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Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J
STRATEGIC PERSPECTIVES 11 Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference by Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Center for Strategic Research Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University The Institute for National Strategic Studies (INSS) is National Defense University’s (NDU’s) dedicated research arm. INSS includes the Center for Strategic Research, Center for Complex Operations, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs, Center for Technology and National Security Policy, Center for Transatlantic Security Studies, and Conflict Records Research Center. The military and civilian analysts and staff who comprise INSS and its subcomponents execute their mission by conducting research and analysis, publishing, and participating in conferences, policy support, and outreach. The mission of INSS is to conduct strategic studies for the Secretary of Defense, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the Unified Combatant Commands in support of the academic programs at NDU and to perform outreach to other U.S. Government agencies and the broader national security community. Cover: Kathleen Bailey presents evidence of forgeries to the press corps. Credit: The Washington Times Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference Deception, Disinformation, and Strategic Communications: How One Interagency Group Made a Major Difference By Fletcher Schoen and Christopher J. Lamb Institute for National Strategic Studies Strategic Perspectives, No. 11 Series Editor: Nicholas Rostow National Defense University Press Washington, D.C. June 2012 Opinions, conclusions, and recommendations expressed or implied within are solely those of the contributors and do not necessarily represent the views of the Defense Department or any other agency of the Federal Government. -
Improving Prospects for a Peaceful Transition in Sudan
Improving Prospects for a Peaceful Transition in Sudan Crisis Group Africa Briefing N°143 Nairobi /Brussels, 14 January 2019 What’s new? Protests across Sudan flared up as the government cut a vital bread subsidy. Economic grievances are fuelling demands for political change, with protest- ers calling on President Omar al-Bashir, in power since 1989, to resign. Authorities have responded with violence, killing dozens and arresting many more. Why does it matter? In the past, President Bashir and his government have been able to ride out popular demonstrations. But these newest protests, demanding Bashir resign because of economic mismanagement and corruption, have spread to loyalist regions and coincide with rising discontent in his party. What should be done? Foreign governments influential in Khartoum should continue to publicly discourage violence against demonstrators, with Western pow- ers signalling that future aid and, in the U.S.’s case, sanctions relief are at stake. They should seek to improve prospects for a peaceful transition by creating incentives for Bashir to step down. I. Overview Protests engulfing Sudanese towns and cities have seen dozens killed in crackdowns by security forces and could turn bloodier still. Demonstrators express fury over sub- sidy cuts and call for President Omar al-Bashir to resign. Discontent within the ruling party, the depth of the economic crisis and the diverse makeup of protests suggest Bashir has less room to manoeuvre than before. He may survive, though likely by suppressing protests with levels of violence that would reverse his recent rapproche- ment with Western powers and deepen Sudan’s economic woes. -
The Big Three at the Paris Peace Conference: Questions and Answers
The Big Three at the Paris Peace Conference – Questions and Answers These questions and answers are taken from the Big Three at the Paris Peace Conference podcast at www.mrallsophistory.com. Scan the QR code or visit https://goo.gl/0L9Gjp to listen. You might find it useful to cover the answers and then write them in as you listen to the podcast. Where did the Big Three meet to discuss the fate of The Palace of Versailles outside Germany? Paris Who was the British Prime Minister? David Lloyd George Who was the President of the USA? Woodrow Wilson Who was the Prime Minister of France? Georges Clemenceau What is the name of the treaty that Germany signed Treaty of Brest-Litovsk with Russia? The British public pressured David Lloyd George to Lemon ‘squeeze Germany like a…’ what? What were Lloyd George’s two key priorities at Peace and trade Versailles? Take some of Germany’s overseas What did Lloyd George hope to do Germany’s Empire? colonies and add them to the British Empire Downloaded from www.mrallsophistory.com In which previous war had France been invaded by - Franco-Prussian War (1870-71) and lost land to - Germany? Roughly what fraction of French soldiers who had served in the French army had been killed or injured in Over two-thirds the war? Make France safe from any possible What was Georges Clemenceau’s primary aim at German attack in the future - to Versailles? weaken Germany as much as possible What kinds of peace did Woodrow Wilson hope for? A just and lasting peace What did he fear might happen if Germany was treated In the -
