw suggests that “‘woman’ in the ideology of the Man of Law’s Tale is an essential blankness that will be inscribed by men and thus turned into a tale; she is a blank onto which men’s desire will be projected; she is a no-thing in herself.” See Dinshaw, Chaucer’s Sexual Poetics , p. 110. Similarly, Geraldine Heng has referred to Custance as “the blankest of blanks” as well as “an enigmatic cipher, a self-masking blank for the fantasy of others.” Pp. 192 and 191. 36 . Sue Niebrzydowski, “Monstrous (M)othering: The Representation of the Sowdanesse in Chaucer’s Man of Law’s Tale ,” Consuming Narratives: Gender and Monstrous Appetite in the Middle Ages and Renaissance , ed. Liz Herbert McAvoy and Teresa Walters (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2002), p. 202 [196–207]. 37 . Ibid., p. 203. 38 . Cooper, English Romance in Time , p. 295. 39 . Parsons and Wheeler, “Introduction: Medieval Mothering, Medieval Motherers,” pp. xv [1x–xvii]. 40 . Barefield, Gender and History, p. 75. 41 . Boose, “Father’s House,” pp. 21 and 53 [19–74]. 42 . Calkin, Saracens and the Making of English Identity , p. 86. 43 . Margo Hendricks, “Monstrosity and the Mercurial Female Imagination,” in Consuming Narratives: Gender and Monstrous Appetite in the Middle Ages and Renaissance , ed. Liz Herbert McAvoy and Teresa Walters (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2002), p. 96 [95–103]. 44 . Brian Lawn, ed., The Prose Salernitan Questions (Oxford: Oxford University Press), 1979, B35, p. 19 and P80, pp. 236–237. See also discussions in MacLehose, “Nurturing Danger,” p. 8, and Kelly, “Domestication of the Marvelous in the Melusine Romances,” pp. 39–40 [3–24]. 45 . Kelly, “Domestication of the Marvelous in the Melusine Romances,” pp. 39–40. Kelly notes the prevalent belief in the “mother-mark,” a birth- mark or other physical mark or deformity on a child that corresponded to an imagined object of fear or desire, even of idle musing on the part of NOTES 213

the pregnant mother. See also MacLehose “Nurturing Danger,” p. 8, and Karant-Nunn, Reformation of Ritual, p. 78. 46 . Alcuin Blamires notes the prevalence in medieval romance of the idea that “where the offspring fails to conform to elite social expectations, medieval society is prepared to allege contamination in the succession”: Blamires, “Twin Demons,” p. 50 [44–62]. Sir Gowther and Cheuelere Assigne offer representative examples of women accused of infidelity with devils, men, and dogs resulting in (or, as in the case of Cheuelere Assigne , the women are framed to make it look as if their misbehavior has resulted) in deformed, demonic, or bestial children. The flip side of this ideology, or course, is that a lost heir, even one raised in mean circumstances, will show his true breeding through physical markers or effortless conformity to social norms relating to his or her true birth status. For examples of this sort of resolution, see Octavian , Havelok the Dane , and Lai le Freine . 47 . Cooper, English Romance in Time , p. 116. 48 . Holt, Colonial England , p. 247. 49 . Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” p. 245 [235–252]. 50 . Crouch, Image of Aristocracy , p. 10. 51 . Dinshaw, Chaucer’s Sexual Poetics, p. 102. 52 . Ibid., p. 100; Barrie Ruth Straus, “Reframing the Violence of the Father: Reverse Oedipal Fantasies in Chaucer’s Clerk’s, Man of Law’s, and Prioress’s Tales,” in Domestic Violence in Medieval Texts, ed. Eve Salisbury, Georgiana Donovin, and Merrall Llewelyn Price (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2002), p. 134. 53 . Dinshaw, Chaucer’s Sexual Poetics, p. 95. 54 . Ibid. 55 . Gail Ashton points out a similar logical problem for a claim of autonomous male self-replication, in this case, on Alla’s part: “What Alla sees, then, when he looks upon the boy for the first time, is his wife’s image, not his own; patriarchy is patently not perpetuated in his own image.” See Gail Ashton, “Her Father’s Daughter: The Realignment of Father-Daughter Kinship in Three Romance Tales,” Chaucer Review 34 (2000): 422 [416–427].

5 Forgetting Eleanor: Richard Coer de Lyon and England’s Maternal Aporia 1 . For examples of this trend in criticism of RCdL , see John Finlayson, “Richard, Coer de Lyon : Romance, History or Something in Between?” Studies in Philology 87.2 (Spring, 1990): 156–180; Suzanne Conklin Akbari, “The Hunger for National Identity in Richard Coer de Lion ,” in Reading Medieval Culture: Essays in Honor of Robert W. Hanning , ed. Robert M. Stein and Sandra Pierson Prior (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2005), pp. 198–227; Alan S. Ambrisco, “Cannibalism and Cultural Encounters in Richard Coeur de Lion ,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 29.3 (1999): 499–528; and Suzanne M. Yeager, Jerusalem in Medieval Narrative (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), pp. 48–77. 214 NOTES

2 . Suzanne Conklin Akbari, “Hunger”; Ambrisco, “Cannibalism”; Yeager, Jerusalem ; and Geraldine Heng, ‘The Romance of England: Richard Coer de Lyon , Saracens, Jews, and the Politics of Race and Nation’ in The Postcolonial Middle Ages, ed. J. J. Cohen (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2001), pp. 135–172 all fall into this category. 3 . Kathy Lavezzo, “Introduction,” in Imagining a Medieval English Nation , ed. Kathy Lavezzo (Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 2004), p. xvi [vii–xxxiv]; Jeffrey Jerome Cohen, Hybridity, Identity and Monstrosity in Medieval Britain: On Difficult Middles (New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2006), p. 13. 4 . Representative examples of this tendency include Yeager, Jerusalem , and Heng, Empire of Magic . 5 . Ambrisco, “Cannibalism,” p. 513. 6 . Thorlac Turville-Petre, England the Nation: Language, Literature, and National Identity, 1290–1340 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996), p. 181. 7 . Turville-Petre, England the Nation , p. 181. See also Cooper, English Romance in Time , p. 11, for a description of early fourteenth-century associations of language with social class. 8 . Lesley A. Coote, “Laughing at Monsters in Richard Coeur de Lyon ,” in Grant Ris é e? The Medieval Comic Presence / La Pr é sence comique m é di é vale: Essays in Memory of Brian J. Levy , ed. A. P Tudor and A. Hindley (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), p. 208 [193–211]. 9 . Bradford B. Broughton, The Legends of King Richard I, Coeur de Lion: A Study of Sources and Variations to the Year 1600 (Mouton & Co.: The Hague, 1966), p. 23; Yeager. Jerusalem in Medieval Narrative , p. 53. 10 . Ambrisco, “Cannibalism,” p. 511. 11 . Yeager, Jerusalem in Medieval Narrative , p. 69. 12 . Carolyn B. Anderson, “Constructing Royal Character: King Richard in Richard Coer de Lyon ,” Publications of the Medieval Association of the Midwest 6 (1999): 101 [85–108]; Coote, “Laughing at Monsters,” p. 108; Yeager, Jerusalem , p. 53. 13 . Yeager, Jerusalem, p. 516. 14 . Cooper, English Romance in Time , p. 4. 15 . “The English versifier could hardly have been ignorant of Eleanor’s fame, and he must have assumed that his readers would identify Cassodorien with Eleanor.” Robert L. Chapman, “A Note on the Demon Queen Eleanor,” Modern Language Notes 70 (1955): 394 [393–396]. 16 . Cassodorien’s attempt to take John with her carries with it not only the implication that he is somehow more his mother’s son than Richard is, but it also adds the sting of feminization—fairy mothers typically abscond with their daughters. 17 . John Carmi Parsons, “Damned if She Didn’t and Damned When She Did: Bodies, Babies, and Bastards in the Lives of Two Queens of France,” in Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady , ed. Bonnie Wheeler and John C. Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), p. 278 [265–300]. NOTES 215