“Investigating the Causes of Civil Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa” Case Study: the Central African Republic and South Sudan
al Science tic & li P o u P b f l i o c l A a f Journal of Political Sciences & Public n f r a u i r o s J ISSN: 2332-0761 Affairs Review Article “Investigating the Causes of Civil Wars in Sub-Saharan Africa” Case Study: The Central African Republic and South Sudan Agberndifor Evaristus Department Political Science and International Relations, Istanbul Aydin University, Istanbul, Turkey ABSTRACT Civil wars are not new and they predate the modern nation states. From the time when nations gathered in well- defined or near defined geographical locations, there has always been internal wrangling between the citizens and the state for reasons that might not be very different from place to place. However, the tensions have always mounted up such that people took to the streets first to protest and sometimes, the immaturity of the government to listen to the demands of the people radicalized them for bloodshed. This paper shall empirically examine the cause of civil wars in Sub-Saharan Africa having at the back of its thoughts that civil wars are most times associated to political, economic and ethnic incentives. This paper shall try in empirical terms using data from already established research to prove these points. Firstly, it shall explain its independent variables which apparently are some underlying causes of civil wars. Secondly, it shall consider the dense literature review of civil wars and shall look at some definitions, theories of civil wars and data presented on a series of countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Lastly, it shall isolate two countries that will make up its comparative analysis and the explanations of its dependent variable by which it shall seek to understand what caused the outbreaks of civil wars in those two countries. -
SIPRI Yearbook 2018: Armaments, Disarmament and International
armed conflicts and peace processes 83 VI. Armed conflict in sub-Saharan Africa ian davis, florian krampe and neil melvin In 2017 there were seven active armed conflicts in sub-Saharan Africa: in Mali, Nigeria, the Central African Republic (CAR), the Democratic Repub- lic of the Congo (DRC), Ethiopia, Somalia and South Sudan.1 In addition, a number of other countries experienced post-war conflict and tension or were flashpoints for potential armed conflict, including Burundi, Cameroon, the Gambia, Kenya, Lesotho, Sudan and Zimbabwe. In Cameroon long-standing tensions within the mainly English-speaking provinces worsened in 2017 and turned violent in September, while the far north continued to be affected by the regional Islamist insurgency of Boko Haram (also known as Islamic State in West Africa).2 The symbolic declara- tion of independence by militant anglophone secessionist groups on 1 Octo- ber set the stage for further violence in Cameroon.3 The conflict is creating a growing refugee crisis, with at least 7500 people fleeing into Nigeria since 1 October. 4 In Kenya, following serious electoral violence, the year ended with major divisions and tensions between President Uhuru Kenyatta and the opposition leader, Raila Odinga.5 In Zimbabwe political tensions led to a military coup during November and the replacement of President Robert Mugabe, who has ruled the country since its independence in 1980, by his former vice-president, Emmerson Mnangagwa.6 Burundi, the Gambia, Lesotho and Sudan each hosted a multilateral peace operation in 2017.7 This section reviews developments in each of the seven active armed conflicts. -
DASHED HOPES the Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar WATCH
HUMAN RIGHTS DASHED HOPES The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar WATCH Dashed Hopes The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar Copyright © 2019 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-36970 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org FEBRUARY 2019 ISBN: 978-1-6231-36970 Dashed Hopes The Criminalization of Peaceful Expression in Myanmar Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Methodology ...................................................................................................................... 5 I. Background ..................................................................................................................... 6 II. Section 66(d) -
Read the Article “Armistice and the League of Nations” ---- If You Have Access to Google Classroom - Go to Classroom to Complete This Assignment