18 . John Carmi Parsons and Bonnie Wheeler, “Lady and Lord: Eleanor of Aquitaine,” in Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady , ed. Bonnie Wheeler and John C. Parsons (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), pp. xvii– xxxiii. xix. See also Peggy McCracken, “Scandalizing Desire: Eleanor of Aquitaine and the Chroniclers,” in Eleanor of Aquitaine: Lord and Lady , ed. Bonnie Wheeler and John C. Parsons (Palgrave Macmillan: New York, 2002), pp. 247–264. 19 . McCracken, “Scandalizing Desire,” p. 247 [247–264]. McCracken notes that at least one account of Eleanor’s supposed adultery centers on Saladin as her lover, rather than her uncle. 20 . Turville-Petre, England the Nation , p. 123. 21 . See George Neilson, Caudatus Anglicus: A Medi æ val Slander (Edinburgh: G. P. Johnston, 1896), p. 2, and also Michael Camille, Mirror in Parchment: The Luttrell Psalter and the Making of Medieval England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998), p. 294. For his part, Camille notes the frequency with which French and Flemish illuminators distinguished Englishmen from other figures by drawing them with tails, p. 294. 22 . Neilson, Caudatus Anglicus , pp. 18–19. 23 . Heng, Empire of Magic , p. 94. 24 . McDonald, “Eating People,” p. 135. 25 . See, for example, Heng, Empire of Magic; Ambrisco, “Cannibalism”; and McDonald, “Eating People.” 26 . Akbari, “Hunger,” p. 209. 27 . Ambrisco, “Cannibalism,” p. 506; and Broughton, Legends of King Richard I , pp. 11–12. As Carolyn B. Anderson notes in “Constructing Royal Character,” both Henry II and Richard acknowledged the rumor, using it to explain some of their more unruly or unconventional behaviors, p. 90. 28 . McDonald, “Eating People,” p. 141.

6 Monstrous Maternity and the Mother-Mark: Melusine as Genealogical Phantom 1 . The Middle English Melusine is found in a unique manuscript, British Museum Royal 18.B.2. It is a prose romance ca. 1500. This prose transla- tion corresponds closely to the French prose Melusine composed around 1387 by Jean D’Arras and printed at Geneva in 1478. All citations are from Melusine , ed. A. K Donald Octovian EETS e.s. 68. (New York: Scribner & Co., 1986). Following the editorial practice of the edition, citations indicate page number followed by line numbers. 2 . Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” p. 245 [235–252]. 3 . K. B. McFarlane, Nobility of Later England (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973), p. 143. 4 . Payling, “Social Mobility,” p. 54 [51–73]. 5 . Ibid. 216 NOTES

6 . Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” p. 245. Helen Cooper notes that between the years of 1439 and 1504, 21 English peerages were transmit- ted to a new patriline through the marriage of an heiress. See Cooper, English Romance in Time , n. 474. 7 . Cooper, English Romance in Time, n. 474. 8 . Worby, Law and Kinship, p. 3. 9 . Spiegel. “Genealogy,” p. 47 [43–53]. 10 . Jane H. M. Taylor, “Melusine’s Progeny: Patterns and Perplexities,” in Melusine of Lusignan: Founding Fiction in Late Medieval France , ed. Donald Maddox and Sara Sturm-Maddox (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1996), p. 169 [165–184]. 11 . Taylor “Melusine’s Progeny,” p. 169. 12 . Barker, “Politics of Primogeniture,” p. 97 [87–104]. As noted in chap- ters 3 and 4 of this book, in practice, this system was much more compli- cated that the ideological construct. 13 . Holt, Colonial England , p. 167. 14 . Humphrey-Smith, “An Introduction to Medieval Genealogy,” p. 6 [3–15]. 15 . Barefield, Gender and History , p. 13. 16 . Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” p. 245. 17 . Frances Gies and Joseph Gies, Marriage and the Family in the Middle Ages (New York: Harper & Row, 1987), pp. 191–192. 18 . Worby, Law and Kinship , p. 51. 19 . Gies and Gies, Marriage and the Family, pp. 188–189. 20 . Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” p. 235. 21 . Ibid. 22 . Donald Maddox, “Configuring the Epilogue: Ending and the Ends of Fiction in the Roman de M élusine,” in Melusine of Lusignan: Founding F i c t i o n i n L a t e M ed i e va l F ra n c e , ed. Donald Maddox and Sara Sturm-Maddox (Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1996), p. 277 [267–288]. 23 . Cooper, English Romance in Time , pp. 382–383. 24 . Ashton, “Her Father’s Daughter,” p. 417 [416–427]. 25 . Parsons and Wheeler, “Introduction: Medieval Mothering, Medieval Motherers,” p. xi [ix–xvii]. 26 . Charlotte Bauer-Smith, “Mapping Family Lines: A Late-Fifteenth- Century Example of Genealogical Display,” in Reputation and Representation in Fifteenth-Century Europe , ed. Douglas L. Biggs, Sharon D. Michalove, and A. Compton Reeves (Leidon: Brill, 2004), p. 130 [123–144]. 27 . Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” p. 245. 28 . See chapter 4 of this book for a more extended treatment of this topic. 29 . Cadden, Sex Difference , p. 23. 30 . Ibid., pp. 24–25 and 33–35. For further discussion, see also chapters 2 and 4 of this book. 31 . Newton, “Occlusion of Maternity,” p. 6 [63–76]. NOTES 217

32 . Kelly, “Domestication of the Marvelous in the Melusine Romances,” p. 42. 33 . Here, the Middle English Melusine diverges significantly from its French source, which suggests that the organizing work of the paternal seed continues long after the birth of children. Thus, in the French version, Pressine suggests that, were it not for her “gifts” to her children, their father’s seed eventually would have completed enacting their humaniza- tion: “La vertu du germe de ton pere toy et les autres [Melusine and her sisters] eust attrait a sa nature humaine, et eussié s est é briefment hors de meurs, nimphes et faees, sans y retourner.” Thus the seed or germ of the father is imagined as continuing to shape Melusine, Melior, and Palatine, in order to bring them to full human status. However, in the Middle English Melusine , the specific role of the father’s seed is effaced in a some- what ambiguous statement that “bothe thou & thy sustirs he shuld haue drawen to hym, and ye shuld shortly haue ben out of the hands of the Nymphes & of the fairees, without to retourne eny more” (15.9–12). 34 . Riddy, “Middle English Romance,” p. 239. 35 . A fuller discussion of these practices takes place in the first chapter of this book. 36 . McCracken, Curse of Eve , pp. 90–91. 37 . Pliny, Historia naturalis 7, xv, in Natural Histor y, 10 vols., ed. and trans. W. H. S. Jones (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1963), 5: 64–66. 38 . Monica Green, ed. and trans., The Trotula: An English Translation of the Medieval Compendium of Women’s Medicine (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2001), pp. 19–22. 39 . Lochrie, Covert Operations , p. 97. Lochrie points to two bodies of texts, Secretum Secretorum ( Secret of Secrets ) and De secretis mulieribus ( On the Secrets of Women ), as the paradigmatic examples of this genre. 40 . Green, ed. and trans., Trotula, p. 25. For a discussion of the internal con- tradictions that sometimes emerged due to this amalgamation of sources, see Miller, Medieval Monstrosity , pp. 80–81. 41 . Green, “From ‘Diseases of Women’ to ‘Secrets of Women’,” p. 12 [5–39]. 42 . Lochrie, Covert Operations , p. 117. 43 . Miller, Medieval Monstrosity , p. 2. 44 . As Gabrielle Spiegel notes, this fairy compatibility represents a late addi- tion to the Melusine narrative, beginning with D’Arras’s version. Earlier versions, much like Richard Coer de Lyon , identify fairy nature as incom- patible with Christianity and Christian communities by representing fairies as unable to participate in communion or other sacraments, which does not appear to be the case with Melusine, who the romance represents as normatively attending and participating in mass, as well as actively encouraging her sons to participate in a sort of one-family crusade against Saracens. See Spiegel, “Maternity and Monstrosity,” p. 101 [100–124]. 218 NOTES

Afterword: Abjection and the Mother at the End of this Book 1 . Cooper, English Romance in Time , p. 383. 2 . Cohen, “Monster Culture,” p. 6 [3–25]. 3 . Ibid. p. 17. Miller, Medieval Monstrosity, p. 137. 4 . Bildhauer, “Blood, Jews and Monsters in Medieval Culture,” pp. 90–91 [76–96]. 5 . Miller, Medieval Monstrosity , p. 138. Part of Miller’s argument rests of the claim that feminine monstrosity differs inherently from other construc- tions of monstrosity because its monstrosity occurs “by nature,” with an understanding that that phrase refers to medieval assumptions regarding women’s bodies, p. 5. 6 . Miller, Medieval Monstrosity , pp. 143–144. 7 . Julia Kristeva, Powers of Horror: An Essay on Abjection , trans. Leon S. Roudiez (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982), p. 4. 8 . Ibid. 9 . Ibid., pp. 64, 65. 10 . Cohen, “Monster Culture,” pp. 19–20. 11 . Green, “From ‘Diseases of Women’ to ‘Secrets of Women’,” p. 12 [5–39]. 12 . Extended discussion of this topic is found in chapter 3 of this book. 13 . Lochrie, Covert Operations, p. 119 14 . Miller, Medieval Monstrosity , p. 81.