Tuesday, May 26, 2020 Read the article “Armistice and the League of Nations” ---- If you have access to Google Classroom - go to Classroom to complete this assignment ---- Read the following article. Think about the relationship between European countries and the fighting and events of World War 1. How Allies felt about the Germans and other Central Power countries. After reading the article, then answer the questions that follow on a separate sheet of paper . Take a picture of your answers and email the picture to your teacher. ( [email protected] , [email protected] , [email protected] , [email protected] ) Armistice and the League of Nations What did the Paris Peace Conference accomplish? Even though Russia left the war, the Allied forces increased their pressure on Germany. The Western Front ’s long standoff was broken in 1918. The Allies advanced to the German border. The Central Powers began to crumble. The Ottoman Empire surrendered at the end of October. Austria-Hungary surrendered on November 3. Germany followed, signing an armistice, or an agreement to stop the war, on November 11. This date became known as Armistice Day. The name was later changed to Veterans Day to honor the veterans of all foreign wars. In January 1919, representatives from the Allied nations gathered to discuss terms of peace. They met in the palace of Versailles outside Paris. The conference became known as the Paris Peace Conference. The treaty the Allies wrote with Germany was called the Treaty of Versailles. The United Kingdom, France, Italy, and the United States made up the “Big Four.” Their representatives were the key players in writing the treaty. -
The International Peace Movement 1815-1914: an Outline
The international peace movement 1815-1914: an outline Script of an online lecture given by Guido Grünewald on 9 June 2020* I will try to give an outline of the emergence and development of an international peace movement during its first 100 years. Since English is not my mother tongue and I haven’t spoken it for a longer time I will follow a written guideline in order to finish the job in the short time I have. The first peace organisations emerged in America and in Britain. This was no coincidence; while on the European continent after the end of the Napoleonic Wars restoration took over there were evolving democracies in the anglo-Saxon countries and a kind of peace tradition as for example carried by the quakers who renounced any kind of war. For those early societies the question if a war could be defensive and therefore justified was from the beginning a thorny issue. The New York Peace Sciety founded by merchant David Low Dodge followed a fundamental pacifism rejecting all kind of wars while the Massachussets Peace Society (its founder was unitarian minister Noah Worcester) gathered both fundamental pacifists and those who accepted strictly defensive wars. With about 50 other groups both organisations merged to become the American Peace Society in 1828. The London Peace Society had an interesting top-tier approach: its leadership had to pursue a fundamental pacifist course while ordinary members were allowed to have different ideas about defensive wars. On the European continent some short-lived peace organisations emerged only later. The formation of those first societies occured under the influence of Quakers (one of the 3 historic peace churches which renounced violence) and of Christians who were convinced that war was murderous and incompatible with Christian values. -
Yukako Otori, to Be a Modern Instrument of Peace
YUKAKO OTORI ‘TO BE A MODERN INSTRUMENT OF PEACE: AMERICAN QUAKER PACIFISM IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR’ (University of Tokyo: unpublished B.A. thesis, 2009) This thesis explores the profound impact of World War One on modern pacifism and the propulsion of modern Quaker peace testimony. The violence of mechanised, technological trench warfare shocked Progressivist-era America. The traditional isolationism of the United States was challenged by two diametrically-opposed viewpoints: militarism and pacifism. From the nineteenth-century weakening of US Quakerism (through sectarianism, industrialisation and the expansion West), the gradual consolidation of Meetings and the influence of Liberalism paved the way for the strengthening unity brought by anti-violence for the Society of Friends. The tentative path of modern, muscular and secularised US peace testimony is traced from 1914 to the 1917 American entrance to the European War under President Woodrow Wilson. The watershed was 1915, when social feminism met with Quaker faith in action (personified by Jane Addams and Lucy Biddle Lewis). Female activism resulted in the Woman’s Peace Party, a body that privileged maternal rhetoric over suffrage to protest for peace which received international attention through their 1915 participation at the Women’s Peace Congress at The Hague. From such associations, those at the 1915 Quaker Winona Lake Peace Conference and through the consequent Friends’ National Peace Committee, figures like Henry Joel Cadbury, Rufus M. Jones, Hannah Clothier Hull and Lewis -
The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: a Geopolitical Analysis