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INDEX

abjection, 188–93 Boose, Lynda E., 78, 111, 164 affective piety, xvii, 45–56 breast-feeding, 33–50, 52–4, 58, 89, Albertus Magnus, 29, 40 184, 188, 205–6n.68 Annunciation, 48, 53 see also wetnurses anthropophagy, 34, 36–50, 53–60, Bynum, Caroline Walker, xvii, 47 64, 136–7, 140–6 Aquinas, Thomas, 44, 48, 51 calumniation Aristotle see slander theory of generation, 40, 70–1, cannibalism 95–6, 99–100, 102, 169–70, 175, see anthropophagy 203n.27, 209–10n.3 Cheuelere Assigne, 10, 11, 47, 56, 213n.46 barrenness childbirth see infertility ecclesiastic attitudes toward, 19–23 birth preparations for, 6–13, 17–18, see childbirth 102, 197n.7 birthing chamber rituals related to, 3–4, 6–13, 17–18, see lying in room 19–26, 197n.7 Black Death, 97, 158, 210–11n.12 secrecy surrounding, 6–16, 17–18, blood 173–4 blood consumption, 34, 36, see also lying-in room 37–50, 64 Christopher (Saint), 55–8, 63 breast milk as a form of blood, churching, 4, 6, 19–25 40–3, 46–50 see also postchurching feast and identity, 19, 34, 37–9, 60, class mobility, 167, 210–11n.12 95–107, 109, 159, 165, 166, 169 Clerk’s Tale, 67–93, 103, 106, 107, 18, menstrual blood, xv, xvii, 11, 18, 119, 120, 180 20, 29, 38–43, 46–50, 70–1, 84, Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, 37, 53, 58, 59, 99–100, 103, 169–70, 175, 188, 62, 190, 196 189, 191, 203n.27, 204n.33 common law, 70, 72, 117 role in reproduction, 40–3, 48–50, communion 64, 70–5, 81, 87, 95–107, 109, see Eucharist 114–15, 117, 119–20, 169–74 couverture, 81–3 see also materia crisis in male succession, xxiii, Bonaventure, 44 158–60 230 INDEX crusade, 122, 124–5, 131, 138–9 see also patriline cynocephali, 52, 60 George (Saint), 125, 136 Glanvill, 83 Damian, Peter, 46, 205n.63 gossips, 7–10, 12–15, 21, 23 daughters see also childbirth, lying in room, and biological transmission, 71, 78, midwife 85, 95–100, 169 Green, Monica, 88, 175–6, 192 and inheritance rights, 11, 95–100, 117, 158, 161 heiresses, 72, 98, 207, 117, 156–8, role in marriage alliances, xvii, 78, 164–7, 170, 181, 216n.6 111–12 see also class mobility, crisis in male role in patriline, 11, 78, 84, 87, succession 95–100, 111–12, 164–6, 169 Henry de Champagne, 151 De secretis mulierum, xvii, 82, 189, Henry II of England, 130, 132, 134 209–10n.3 Hugh of Lincoln, 45 demons Hundred Years War, xvii–xviii, 97, see devils 123, 128–30, 138 devils, 21, 33, 35, 51, 52–4, 62, 122, hybridity 125, 138–53, 182 and alterity, 33, 35, 50, 52, 56, 104–12, 126, 147, 149, 155, Edward III of England, 96, 98–9, 180–4 210n.7 and Christ, 46 Eleanor of Aquitaine, 122, 126, 130, and genealogy, 104–12, 123, 149 133–5, 151–2, 154 Emaré, 103, 104–97, 118, 167, 180 illegitimacy, xvii, 8, 13, 95, 102, Englishness, 123–5, 135, 137–40, 105, 178 144–7, 154 incest, 13, 67, 87, 90–2, 97, 105–7, Eucharist 110, 118–20, 192, 156, 191 and anthropophagy, 33–4, 37–50 infanticide, 2, 157, 198n.16 and nursing, xvii, 34, 45–50 infertility, 16, 33, 161 and pregnancy, xvii, 34, 45–50 Isodore of Seville, 38, 71, 202n.15 see also Real Presence (doctrine) exogamy, xvii, 104–5, 108, 112 Jean de Berry, 162 Jeanne of Navarre, 95–8 fairies, 13, 123, 132, 134, 156, 162–6, 176–80, 217n.44 The King of Tars, 103–4 family romance, 2, 4, 64, 69, 73, 193, Kristeva, Julia, 188–90 196n.2 Lai le Freine, 10–13 Galen Le Roman de Silence, 8–9 theory of generation, 99–109, Les Quinze Joies de Mariage, 12–15 117–18, 175, 189, 203n.27 Liber Regie Capelle, 23 genealogy, 19, 33, 67–87, 92–7, 107, Lochrie, Karma, 6–7, 81–3, 176, 109, 111, 114, 122–3, 125, 131–2, 190, 192 134, 156–74, 183 Louis VII of France, 130, 134–5, 151 INDEX 231 lying-in room, 1–33, 102, 197n.7, Octavian, 1–6, 13–19, 24–31, 68, 114, 200n.56 191–2

Malleus maleficarum, 51 patriline, xvii, 3–4, 9, 19, 24, 38, Man of Law’s Tale, 97, 103–20, 121, 67–76, 96–120, 155–74, 183–5, 180, 212n.35 192–3 Margaret, Countess of Holland, 10, patrimony, 24, 70, 72, 96, 117, 11, 198–9n.26 156–61, 184 Mary patronyms, 72, 98, 160 see Virgin Mary Philip Augustus, 125, 131, 138 Mary Magdalene, 45 Philip V of France, 95–9 materia, xv–xvii, 20, 40–1, 48, 67, 71, Pliny, 175 83–5, 99–104, 169–70, 175–6, Pope Gregory (Pseudo-Gregory), 20, 188–9, 192 23, 48 see also menstruation postchurching feast, 4, 23–7 maternal transmission, xv, 68, 91–2, pregnancy 106–7, 115–20, 155, 171, 174, ecclesiastical attitudes toward, 177, 183 xvi–xvii, 19–23, 34, 48–52 McCracken, Peggy, 18–19, 37, 174 medical theories concerning, Melusine, 9, 155–9, 162–85, 187–8, xv–xvi, 41, 102, 114 191–2, 193 see also Aristotle, Theories of menstruation, 11, 18, 20, 29, 38–43, generation and Galen, theories of 46–50, 70–1, 84, 99–100, 103, generation 169–70, 175, 188, 189, 191, practices during xv, 6–13, 203n.27, 204n.33 17–18 see also materia see also lying in room midwives, 7–8, 12–13, 17, 23 primogeniture, 2, 4, 15, 68, 72, Miller, Sarah Allison, 9, 188–9, 191 119, 156, 158–60, 163, 168, monstrosity 184, 207n.3, 208n.14, 211n.22, and anthropophagy, 35, 37–8, 43, 216n.12 137, 140 Pseudo-Albertus, 84, 101, 201n.66, and categorical violation, 18, 33, 209–10n.3 37–8, 60, 64, 110–16 purification (ritual) and hybridity, 3, 33, 55–6, 110–16, see churching 147–8, 155, 174–80 and materia, 18, 83–4, 101–6, 110, Real Presence (doctrine), 33, 114, 175, 188–90 45–6, 64 monstrous birth, 10, 83–4, 97, see also Eucharist 101–6, 158, 174–80, 188–9 revisionism, 121–6, 145 mother-mark, xv–xvi, 102, 114, Richard Coer de Lyon, 121–54, 192 212n.45 Richard I of England, 123, 129–31, 151 nationalism, 122–32, 145–6, 153–4 Robert le Diable, 63, 202n.3 nursing Roman de Mélusine, 156 see breastfeeding Rubin, Miri, 46–7 232 INDEX

Salic Law, 98–9 Sir Degaré, 13 Saracens, 3, 35, 52, 55–61, 135, 137, Sir Gowther, 33–40, 43–4, 50–65 142–8, 181 slander, 11–15, 113–15, 137–40, secrecy 145–7 as a characteristic of women’s bodies, 6–13, 81–4, 175–6 tails, 137–49 in the lying in room, 6–13, Trevisa, John, 41, 42, 47, 100 16, 25–6 as a practice of power, 6–7, Virgin Mary, xvii, 3, 9, 21, 41, 12–13, 25 46–58, 62 Secrets literature, 81–4, 101, 175–80, 189–92 wetnurses, 35–7, 40–4, 52, 54, 57–9, Secretum secretorum, 82, 217n.39 89, 184