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by European Scientific Journal (European Scientific Institute) European Scientific Journal December 2019 edition Vol.15, No.35 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 The Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon: A Geopolitical Analysis Ekah Robert Ekah, Department of 'Cultural Diversity, Peace and International Cooperation' at the International Relations Institute of Cameroon (IRIC) Doi:10.19044/esj.2019.v15n35p141 URL:http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2019.v15n35p141 Abstract Anglophone Cameroon is the present-day North West and South West (English Speaking) regions of Cameroon herein referred to as No-So. These regions of Cameroon have been restive since 2016 in what is popularly referred to as the Anglophone crisis. The crisis has been transformed to a separatist movement, with some Anglophones clamoring for an independent No-So, re-baptized as “Ambazonia”. The purpose of the study is to illuminate the geopolitical perspective of the conflict which has been evaded by many scholars. Most scholarly write-ups have rather focused on the causes, course, consequences and international interventions in the crisis, with little attention to the geopolitical undertones. In terms of methodology, the paper makes use of qualitative data analysis. Unlike previous research works that link the unfolding of the crisis to Anglophone marginalization, historical and cultural difference, the findings from this paper reveals that the strategic location of No-So, the presence of resources, demographic considerations and other geopolitical parameters are proving to be responsible for the heightening of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon and in favour of the quest for an independent Ambazonia. -
Social Media and Small Media Use During the Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon
ICT4D? Social Media and Small Media use during the Anglophone Crisis in Cameroon. BY Salome Agborsangaya Nkongho Communication for Development One-year Master 15 Credits August 2018 Supervisor: Anders Høg Hansen Acknowledgement: My deepest gratitude to God almighty in whose strength my weakness is made perfect. I am forever obliged to my creator for life, health and wisdom! I owe it all to Him. To my 3 prayer warriors, my children; Eden whose strong presence gave me courage, Mael in whose eyes I found hope and Maya whose smile gave me joy. I remember our praying times and the times I felt I could not do it, their little hugs of love comforted me… To my husband and father of my children; Macdonald Ayuk, through the good and the bad times, thank you for the spirit of determination you instilled in encouragement, your assistance contributed a lot to the realization of this project. Thank you for everything. Special thanks to my brother-friend Elvis Ayuk, my confidant. Thank you for all your words of encouragement and wise counsel, for always being there for us! You taught me the power of positive thinking, a trait I will use for the rest of my life. Thank you so much "Wise genius":) To my family, my parents, siblings, in-laws and friends. Thank you for all your love and support! Your prayers, kind words and encouragement in any way, meant a lot. Immense gratitude to my supervisor Anders Hög Hansen for his deep insights, intelligent guidance and apt corrections, his direction and suggestions greatly helped me in fine- tuning this project. -
Women, Peace and Security
WOMEN, PEACE AND SECURITY asdf United Nations Women, Peace and Security Study submitted by the Secretary-General pursuant to Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) United Nations 2002 NOTE The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publi- cation do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secre- tariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. The term “country” as used in the text of this publication also refers, as appropriate, to territories or areas. Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters com- bined with figures. United Nations Publication Sales No.E.03.IV.1 ISBN 92-1-130222-6 Copyright© United Nations, 2002 All rights reserved Contents Abbreviations ……………………………………………………… v Foreword …………………………………………………………… ix Acknowledgements …………………………………………….….. xi I. Introduction ………………………………………………... 1 II. Impact of Armed Conflict on Women and Girls ………….... 13 A. Violence against women and girls ………………….… 14 B. Health of women and girls ………………………..…... 18 C. Socio-economic dimensions ………………………….. 22 D. Displacement: women and girls as refugees, returnees and internally displaced persons .………...…………… 25 E. Disappearance and detention ……………………….… 29 F. Challenges to gender roles and relations ……….…….. 30 III. International Legal Framework ……………………….…... 33 A. International humanitarian law and human rights law .. 33 B. Redress for women and girls for conflict-related abuses …………………………………………………. 38 C. Reparations for victims of conflict ………………….... 46 D. Protecting refugee and internally displaced women and girls …………………………….…………………. 47 E. Challenges …………………………………………..… 48 IV. Peace Processes ………………………………………... 53 A. Involvement of women and girls in informal peace processes ………………………………………….